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Cultural Christianity and Ritual Development

1/3/2025

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Friday Scholarly Notes
1/3/25

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Ten: The Effects of the Coming of Christendom in the Fourth Century." " In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 211-230). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    Though Bradshaw admits to their being striking developments in Christian liturgy in the fourth century, he observes that many of the changes seem to have roots in the third century or to have appeared only late in the fourth century. He therefore takes them to be less strongly related to the reign of Constantine than we might imagine (Bradshaw 2002, p. 211). For example, monastic practices surrounding the liturgical hours are less a development of the fourth century than a retention of practices common to Christianity in earlier generations (Bradshaw 2002, p. 212). Changes were likely a gradual process, and often an attempt to re-affirm values which had long been acknowledged among Christians.
    Bradshaw notes the significant and intentional manner of Christian separation from similar aspects of paganism (Bradshaw 2002, p. 213). However, he maintains that the strength of the culture surrounding Christianity would necessarily have resulted in some levels of similarity in practices. As an example, he notes the laying on of hands typical in manumission may have influenced the practice of a laying on of hands in baptism (Bradshaw 2002, p. 214). Yet, a hesitancy to embrace pagan elements persisted after the Peace of Constantine. Bradshaw uses practices near the Winter Solstice as an example. Christians would engage in a time of fasting and prayer leading up to their celebration of the birth of Christ, while pagans would engage in feasting in anticipation of the solstice (Bradshaw 2002, p. 214). Christmas and other important observances later took on the character of feasts which could be used not to capitulate, but to rival pagan observances. Initiation rites took on a secretive nature similarly to the initiations of the mystery religions, but were not an attempt to make Christianity into a mystery religion (Bradshaw 2002, p. 215). Rites such as the Eucharist tended to become more elaborate so as to mirror the majesty of God in Christ (Bradshaw 2002, p. 216).
    Bradshaw proposes that some of the changes in Christian liturgy in the fourth century were related to the fact that Christianity was now considered a cultus publicus and needed to take on a recognizable role in society (Bradshaw 2002, p. 217). Therefore it took on some of the language and symbolism common to publicly recognized religions. The liturgical year could then be more completely developed to serve public purposes. Bradshaw considers that the moves may have also served as an attempt to secure Christian practice and belief among those Christians who had culturally been neglecting the faith (Bradshaw 2002, p. 218).
    A general decline in the commitment level of many Christians, in Bradshaw's opinion, could also be related to the desire for more elaborate rituals in the eucharist. He posits an attempt to make the majesty of God more obvious to a congregation and turn their attention to God's glory (Bradshaw 2002, p. 219). Because some people chose not to remain through the eucharist, eventually the eucharist became something treated as optional (Bradshaw 2002, p. 220). Additionally, the seeds for clergy participating in the eucharist while the congregation served as spectators were sown.
    Another important element in liturgical changes of the fourth century was a desire for doctrinal precision (Bradshaw 2002, p. 222). The diverse practices seen in earlier periods tended to merge with one another. Increased travel and improved communication of the period facilitated efforts to agree on standard practices. Heretical movements tended to spread. Orthodox Christianity moved to clarify stances and to be sure that practice accorded with theology (Bradshaw 2002, p. 223). Bradshaw provides numerous areas in which theology was self-consciously related in liturgical expressions. In a very real way, doctrine shapes liturgy (Bradshaw 2002, p. 226). Yet, at the same time, Bradshaw sees instances in which liturgy may have influenced doctrine (Bradshaw 2002, p. 228). As an example, he notes that because the eucharist was seen in some ways as an atoning sacrifice, the prayers around it could focus on all sorts of intercession. The final conclusion that Bradshaw makes is that the liturgical developments in the fourth century were exceedingly complex in their nature and worthy of extensive ongoing study (Bradshaw 2002, p. 229).

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Development of Ministry and Ordination Rituals

12/27/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
12/27/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Nine: Ministry and Ordination." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 192-210). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)
    Bradshaw points out, "The origins and development of Christian ministry has (sic) been an even more hotly debated topic than the evolution of Christian liturgy, and for much longer" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 192). Arguments from the time of the Reformation on have often focused on distinctions between bishops on the one hand and elders or presbyters on the other. Another important issue, especially after the publication of the Didache, was the apparent contemporaneous presence of "apostles, prophets, and teachers on the one hand; and congregationally elected bishops and deacons with administrative duties on the other" (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 192-193). The emerging descriptions of various churchly offices have been difficult to interpret. An additional complication has been the possibility that churchly offices were derived from synagogue practices, which cannot be identified with complete clarity at various dates (Bradshaw 2002, p. 193). The role of wealthy household leaders in providing a place for Christian gatherings may have been related to other elements in Christian life (Bradshaw 2002, p. 194). The relationship between hospitality and leadership is not clear. Bradshaw notes the recent debates regarding women in leadership, which have been fueled at times by the recognition of female householders in early Christianity (cf. Acts 12:12, Colossians 4:15). The potential leadership roles of these wealthy and influential women is a matter worthy of study (Bradshaw 2002, p. 195). There is a further discussion which has been growing in recent years about whether episkopoi and presbyteroi were terms originally used as synonyms, only later becoming differentiated (Bradshaw 2002, p. 196). Since both terms have a considerable semantic range, tracking the actual development of usage tends to be a challenging project.
    Bradshaw considers that changes in leadership patterns could be expected to create some level of tension, as could a lack of change (Bradshaw 2002, p. 197). This tension may be visible in some literature. There is some reflection of this idea in scholarship regarding the leaders described in the Didache. Yet it is not clear that the scenarios postulated, for instance, the decline of prophets and teachers followed by their subsequent replacement by bishops and deacons, ever occurred. Bradshaw describes in turn similar debates about terms used for leadership in the Shepherd of Hermas (Bradshaw 2002, p. 195) and the First Epistle of Clement (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 199-200). The texts both suggest some level of tension among different types of Christian leaders. Bradshaw discusses (briefly) Ignatius of Antioch (Bradshaw 2002, p. w00). Bradshaw sums of the situation. "By the end of the second century . . . the threefold ministry of bishops, presbyters, and deacons does seem to have gained pre-eminence everywhere in mainstream Christianity, and the episcopate had either subsumed into itself other ministries, especially those formerly exercised by teachers and prophets . . . or at least brought them under episcopal control" (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 200-201).
    The concept of the priesthood likewise poses interpretive challenges. The term "priest" is not used of a particular minister in Christianity until the third century. Bradshaw does find it referring to Christ, as well as to Christians in general (Bradshaw 2002, p. 201). The imagery of Christian leaders as priests developed rather gradually. Bradshaw notes comparisons of prophets to priests in the Didache and roles in worship of leaders in 1 Clement (Bradshaw 2002, p. 202). Bradshaw notes that while presbyters tended to be referred to as priests, deacons normally were not, although they were ordained with a laying on of hands (Bradshaw 2002, p. 204). 
    Bradshaw considers the Apostolic Tradition to constitute the first evidence for an ordination ritual (Bradshaw 2002, p. 206). The text of the portion regarding ordination does have significant differences in the various versions, which suggests to Bradshaw that the current versions are not the original. Some debate continued to the time of the Council of Nicea regarding presence of multiple bishops. Further, the rite in Apostolic Tradition has portions which are repeated, which strikes scholars as suggesting a clumsy redaction of two versions of the rite (Bradshaw 2002, p. 207). There are prayers for bishops, presbyters, and deacons, but these are not greatly illuminating due to their composite nature and the difficulty in ascertaining a date. 

