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Early Descriptions of the Trinity

5/8/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/8/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 4: The Divine Triad." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 83-108). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly observes that from the earliest period, Christians have been staunchly monotheistic, confessing one all powerful God who created and sustains all things (Kelly 1978, p. 83). After about the middle of the second century there are some hints of secular philosophical thought creeping into Christian writings (Kelly 1978, p. 84). In the instances Kelly notes, there is some acknowledgement of the secular philosophies moving in a right (or wrong) direction, and clarification or refutation made in the terminology which would be used among the philosophers.
    The difficulty faced by the early Christians was how to articulate this one God who revealed himself through Jesus and poured out the Holy Spirit. Working with these three entities in such a way as to fit with the concept of one and only one God was a challenge (Kelly 1978, p. 87). The clear articulation of "one God existing in three co-equal Persons" was not formally articulated and accepted until 381 at the Council of Constantinople (Kelly 1978, p. 88). In this chapter Kelly reviews the attempts at a trinitarian articulation up to 325 and the Council of Nicea. The descriptions of baptismal catechesis from the early period are particularly helpful in this regard. Irenaeus, the Didache, and Justin Martyr all describe baptism in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 89). Kelly discerns this as some sort of established liturgical form (Kelly 1978, p. 90). The threefold formula can also be found in early eucharistic prayers.
    Kelly observes that the Apostolic Fathers "appear as witnesses to the traditional faith rather than interpreters striving to understand it" (Kelly 1978, p. 90). Though they make few explanations, they assert theological stances which reflect a trinitarian point of view. A specific defense of the trinitarian theology is lacking, very likely because it was not the issue being addressed in the conflicts or explanations at hand. Kelly describes a number of these writings.
    In contrast to the Apostolic Fathers, the second century Apologists made specific attempts to defend doctrinal points of view (Kelly 1978, p. 95). Their monotheism was clear. In general, they tried to deal with the pre-existent and pre-incarnate Son by means of a category of Christ as the mind of the Father. This is a reasonable use of the Logos as described in John as well as in Philo (Kelly 1978, p. 96). Kelly illustrates these discussions particularly in the work of Justin. He then goes on to describe, in turn, Tatian (Kelly 1978, p. 98), Theophilus of Antioch (Kelly 1978, p. 99), and Athenagoras. Kelly notes that the Apologists are not systematic theologians. They use "the Father" for the unified Godhead. They use "the Son" not as the preincarnate Son, but as he becomes evident in the incarnation (Kelly 1978, p. 100). He goes on to say, "they lacked a technical vocabulary adequate for describing eternal distinctions within the Deity; but that they apprehended such distinctions admits of no doubt" (Kelly 1978, p. 101).
    The Apologists were focused on the nature of Christ in the Godhead. For this reason, Kelly observes they did not systematically build a case for the Trinity (Kelly 1978, p. 101). However, their discussion of the Godhead routinely fell into triads, indicating a Trinitarian point of view in the Church. At times, the apologists will make statements about the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit and will use language of distinction in order. However, Kelly thinks this does not refer to subordination but rather to a distinction of operations (Kelly 1978, pp. 104-105). Kelly describes this in some detail. At its root, this view shows the persons of the Trinity all to be divine but to work in different ways. It also affirms that all the persons are equally one God.

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Scripture - recognized, not imposed

