Thursday Scholarly Notes
7/31/25
Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 16: The Later Doctrine of the Sacraments." (pp. 422-455). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
While the Christian sacraments, particularly of baptism and eucharist, have existed since the apostolic period, there were few attempts to systematize the theology by the fifth century (Kelly 1978, p. 422). They were understood as visible signs of an invisible grace. Yet the actual outworking of that grace was not described in substantial detail. There were, to add to the room for potential conflicts, additional actions which may or may not have been recognized as sacraments, such as confirmation and penance (Kelly 1978, p. 423). Augustine and others would confess that the efficacy of a sacrament was not related to the godliness of the person who administered it, but to the power of the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, pp. 424ff).
Kelly observes that the concept of God's grace as the operative power in the sacrament, thus removing the one administering the sacrament from responsibility, could lead to the "so-called ex opere operata doctrine of sacraments, i.e., that they are signs which actually and automatically realize the grace they signify" (Kelly 1978, p. 427). In the East, the character of the one administering the sacraments could be considered to invalidate the sacrament, while this was a less likely opinion in the West.
Kelly moves on to discuss baptism (Kelly 1978, pp. 428ff). Cyril of Jerusalem considered baptism as a regenerative bath in which past sins were washed away and the recipient is moved from sin to righteousness. This move to righteousness placed one on the path of sanctification, urging a change in life. This view was largely consistent with other Greek and Latin teachers during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 429). Among those who considered children to be without sin, it became common to assert that baptism could seal the recipient for a future christian life (Kelly 1978, p. 430).
The image of baptism as a seal of righteousness is common (Kelly 1978, pp. 430-431). Greek fathers by the fourth century spoke of the delivery of unity with God, including bearing the image and holiness of God (Kelly 1978, p. 432).
The confirmation or chrismation, separated from baptism by the fourth and fifth centuries, receive Kelly's attention next. The rite was typically understood as a bestowal of the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 433). A difficulty inherent is the separation of baptism and chrismation, since both impute the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 435).
Though baptism was typically understood as forgiving prior sins, the sacrament of penance came to serve as a means for receiving forgiveness of sins committed after baptism (Kelly 1978, p. 436). The interpretation of sins to which penance could be applied was a matter of contention, as some groups would appear more rigorous than others (Kelly 1978, p. 437). Kelly considers it important to recognize that historically penance could only be applied once in a person's lifetime (Kelly 1978, p. 439). It was a very serious matter. Private confession and absolution was known, and rejected in 589 by the third council of Toledo. Despite the rejection of private confession, we find evidence that at least some sins could be considered resolved without the steps of penance.
The presence of Christ in the eucharist was articulated in two basic ways during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 440). The figurative view, stressing the difference between the elements and the body and blood, was recognized and had significant historical claims to validity (Kelly 1978, p. 440). A new view, emphasizing a change of bread and wine into body and blood, came to more prominence in the fourth and fifth centuries. At the heart of the difficulty is the concurrent use of language and symbolism, of reality, of bread and body, of wine and blood (Kelly 1978, p. 441). Kelly takes the symbolic language used to consistently point to a real presence. When bread and wine are called symbols, it is assumed that body and blood are also present (Kelly 1978, p. 442). Not surprisingly, attempts to explain how the body and blood of Christ are present in the bread and wine were common, intricate, and varied.
Kelly notes that in this time, the eucharist was considered as a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 449). At the same time, it was seen as the way we are brought into union with Christ on a regular basis. The function of the "unbloody sacrifice" deserves evaluation. Cyril of Jerusalem and Chrysostom both spoke in terms of our participation in the sacrifice of Christ, who is present before us (Kelly 1978, p. 451). Kelly notes that Chrysostom (In Hebr. hom. 13,I; 14.I.) says, "We do not offer a different sacrifice, but always the same one, or rather we accomplish the memorial of it" (Kelly 1978, p. 452). It is slightly unclear, based on Kelly's report of Chrysostom and others, whether the sacrifice is being (still) offered by Christ or by the celebrant. However, the idea of a sacrifice on the altar is clear, both in the east and the West (Kelly 1978, pp. 452-453).