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Development of a Liturgy of the Hours

12/20/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
12/20/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Eight: Liturgy and Time." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 171-191). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    In this chapter, Bradshaw explores the development of the "Divine Office or the Liturgy of the Hours," the habit of gathering for prayer at particular times of the day. He then discusses the development of a larger pattern, that of the calendar of the liturgical year (Bradshaw 2002, p. 171).
    There has been a general understanding that individuals have been encouraged to engage in private prayer at particular times of day since the second century. Corporate gatherings corresponding to these hours have normally been understood as arising in the fourth century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 171). However, in the first half of the twentieth century, some scholars have emphasized the continuity of Christian and Jewish practice. This has led to a particular recognition of the habitual engagement in a morning and evening public service from the earliest period of Christianity (Bradshaw 2002, p. 172). This view, however, has been undermined. It is possible that assemblies for instruction and for prayer were conflated, and that the Jewish practice was not overly uniform.
    Further research has suggested divergent practices in ascetic monastic communities as compared to congregations of local Christian churches (Bradshaw 2002, p. 173). The church office, often referred to as "cathedral" practice, would typically occur in the morning and evening, using psalms and hymns, but normally no Scripture readings. Ascetics in monasteries, in contrast, typically would have morning and evening prayers along with additional prayer customs during the day. These observances normally included Scripture readings. The practices, then, are distinct from each other in their nature and their purpose (Bradshaw 2002, p. 174). A habit of gathering for prayer at least five times a day developed in urban monastic communities. As with the rural monastic communities it was not considered necessary to engage in the prayers corporately, though it was common to do so (Bradshaw 2002, p. 175).
    Bradshaw observes that the earliest Eastern sources of information do not speak of prayer twice a day, but three times. There are morning and evening prayers, but also at noon. Western sources insert prayers mid-morning, mid-afternoon, and during the night (Bradshaw 2002, p. 175). Yet Bradshaw sees no statements about some times being more important than others. Further, it may have been that a custom of three times of prayer daily was normal, but the specific times of prayer would differ (Bradshaw 2002, p. 176). In a similar pattern, the urban monastics may have represented a common practice, with traditions of prayer at various times, and with other gatherings in morning and evening, like the services in the cathedrals (Bradshaw 2002, p. 177). Practices of monastic communities and cathedrals may well have tended to come together starting in the fifth century, as Bradshaw observes that monks were given positions over the spiritual lives in basilicas in Rome (Bradshaw 2002, p. 177).
    The liturgical year may well have developed as an extension of weekly gatherings, apparently primarily on Sundays from the time immediately after the resurrection, and not considered a Sabbath (Bradshaw 2002, p0. 178-179). Wednesday and Friday are identified as days for fasting in Didache 8.2. A service of the Word was eventually attached to those days, in the middle of the afternoon (Bradshaw 2002, p. 179). The celebration of Easter, or Pascha, may have developed quickly, though this is not entirely clear until the second century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 180). There is some debate about whether it was normally recognized on a Sunday as opposed to 14 Nisan. A custom of fasts for some days before Easter developed fairly early (Bradshaw 2002, p. 181). By the start of the third century, Easter and the two fast days before it had developed into one unit, the triduum (Bradshaw 2002, p. 181).
    Toward the end of the second century an observation of the 50 days after Easter as the celebratory season was developing. This was considered the season of Pentecost at the time (Bradshaw 2002, p. 182). During this period, the first week after Easter, the Thursday of the ascension, and Pentecost Sunday were the most festal (Bradshaw 2002, p. 183).
    Documentation of Lent appears "rather suddenly in the early part of the fourth century" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 183). It was quickly nearly universal in observance. Recent research suggests that the season didn't grow to 40 days over time, as had been previously thought. Rather, it was always a 40 day period, related to Jesus' temptation in the wilderness. The development was a move in its dates. Originally beginning right after Epiphany (January 6), it became attached to Easter, possibly around 325 (Bradshaw 2002, p. 184).
    Holy Week, the week before Easter, appears to have developed as pilgrims recognized the events of the week. While the development has often been assigned to the fourth century, Bradshaw notes evidence that the customs may have existed in some areas well before the fourth century, when they were imported into Jerusalem (Bradshaw 2002, p. 186).
    Christmas was recognized in Rome and North Africa on December 25 by the mid 4th century. Bradshaw observes that in other areas there was a similar observance on January 6 (Bradshaw 2002, p. 187). The two festivals quickly became nearly universal. Their origins are not very clear. One theory is that early Christians wanted to date Jesus' death on the same calendar date as his conception, thus deriving a December 25 date of birth. Another theory is that December 25 was chosen due to the imperial declaration in 274 of that date for the "birthday of the invincible sun" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 188). The Eastern provinces may have taken January 6 as the solstice. However, Augustine refers to a Christmas date being known prior to 311, at a time when Christians actively avoided any accommodation with pagan Rome. Recent scholarship has suggested that Christians at a very early time took Jesus' birth to be either on December 25 or January 6, and that his baptism by John was also dated near that time of year (Bradshaw 2002, p. 189).
    Bradshaw finally comments on the development of saints' days observances. These can be found by the middle of the second century, with a focus on the day of a prominent Christian's death as the time he or she realized eternal life (Bradshaw 2002, p. 190). These days were essentially local observances, marked with the Eucharist, often near the person's grave.

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Baptism As Ritual That Develops

12/13/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
12/13/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Seven: Christian Initiation: A Study in Diversity." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 144-170). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    Bradshaw notes that modern scholarship regarding initiation rites such as baptism and confirmation was not very active before the late 1950s. The studies became more frequent as there was a greater emphasis on initiation within the regular liturgy of the church (Bradshaw 2002, p. 144). As with the studies of the Eucharist, the initial scholarly attempts sought out a consistent original practice which could develop in a unified way. Bradshaw provides a brief review of some authors who made attempts to harmonize practice across time and space. As with eucharistic studies, Bradshaw considers it important to trace patterns in various places. 
    Questions have been raised about Syrian practice since in 1909 R.H. Connally evaluated the lack of evidence about post-baptismal ceremonies such as confirmation (Bradshaw 2002, p. 146). The lack of evidence has not been resolved adequately, though the practices of baptism and chrismation have been studied in depth. At issue is finding a clear early witness of the practice of confirmation, which seems to be lacking.
    Bradshaw devotes a section to the more recent scholarship on early Syrian initiation practices. In the mid 1970s Gabrielle Winkler argued that there was no early practice of anointing the head and body, but that the anointing of the body was later added to the anointing of the head (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 149-150). She concluded, then, that the chrismation was not a sign of confirmation but that it was a sign of the Holy Spirit, "poured" on the Messiah at his baptism (Bradshaw 2002, p. 150). Bradshaw observes that in Winkler's view, the baptism is patterned on Christ's baptism, but that the chrismation as a sign of the Holy Spirit comes before, rather than after application of water (Bradshaw 2002, p. 151). This has sparked additional scholarly work. The fact is that there are slight differences in descriptions of baptism. Bradshaw considers it necessary that we entertain the possibility that early practices were diverse and gradually regularized (Bradshaw 2002, p. 152).
    Bradshaw evaluates baptism in the Didache among the Syrian materials. Except for the possible reference in the Coptic fragment to be "perfume" or "ointment," there is no mention of a chrismation. This has been interpreted by some as an omission due to the work being intended for presbyters and deacons, rather than for bishops who would perform a chrismation (Bradshaw 2002, p. 153). Others, though it is decidedly a minority view, have suggested the Coptic addition does belong in the text, since chrismation is known to have been practiced in Syria (Bradshaw 2002, p. 154).
    Studies of baptismal practice in Syria have revealed a number of interesting details, according to Bradshaw. Consistent with the separation of Romans 6 from the concept of baptism, we find the season of Easter is not identified as the typical season for baptism (Bradshaw 2002, p. 154). Additionally, Bradshaw finds no evidence for a lengthy period of catechesis or for baptismal sponsors. He does find a custom of a profession of faith being made separately from and before a baptism (Bradshaw 2002, p. 155). After the profession of faith, the new believer would join in the worship of the church, but not be received to communion until after baptism.
    As we consider baptismal rituals in North Africa, Bradshaw reminds us that the works of Tertullian, writing around 200, are not systematic in nature (Bradshaw 2002, p. 156). However, Tertullian discusses a time of preparation including prayers, fasts, and confession. The water is consecrated for the baptism. The convert renounces the devil and is interrogated about the Christian faith three times, corresponding with a threefold immersion. There is an anointing, a laying on of hands, prayer with others, and reception of the eucharist. Though Tertullian mentions numerous details not mentioned in Syrian practice, the immersion and chrismation are similar. The significant change is that in Africa the anointing comes after the baptismal water (Bradshaw 2002, p. 156). Cyprian of Carthage, about 50 years after Tertullian, provides approximately the same series of events as Tertullian. However, he adds exorcism prior to baptism, in the case of "individuals who were seen as violently possessed" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 157). Bradshaw notes the North African ritual is very similar to that found in Rome. The Roman tradition involves two anointings after the baptism, with the second being by a bishop and associated with reception of the Holy Spirit (Bradshaw 2002, p. 158).
    Roman evidence of initiation rituals is limited. Bradshaw notes that Justin Martyr's First Apology and the Apostolic Tradition which he sees attributed to Hippolytus are challenging from an interpretive standpoint (Bradshaw 2002, p. 159). In Justin, there is prayer and fasting, then a washing, in which the convert is reborn, then there is reception into fellowship and the Eucharist (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 159-160). The account is very brief and general, possibly because it was written for pagans so avoided significant detail. Bradshaw does observe that Justin's account is more or less parallel to that of the Didache (Bradshaw 2002, p. 161).
    Apostolic Tradition is primarily difficult because of doubt that it came from Rome and the fact that we don't know if it describes real or ideal practices (Bradshaw 2002, p. 161). Additionally, Bradshaw considers the portion which discusses baptism to have gone through later revision. He considers the baptismal material to consist of a core and two significant layers of revision. Bradshaw takes the core to be in agreement with the account in Justin Martyr (Bradshaw 2002, p. 162). To this were added a number of additional acts which would be performed by a bishop. The final revision added the role of presbyters and deacons. As time went on, Bradshaw thinks creedal material was gradually added. Bradshaw finds virtually no other evidence of specific baptismal rituals associated with Rome during the early period of Christianity (Bradshaw 2002, p. 164).
    Northern Italy has little evidence of early baptismal rituals, though Bradshaw notes that Ambrose of Milan affirms the rites in Milan are similar to those in Rome (Bradshaw 2002, p. 165). Ambrose does, however, detail some differences, which, in Bradshaw's opinion, would not have been innovations as Ambrose self-consciously described unity with Rome. Enrolment of baptismal candidates was done at Epiphany. The day before baptism the candidate's ears and nostrils are touched, symbolically opening them to God (Bradshaw 2002, p. 166). There is an anointing of the body before baptism, then the triple renunciation of the devil and immersion. After the baptism there is only one anointing, followed by a washing of the feet and a spiritual sealing, probably through laying on hands (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 166-167).
    Bradshaw considers Gaul and Spain to have very little information about early initiation to Christianity (Bradshaw 2002, p. 167). Egyptian practices, though often compared to the practices in the West, bear more similarity to Syrian practices (Bradshaw 2002, p. 168).
    Bradshaw concludes that a normative practice cannot be clearly defined, nor can a clear distinction between Eastern and Western rites be made (Bradshaw 2002, p. 169).