7/31/25
Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 16: The Later Doctrine of the Sacraments." (pp. 422-455). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
While the Christian sacraments, particularly of baptism and eucharist, have existed since the apostolic period, there were few attempts to systematize the theology by the fifth century (Kelly 1978, p. 422). They were understood as visible signs of an invisible grace. Yet the actual outworking of that grace was not described in substantial detail. There were, to add to the room for potential conflicts, additional actions which may or may not have been recognized as sacraments, such as confirmation and penance (Kelly 1978, p. 423). Augustine and others would confess that the efficacy of a sacrament was not related to the godliness of the person who administered it, but to the power of the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, pp. 424ff).
Kelly observes that the concept of God's grace as the operative power in the sacrament, thus removing the one administering the sacrament from responsibility, could lead to the "so-called ex opere operata doctrine of sacraments, i.e., that they are signs which actually and automatically realize the grace they signify" (Kelly 1978, p. 427). In the East, the character of the one administering the sacraments could be considered to invalidate the sacrament, while this was a less likely opinion in the West.
Kelly moves on to discuss baptism (Kelly 1978, pp. 428ff). Cyril of Jerusalem considered baptism as a regenerative bath in which past sins were washed away and the recipient is moved from sin to righteousness. This move to righteousness placed one on the path of sanctification, urging a change in life. This view was largely consistent with other Greek and Latin teachers during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 429). Among those who considered children to be without sin, it became common to assert that baptism could seal the recipient for a future christian life (Kelly 1978, p. 430).
The image of baptism as a seal of righteousness is common (Kelly 1978, pp. 430-431). Greek fathers by the fourth century spoke of the delivery of unity with God, including bearing the image and holiness of God (Kelly 1978, p. 432).
The confirmation or chrismation, separated from baptism by the fourth and fifth centuries, receive Kelly's attention next. The rite was typically understood as a bestowal of the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 433). A difficulty inherent is the separation of baptism and chrismation, since both impute the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 435).
Though baptism was typically understood as forgiving prior sins, the sacrament of penance came to serve as a means for receiving forgiveness of sins committed after baptism (Kelly 1978, p. 436). The interpretation of sins to which penance could be applied was a matter of contention, as some groups would appear more rigorous than others (Kelly 1978, p. 437). Kelly considers it important to recognize that historically penance could only be applied once in a person's lifetime (Kelly 1978, p. 439). It was a very serious matter. Private confession and absolution was known, and rejected in 589 by the third council of Toledo. Despite the rejection of private confession, we find evidence that at least some sins could be considered resolved without the steps of penance.
The presence of Christ in the eucharist was articulated in two basic ways during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 440). The figurative view, stressing the difference between the elements and the body and blood, was recognized and had significant historical claims to validity (Kelly 1978, p. 440). A new view, emphasizing a change of bread and wine into body and blood, came to more prominence in the fourth and fifth centuries. At the heart of the difficulty is the concurrent use of language and symbolism, of reality, of bread and body, of wine and blood (Kelly 1978, p. 441). Kelly takes the symbolic language used to consistently point to a real presence. When bread and wine are called symbols, it is assumed that body and blood are also present (Kelly 1978, p. 442). Not surprisingly, attempts to explain how the body and blood of Christ are present in the bread and wine were common, intricate, and varied.
Kelly notes that in this time, the eucharist was considered as a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 449). At the same time, it was seen as the way we are brought into union with Christ on a regular basis. The function of the "unbloody sacrifice" deserves evaluation. Cyril of Jerusalem and Chrysostom both spoke in terms of our participation in the sacrifice of Christ, who is present before us (Kelly 1978, p. 451). Kelly notes that Chrysostom (In Hebr. hom. 13,I; 14.I.) says, "We do not offer a different sacrifice, but always the same one, or rather we accomplish the memorial of it" (Kelly 1978, p. 452). It is slightly unclear, based on Kelly's report of Chrysostom and others, whether the sacrifice is being (still) offered by Christ or by the celebrant. However, the idea of a sacrifice on the altar is clear, both in the east and the West (Kelly 1978, pp. 452-453).
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