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Ritual May Actually Regularize Over Time

12/6/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
12/6/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Six: The Evolution of Eucharistic Rites." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 118-143). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    In chapter one, Bradshaw identified a theory that the eucharistic rites were derived from one uniform practice. However, by the middle of the 20th century, some scholars were diverting from this view, accepting some level of fluidity in ritual practice (Bradshaw 2002, p. 118).    
    The publication of the Didache with its eucharistic prayers and instruction for the eucharistia showed a different picture than that which had been received from other writings (Bradshaw 2002, p. 119). For this reason, Bradshaw says, "scholars committed to the single-origin theory therefore generally sought ways to exclude it from consideration" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 119). At issue seems to be the presence of indications of a full meal and the absence of an institution narrative. Bradshaw briefly details the reactions of a variety of scholars (Bradshaw 2002, p. 120). One common reaction was simply to ignore the Didache and look elsewhere for roots of the eucharist. This movement generally concluded that the elements of a eucharistic celebration had some roots in a Jewish Sabbath service, and some in the Passover meal (Bradshaw 2002, p. 121).
    Bradshaw evaluates the view of Gregory Dix at some length (Bradshaw 2002, p. 122 ff). He took the rituals of a church service to have a relatively static outline, but one which moved from more diversity to less over time (Bradshaw 2002, p. 122). Bradshaw considers this claim to be unreliable, due to a lack of evidence for early Christian practice and for synagogue practices at the time (Bradshaw 2002, p. 123). Dix further saw an original seven-step pattern in the eucharistic ritual. This he derived from Jesus' actions in the Last Supper. The seven actions were condensed in terms of liturgy to four distinct actions, in a pattern established prior to the publication of the synoptic gospels and 1 Corinthians (Bradshaw 2002, p. 124). Dix took the eucharistic prayers as derived from a standardized Jewish pattern for prayers at a meal. Bradshaw again questions whether there is adequate documentation to posit such set prayers (Bradshaw 2002, p. 125).
    Bradshaw observes that in the 1950s there were considerations of roots of the eucharistic prayer found in the Jewish berakah, possibly using the Sanctus as a climax (Bradshaw 2002, pp. 126-127). The various attempts to document this overall shape strike Bradshaw as inadequate (Bradshaw 2002, p. 127).
    Bouyer's treatment of the eucharist considered Jewish forms in detail. Like Dix, Bradshaw notes that Bouyer assumes stability of Jewish prayers in the first century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 128). He concludes that "Bouyer attempted to prove too much and with too great a precision" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 129).
    Counter to Bouyer, Bradshaw notes Louis Ligier, who noted there were numerous anaphoras with substantial differences (Bradshaw 2002, p. 129). Ligier emphasized the presence and structure of the institution narratives in the eucharistic prayers, as well as the adapted structure of the Birkat ha-mazon (Bradshaw 2002, p. 130). The Sanctus then would complete the shape of the eucharistic ritual (Bradshaw 2002, p. 131). Bradshaw questions briefly why, in Ligier's mind, it would be necessary to find a Jewish antecedent to each portion of the Christian ritual.
    Bradshaw next evaluates the view of Thomas Talley, who considered the eucharistic prayer to follow the structure of the Birkat ha-mazon, but with the first two elements reversed (Bradshaw 2002, p. 131). The structure thus is focused on thanksgiving followed by supplication (Bradshaw 2002, p. 132).
    Bryan Spinks questioned whether Jesus did use the Birkat ha-mazon at the Last Supper, as opposed to some other traditional meal prayer (Bradshaw 2002, p. 133). He acknowledged the likelihood of an improvised prayer.
    Geoffrey Cuming posited a development of the Anaphora of St. Mark from origins found in the Strasbourg Papyrus, in a number of stages (Bradshaw 2002, p. 134). He considered the Strasbourg Papyrus as the source for a number of other later anaphoras.
    The entry of the Sanctus into the anaphoras remained a matter of dispute (Bradshaw 2002, p. 135). Bryan Spinks, finding the element in some but not all early liturgical records, posited the existence of a number of divergent archetypes (Bradshaw 2002, p. 136). The emergence of the Sanctus, sometimes with a Benedictus and sometimes without it, has remained a matter of debate (Bradshaw 2002, p. 136-137). Bradshaw finds evidence for diversity of liturgical forms in the earliest Christian observance.
    Enrico Mazza moved scholarship toward recognition of a tripartite structure in eucharistic prayer (Bradshaw 2002, p. 138). Bradshaw considers relating all the early liturgical forms to a tripartite structure to be forced and unnatural. Bradshaw does consider Mazza's contention that separate prayers were used for distinct units in the eucharistic celebration to be useful (Bradshaw 2002, p. 138). 

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Where to Learn about Early Liturgy

11/29/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
11/29/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Five: Other Major Liturgical Sources." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 98-117). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    In this chapter, Bradshaw reviews important liturgical documents from various areas. His intention in this is to identify regional distinctives which may have existed at dates earlier than the extant documents (Bradshaw 2002, p. 98).
    From Rome, Bradshaw considers the First Apology of Justin Martyr, dating to about 15, in which we have the "earliest substantial description of Chrsitian worship" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 98). In chapters 61-67 Justin provides a description of baptism, leading to eucharist, then an outline of a more regular Sunday service with the eucharist. Bradshaw notes that it is unclear whether Justin is describing practice in one congregation or in general principles which would be found in many communities. Further, the level of detail is rather vague, possibly due to variations in different congregations or due to a desire to make the explanation less complicated (Bradshaw 2002, p. 99). It is not clear, likewise, whether the eucharistic prayers are all at one time or separated, one for each element, and whether a full meal accompanies the eucharist. Sources other than Justin are scanty. Bradshae notes some reference in the Shepherd ofHermas, in Apostolic Tradition, then a letter of Innocent I (416), and sermons of Leo the Great (440-461) (Bradshaw 2002, p. 100).
    In North Africa, there are some scattered references to liturgy from Tertullian, converted about 195 (Bradshaw 2002, p. 101). He began in opposition to Montanism, but later embraced it. Bradshaw considers it uncertain whether Tertullian was describing real or ideal practices. Cyprian of Carthage, bishop from 248-258, and Augustine of Hippo, bishop from 396-430 make some comments. Due to the later Arab conquest, there are no later liturgical sources from North Africa (Bradshaw 2002, p. 102).
    Northern Italy does not have sources for liturgical information prior to Ambrose of Milan, about 339-97 (Bradshaw 2002, p. 102). Bradshaw considers his comments to be not very explicit. Other North Italian sources are Ambrose's contemporaries Chromatius, Gaudentius, and Zeno, then in the fifth century Maximus of Turin and Peter Chrysologus of Ravenna (Bradshaw 2002, p. 103).
    Gaul and Spain have few sources prior to at least the fifth century, with the exception of Irenaeus of Lyons, from the late second century. Bradshaw considers this to provide little information (Bradshaw 2002, p. 103).
    In Egypt, Bradshaw notes the writings of Clement of Alexandria and Origen, from the late second and early third centuries, whose references are difficult to evaluate (Bradshaw 2002, p. 103). Both Clement of Alexandria and Origen tend toward allegory and analogy, creating challenges in determining whether a text is to be taken literally (Bradshaw 2002, p. 104). There are few additional resources, and the two which are most likely, namely the Canons of Hippolytus and the Sacramentary of Serapion are of uncertain provenance (Bradshaw 2002, p. 104). Evaluation of the Strasbourg Papyrus 254, the Anaphora of St. Mark, and the Anaphora of St. Basil may or may not be helpful in considering Egyptian liturgy. Yet Bradshaw considers these to be also of uncertain provenance (Bradshaw 2002, p. 106).
    Syrian liturgical works include the Didache, the Acts of John, the Acts of Thomas, and the Syriac Acts of John. These are difficult in that an original text is hard to establish (Bradshaw 2002, p. 107). While the practices may reflect a real tradition, they tend to be placed in the hands of apostolic figures, which calls the authenticity of the accounts into question. Bradshaw does consider John Chrysostom (c. 347-407) to be "a major source of the liturgy of Antioch" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 108). The Anaphora of the Twelve Apostles may be helpful, though its provenance is disputed. Theodore of Mopsuestia, active in Antioch and then in Mopsuestia from 383 onward composed homilies dealing with liturgical occasions, likely while in Antioch and definitely in Syria (Bradshaw 2002, p. 109). An element surrounded by debate is a reference to post-baptismal chrismation, which may be a later interpolation (Bradshaw 2002, p. 110). From East Syria, Bradshaw notes Sphraates, Ephrem, and Cyrillonus of Edessa from the fourth century, Narsai from the fifth century, and the Anaphora of the Apostles Addai and Mari (Bradshaw 2002, p. 110-111). He finally mentions in passing the Anaphora of Nestorius and the Anaphora of Theodore considered to be derived from works mentioned earlier (Bradshaw 2002, p. 112).
    There is little early evidence for liturgical practice in Jerusalem. Further, by the time we see more information in the fourth or fifth century, Jerusalem had a history as a place of pilgrimage so the practice may well have been influenced by other regions (Bradshaw 2002, p. 113). Bradshaw recognizes the Catecheses of Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem from 350-387 to be useful, though unclear in provenance. The Pilgrimage of Egeria, a travel diary from the fourth century, may be of use, though incomplete (Bradshaw 2002, p. 115). Bradshaw further mentions the fifth century Armenian Lectionary and a late Georgian Lectionary, containing some liturgical rubrics (Bradshaw 2002, p. 116), as well as The liturgy of St. James, possibly developed from a liturgical core originating in Antioch and Jerusalem around the year 400. It is possible that this work was largely an adaptation of the liturgy of St. Basil (Bradshaw 2002, p. 117). 

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What Does A Church Order Do?

11/22/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
11/22/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Four: Ancient Church Orders: A Continuing Enigma." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 73-97). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    Bradshaw observes that the nineteenth century saw a spate of discovery and publication of ancient church orders, directions for the morals, liturgy, and organization of churches (Bradshaw 2002, p. 72). Titles and provenance of some of the documents are challenging matters as the works are generally not extant in their original form. The copying and redactional process can create multiple similar documents with different names or different documents under the same name. 
    Upon consideration of the various works, "it rapidly became obvious that they were more than merely parallel examples of a particular type of literature. Parts of the different documents exhibited such a marked similarity to one another that it clearly pointed to a direct literary relationship" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 75). However, the nature of that relationship is not entirely clear. A proposed relationship has gradually become fairly clear (see picture of fig. 4.2 from p. 76).
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Picture

    Bradshaw continues with a brief synopsis of the various church orders and of the scholarly evaluation of their texts (Bradshaw 2002, p. 77ff). Because my particular research focuses on the Didache, my review here does as well. The textual history given is very brief, compared to that of Niederwimmer (1998). Bradshaw does state that a comparison of the Didache as used in Apostolic Church Order and Apostolic Constitutions 7 is helpful in determining the correct reading of the text (Bradshaw 2002, p. 77). Bradshaw does briefly consider the possibility that the Didache is very early, possibly antedating the canonical Gospels. However, this speculation is generally built on an assumption that the eucharistic theology is undeveloped (Bradshaw 2002, p. 78). Because theology may have developed along different tracks in different places, Bradshaw does not consider this a definitive analytical method (Bradshaw 2002, p. 78).
    Bradshaw goes on to discuss the Didascalia Apostolorum (Bradshaw 2002, p. 78-80), the Apostolic church Order (p. 80), Apostolic Tradition (pp. 80-83), the Canons of Hippolytus (pp. 83-84), Apostolic Constitutions (pp. 84-86), and Testamentum Domini (pp. 86-87).
    For the most part, the church orders we know of appear in collections of other similar material. Bradshaw considers evaluation of this context to be a necessary, though neglected, task. (Bradshaw 2002, p. 88). He observes that the orders typically appear in the same sequence across the different collections. For this reason, Bradshaw thinks there must be some literary relationships among the collections, but he rules out direct dependency (Bradshaw 2002, p. 89). The similarity is simply not adequate for such a process to have taken place. Bradshaw details a number of possible explanations for the works being collected in the way they were. The process, however, remains mysterious.
    Bradshaw considers the possibility that church orders should be considered "living literature" in which the texts are updated and altered over time. In this mention of the process, he considers the goal as reproducing what was the practice of the time (Bradshaw 2002, p. 91). The question of the "original" or the "correct" reading of a text is therefore quite challenging. Likewise, due to the fluid nature of the works, the actual sources may well be obscured (Bradshaw 2002, p. 92). Bradshaw illustrates this briefly in terms of the challenge inherent in tracking editorial changes of material common to the Didache, the Doctrina Apostolorum, and the Epistle of Barnabas (Bradshaw 2002, p. 92-93). 
    A final challenge faced by scholars of these works is the term/concept "apostolic." In the earliest usage, Bradshaw considers it to mean "consistent with the teaching of the apostles" while later it came to mean "written by the apostles" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 93). This creates difficulties as one and the same term can be used as an indication of orthodoxy or of specific authorship. Some works have gone so far as to suggest the "apostolic" works are directly from the pens or mouths of the Twelve apostles, though we lack evidence for a sufficiently early date. The claim to authorship by the original apostles is powerful, but Bradshaw does not consider it to be accurate (Bradshaw 2002, p. 95-97).

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Where's Liturgy or Where's Waldo?

11/15/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
11/15/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Three: Worship in the New Testament." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 47-72). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    In this chapter, Bradshaw observes that there are various different tendencies which have emerged in research over the past 50 years.While the various studies are too numerous to detail, the trends can be identified (Bradshaw 2002, p. 47).
    Some scholars show "a tendency to see signs of liturgy everywhere" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 47). The predisposition to "panliturgism" seeks out seeds of later liturgy in earlier works. For instance, Bradshaw notes that some scholars have tried to find an influence of Jewish lectionaries behind the arrangement of narrative material in the canonical Gospels, making them fit into Sabbath lectionary systems (Bradshaw 2002, p. 48). Others have taken part or all of different epistles as not only addressing specific situations in local churches but also as intended for public reading in conjunction with a particular season (Bradshaw 2002, p. 49). Still others have sought to describe Christian practice as either inextricably tied to Jewish practice or completely divergent from it. Several scholars have proposed different New Testament works as intended for baptismal catechesis (Bradshaw 2002, p. 50).
    Bradshaw observes, "Many conclusions about worship in the New Testament - including some of those listed above - are arrived at only by assuming that liturgical customs found in later centuries must have been in continuous existence from the first century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 51). He questions the validity of such an assertion when the New Testament does not clearly introduce a liturgical custom. There are some elements of liturgy which can be documented to extend back to the New Testament, and others which can be shown to be highly unlikely. As an example, Bradshaw notes the paschal and baptismal liturgy being tied directly to the Apocalypse.
    The lack of comprehensive evidence of New Testament worship has led some scholars to attempt assembly of scraps of information into a comprehensive picture (Bradshaw 2002, p. 52). This can be done based on a presupposition of uniformity in worship practices. If the later diversity in practices do not represent a fragmentation of one archetype, but rather the extension of diverse forms of worship, attempts at harmonization will not be accurate.
    One challenge noted by Bradshaw is that most of the New Testament descriptions of Christian worship are in Acts (Bradshaw 2002, p. 53). While these depictions are clear as far as they go, Bradshaw is uncertain that they are normative or can legitimately be generalized. They may tell us more about the author's experience but relatively little about practices in various locations or of what would be typical in repeated instances, for example, the baptism of a household or individual (Bradshaw 2002, p. 54). A common question regarding New TEstament worship is the role of laying on of hands in ceremonial contexts (Bradshaw 2002, p. 55). The ritual function is simply not clear.
    Bradshaw observes that the Epistles in particular make possible allusion to liturgy, but relatively few specific descriptions of ritual (Bradshaw 2002, p. 56). Mentions of the Passover, of washing, of changing clothing, or being sealed in some way may refer to particular liturgical events or they may be metaphorical in nature. 
    Research into specific materials considered as hymns or liturgical statements has received much attention in recent decades (Bradshaw 2002, p. 57). Bradshaw references several of the more commonly cited passages. Bradshaw notes the difficulty of identifying passages which are inserted into text as a piece of liturgy as opposed to material which is simply poetic in nature (Bradshaw 2002, p. 58). It is also unclear whether the passages are hymns or prayers. It is clear to Bradshaw (and others) that there were recognizable liturgical elements. What they were and how they functioned is something about which we have limited insight.
    While it is normally agreed upon that Chrsitian baptism is derived from the work of John the Baptist, Bradshaw notes the origin of his work is unclear. The Qumran community had numerous ceremonial washings but not one which would be seen as an initiation into the community (Bradshaw 2002, p. 59). A washing for converts to Judaism is known from a later time, but cannot be traced to the early first century. Washings for ritual purification are known, but not necessarily for initiation (Bradshaw 2002, p. 60). Bradshaw questions the authenticity of the trinitarian formula in Matthew 28:16-20. He also observes that only in John's gospel is Jesus depicted as baptizing people. Regardless of the doubts about roots of a baptismal ritual, Bradshaw sees it as being a normative practice for Christian initiation from a very early date (Bradshaw 2002, p. 60). There were a number of different interpretations of the primary emphasis of baptism, whether it is on forgiveness, the reception of the Holy Spirit, new birth, enlightenment, or union with Christ (Bradshaw 2002, p. 61). The diversity of interpretations of the same ritual act may be important to our understanding of early Christianity.
    The relation of the Last Supper and the Lord's Supper is an important area of consideration, along with an understanding of the accuracy of the accounts which are presented in Scripture (Bradshaw 2002, p. 61). Bradshaw notes a diversity of opinion regarding the actual historical liturgical practices, including the institution narrative (Bradshaw 2002, p. 62). It is unclear, in Bradshaw's opinion, whether the institution narrative was commonly used liturgically prior to the fourth century, though it was clearly used in catechesis.
    The relation of the Passover and the Last Supper is a contentious matter as well. Bradshaw notes the root issue is the timing. The Fourth Gospel presents the Last Supper as before Passover, thus having Jesus die at the time of the death of the sacrificial lambs (Bradshaw 2002, p. 63). Some suggest a difference in calendars in use in the culture or that there are adjustments made for theological purposes. Others consider the Last Supper simply to be not a Passover meal. Bradshaw briefly explores Essene customs of celebratory thanksgiving meals (Bradshaw 2002, p. 64-65).
    The concept of a distinction between the Eucharist and the fellowship meal was developed in the late 19th century by Friedrich Spitta and developed further by Lietzmann (Bradshaw 2002, p. 65). Bradshaw describes the development of these theories in some detail.
    In recent scholarship, Bradshaw finds two important approaches to the Lord's supper. In one, scholars compare it with formal meals, particularly the symposion, featuring a meal followed by drinking wine and engaging in discussion. In the other, scholars evaluate the eucharist in the context of other meals described in the New TEstament, particularly involving Jesus (Bradshaw 2002, p. 68). This results in an emphasis on diversity of practices, rather than an identification of one overarching practice. These emphases tend to include attempts at explaining the order of wine then bread, as found in Luke 22:15-19 and 1 Corinthians 10L16, along with the Didache chapters 9-10 69). Bradshaw discusses the work of Andrew McGowan at some length, particularly in his evaluation of the cup-bread order in Didache, in Papias, and in Hippolytus. He also considers the insistence of Irenaus, Clement, and others that wine be used as evidence that there were significant moves to the use of bread and water (Bradshaw 2002, p. 69).
    Bradshaw considers it to be "worth asking the question as to whether the Eucharist ever conformed to the pattern presented in the New Testament narratives of the Last Supper, in which the bread and cup rituals were separated by the meal" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 70, emphasis his). The inference can be made from the New Testament, but it is unclear whether this was a prescriptive pattern. It is altogether possible, in Bradshaw's estimation, that Chrsitians considered all ritual meals to be a commemoration of Jesus, regardless of the form the actual meal took (Bradshaw 2002, p. 71). 

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Christianity Drawing on Pagan and Jewish Roots

11/8/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
11/8/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter Two: The Background of Early Christian Worship." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 21-46). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    Bradshaw observes that many scholars have given little attention to the pagan context in which Christianity grew. By the end of the 19th century, however, the "history-of-religions school" (Religionsgeschichtliche Schule) began making comparisons between primitive Christianity as far back as the apostolic period and the surrounding paganism, especially including the Greek mystery religions (Bradshaw 2002, p. 21). These comparisons were met with resistance, as there were scholars along a broad spectrum of views. Some considered that the surrounding religious climate had only minimal influence on Christianity, while some thought it was a tremendous influence (Bradshaw 2002, p. 22). Bradshaw considers the work of comparing Christianity and a pagan context was too narrowly focused on mystery religions and that scholars were overly eager to find parallels even by using written evidence from substantially different periods, therefore the endeavor was not successful. Bradshaw acknowledges that Christianity was necessarily influenced in some ways by the societal context (Bradshaw 2002, p. 22). After all, Christians have never been silent in regards to addressing perceived societal problems.
    Counter to the interplay of Christianity and paganism, the inheritance of elements of Judaism is well accepted (Bradshaw 2002, p. 23). Yet Bradshaw considers many of the attempts to explore Jewish roots of liturgy to be uncritical. Jewish practices in the first century were not monolithic in nature. Picking and choosing elements which correlate is not a reliably accurate practice. A significant problem in these studies is that extant Jewish liturgical texts come primarily from the ninth century and after (Bradshaw 2002, p. 24).
    Bradshaw considers the methodologies of those who have pursued discovery of earlier forms of Jewish liturgy. He notes that Leopold Zunz (1794-1886) is considered as an early luminary in the field. Zunz presupposed that liturgy became more diverse and complex over time. Therefore, taking words or phrases which exist in later liturgies in different locations, he attempted to identify common roots (Bradshaw 2002, p. 25). Subsequent discoveries of fragmentary and early Palestinian liturgical texts show considerable variation in wording, thus undermining the theory put forth by Zunz and his followers (Bradshaw 2002, p. 26).
    Joseph Heinemann (1915-1977) applied form-critical methods to Jewish liturgy, with his 1964 doctoral dissertation (Bradshaw 2002, p. 27). He observed that different structures and phrases were used in different contexts . On the basis of this observation, he attempted to trace the origin of various types of prayers. The concept can readily be applied to other types of liturgical elements. Heinemann's conclusion was that "a variety of oral versions [of liturgy] had existed from the first and only late were these subjected to standardization" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 28). There remains a divide among scholars of Jewish liturgy. Bradshaw observes that while some have accepted Heinemann's propositions, others have maintained a more traditional philological approach (Bradshaw 2002, p. 29). There is some doubt whether liturgy which has become standards was derived from an ancient tradition or represents an imposition of a standard by an elite group of rabbis (Bradshaw 2002, p. 30). This has led to a fairly broad consensus that liturgical literature is, at least in some measure, selective. The process of transmission omits some features and creates others, in a way which is not always easily documented (Bradshaw 2002, p. 31).
    Bradshaw concludes that the most responsible way to evaluate Judaism's influence on Chrsitian liturgy involves a focus on the first century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 33). Although we have evidence for continuing contact of Judaism and Christianity through the fourth century, the groups differentiated more significantly after the first century, as Christianity was increasingly Gentile. Identifying contemporary patterns, as opposed to later accounts of what may have happened in the past, is more reliable. Bradshaw again acknowledges that there were multiple expressions of Judaism in the first century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 34). Yet, with that in mind, Bradshaw notes there are striking parallels between liturgical evidence from the Qumran literature and early Christianity, and that much of the Qumran liturgical material would seem likely to be generally applicable to a broad spectrum of Judaism (Bradshaw 2002, p. 34). Bradshaw observes that a substantial amount of information has recently been coming to light in terms of 1st century Jewish hymns and prayers (Bradshaw 2002, p. 35). This may prove to be helpful in identifying possible influences on Christian liturgy.
    First century synagogue worship has typically been assumed to consist of "recitation of the shema, the recitation of the Tefillah, the priestly blessing, the reading from the Torah, and the reading from the Prophets" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 36). Those five elements are listed in that order in the Mishnah, among elements of worship which require at least ten adult males. However, Bradshaw notes there are other elements which would not seem to be part of a typical synagogue service and that assuming the elements would be standard in the first century is not necessarily warranted. He sees growing doubt based on literature and archaeological studies that services were so standardized at the time. Rather, the synagogue service may have primarily consisted of a study of Torah. The more standard customs may not have arisen until the third or fifth centuries. The exception, he says, is in the accounts found in Luke 4:16-30 and Acts 13:15 (Bradshaw 2002, p. 37). Use of specific Psalms for different weeks is also a matter of substantial doubt (Bradshaw 2002, p. 38).
    Similarly, the evidence for daily prayer services in Jewish communities is unclear, though there is evidence for individual use of the Shema and Tefillah (Bradshaw 2002, p. 39). Bradshaw provides documentation of sources for the individual use of these prayers, but finds evidence lacking for a community assembly for corporate prayers (Bradshaw 2002, p. 40). The standardization and drawing of people together for corporate prayer appears to be a second or third century practice (Bradshaw 2002, p. 432).
    Bradshae does observe that a berekah was a form of prayer known to be used in the first century. However, there was not one standard form during the first century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 43). Prayers of praise and of confession both exist, with a variety of adaptations of a basic format.
    Evidence exists for blessings at the end of meals. Though Bradshaw does not consider the texts to be standardized, it seems the structure was a series of berakot, which became more standard by the time of the Mishnah. Prayers at the start of the meal became traditional by the middle of the second century but were not so in the first century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 44). In general, the growth of standard forms of prayer took place after the fall of Jerusalem in 70, though basic structures can be found beforehand (Bradshaw 2002, p. 45). Standard content of prayers develops over time.

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Where Do We Think Christian Worship Came From?

11/1/2024

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Friday Scholarly Notes
11/1/24

Bradshaw, Paul F. (2002). Chapter One: Shifting Scholarly Perspectives." In The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. (pages 1-20). Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)

    In this chapter, Bradshaw attempts to describe methodological approaches to study of early Christian liturgy (Bradshaw 2002, p. 1). Until the early part of the 20th century, he sees a philological method in operation. In this methodology, scholars would compare liturgical outcomes, particularly pertaining to the Eucharist, then seek out elements which were held in common, reading back in history, to hopefully identify an apostolic view which would be found through those elements. The assumption was that liturgy began as a relatively extensive set of rubrics which were generally reduced in complexity (Bradshaw 2002, p. 2). However, Bradshaw considers that more recent consensus suggests the liturgy tended to increase, rather than decrease, in its complexity (Bradshaw 2002, p. 3). A study of liturgical literature may benefit from historiographical methods, rather than reliance solely on literary analysis. The evidence for early forms of liturgy is scanty and often fragmentary in nature (Bradshaw 2002, p. 4). This poses difficulties in terms of a search for unity of practice.
    A second issue Bradshaw identifies is inherent in the purpose and use of liturgical texts. Unlike literary works, a rubric which is preserved normally restricts itself to the current common usage in a particular place (Bradshaw 2002, p. 4). For this reason, Bradshaw expects that liturgical texts may tend to omit material that differs from that current practice. Elements which had become common use could also tend to be added, even if there was no solidly grounded precedent in an earlier liturgical work. This, Bradshaw states, is a tendency which liturgical works have in common with all "living literature" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 5).
    Another approach to liturgics is identified as the Structural approach. Bradshaw notes the tremendous influence of Gregory Dix and his 1945 The Shape of the Liturgy (Bradshaw 2002, p. 6). Dix found the unity not in the rubrical approach, but in the actions which accompanied, and, in his opinion, drove the rubrics. Bradshaw considers this assumption to have serious difficulties when faced with the eucharistic portion of the Didache or with the growing understanding that Jewish traditions were not strongly unified in the 1st century (Bradshaw 2002, p. 7). The reality may be that there was a unified stream, but it is also possible that at a later time, such as the fourth century, there were more attempts to unify something that had originally shown considerable diversity. The lack of proof is a challenge in these views (Bradshaw 2002, p. 8).
    A third model for scholarship is an "organic" approach. Bradshaw finds this rooted in the 19th century comparative religions scholarship (Bradshaw 2002, p. 9). Comparative religious studies may well be rooted in the 19th century biological studies of Darwin. Applied outside the field of biology, a classification of liturgy based on the survival of the fittest results in a devaluation of the consistency of a culture. Cultures do not necessarily move from simple to more complex, and the adaptation of liturgy is not always consistent with biological speciation (Bradshaw 2002, p. 10). Liturgy defies such a classification. It develops and is refined over time, but it may become more diverse or more unified. An organic methodology requires some sort of straight line of development.
    Bradshaw acknowledges that comparisons of liturgical elements are of value (Bradshaw 2002, p. 14). It is necessary to evaluate similarities and differences in liturgical practices. The liturgies are necessarily rooted in something, and commonalities should not be overlooked. However, Bradshaw considers much liturgical study to have been carried on naively.
    Cautioned by the failings of a variety of methods, Bradshaw urges a liturgical hermeneutic which is slightly suspicious in nature. The downfall of liturgical scholarship is its failure "to consider such matters as the particular character of the text, the author's aims and intentions in its composition, and the context in which it was written" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 15). He notes that many texts merely allude to parts of Christian worship, and likely leave substantial details out. This may also be the case as regards church orders or conciliar texts, which may only mention what is at issue in that particular setting (Bradshaw 2002, p. 16). Liturgical acts are more comprehensive, in my understanding of Bradshaw's discussion, than whatever is specifically included in rubrics.
    Bradshaw specifically warns against automatically accepting authoritative pronouncements as the prevailing custom (Bradshaw 2002, p. 17). While they may be, they may also express a desire for a normalization of a practice. Bradshaw further cautions that liturgical directives may or may not be evidence of actual practices (Bradshaw 2002, p. 18). Conciliar acts normally represent correctives of some sort. They may affirm a commonly used ritual, or may endorse something different. A careful evaluation of the context of the statement is necessary. Third, Bradshaw notes that liturgical studies often attempt to explain the origin of a practice. However, these origins may or may not be true. Some "are the product of a pious imagination" (Bradshaw 2002, p. 19). Historical study weighs the various claims before making a decision.
    In conclusion, Bradshaw considers the work of evaluating liturgy in history as a challenging, but worthwhile effort.

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