5/1/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/1/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 3: The Scriptures." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 52-79). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly notes that by the apostolic period, though the collection was not articulated as such, the Old Testament was agreed upon by Jews, and was quickly recognized by most Christians as their authoritative works as well (Kelly 1978, p. 52). The early Christians seem to have used the Septuagint including what we would now consider the Apocrypha rather than the more restricted Masoretic Text (Kelly 1978, p.
54).  The Apocrypha were less favorably received in the East than in the West. By the fourth century those works were regularly removed from readings in the East. In the West, in most settings, they were included as Scripture (Kelly 1978, p. 55).
    New Testament writings were recognized as Scripture at a very early period. Kelly cites Marcion, the second century heretic, as being the person who compelled Christians to make formal lists of what works belonged to a New Testament (Kelly 1978, p. 57). Kelly, evaluating this activity, notes that there is evidence of some recognized corpus of the New Testament prior to Marcion (Kelly 1978, p. 58). In any case, Marcion's rejection of some writings suggests a known collection from which some parts could be rejected. Kelly notes that the first actual list we have of our current New Testament works comes from Athanasius in 367, and that there was still ongoing debate about the contents into the sixth century (Kelly 1978, p. 60).
    Kelly notes that Christianity adopted a view of inspiration of Scripture from Judaism and quickly applied it to the New Testament writings as well as the Old (Kelly 1978, p. 61). The nature of inspiration as understood by the patristic authors was generally that the writers were taken into an ecstatic state and had little or no control of how they wrote what they did (Kelly 1978, p. 62). After the rise of Montanism, however, Christian interpreters tended to assign more personal care and consciousness to the biblical authors (Kelly 1978, p. 63).
    Issues of biblical interpretation were of considerable importance in early Christianity. In particular, the relationship of the Old and New Testaments was a matter of discussion (Kelly 1978, p. 64). A key interpretive element is seen in the canonical gospels as Chrsit and the evangelists treat the Old Testament as a Christian book, describing the Messiah (Kelly 1978, p. 65). This, then, is the pattern found in Acts and the epistles. A similar interpretation can be found in the post-apostolic authors as well. At times the interpretation of the Old Testament's symbolic references to Christ becomes more allegorical than most modern Chrsitians would like. Kelly describes a passage in the epistle of Barnabas (as interpreted by C.H. Dodd According to the Scriptures 1952, p. 9) in which Abraham's 318 servants show Christ. The Greek number 18 is IH, a common abbreviation of "Jesus." The number 300 is T, which looks like a cross (Kelly 1978, p. 66). Kelly goes on to note that such allegorical readings were not universal. There is a harmony between the Old and New Testaments. However, in general, the New Testament came to be seen as making the implications of the Old Testament more clear.
    Typology and allegory are terms normally used to describe interpretive methods. Kelly suggests avoiding the term "allegory" as it is understood differently now than it was in the patristic period (Kelly 1978, p. 70). In allegory, the details of a narrative itself play a relatively unimportant role, as they intend to symbolize other spiritual truths. The exegete's job is to identify these spiritual truths and explain them. In contrast to allegorical reading, typological readings interpret the Old Testament events as prefiguring or anticipating those in the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p. 71). The historical context of a type was important in determining its fulfillment, or antitype.
    Kelly observes that while typological exegesis became very normal within Christian teaching, allegorical exegesis was problematic. This is particularly the case in dealing with Marcionism and the various Gnostic movements, as they could pick and choose allegorical symbols to prove whatever they wished (Kelly 1978, p. 72). Allegorical interpretation was used in orthodox ways, particularly in Alexandria. However, it opened interpretive doors which could prove problematic (Kelly 1978, p. 73).
    Kelly refers finally to a reaction against allegorical exegesis of every sort. This reaction was centered in Antioch during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 75). These interpreters maintained that an adequate understanding of the text would be based on the facts of the text rather than a symbolic understanding of letters or numbers within the text. This emphasis led to typological interpretations but a rejection of allegory (Kelly 1978, p. 76). Symbolic language could be accepted as symbolic, but the Scriptures are normally located in literal times and events.

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Tradition, Then Scripture

4/24/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
4/24/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter Two: Tradition and Scripture." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 29-51). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    The question of the source of Christian doctrine is an important one, in Kelly's estimation. At some point, probably by the end of the first century, principles to interpret writings and practices became evident. otherwise, it would not have been possible to distinguish between orthodoxy and heresy (Kelly 1978, p.29). In his evaluation, Kelly considers the salient factors to be Scripture and Tradition. There was a clear identification of the authoritative apostolic writings as well as a known and continuous flow of traditional interpretation at a fairly early time (Kelly 1978, p.30). Kelly emphasizes that tradition as understood by the church fathers referred to the authoritative delivery of interpretations, something which would not be separated from and placed in opposition to Scripture.
    Kelly's investigation into the interplay of Scripture and tradition focuses on the period up to the middle of the second century, when canonical Scripture and doctrinal orthodoxy can be seen as relatively well established (Kelly 1978, p.31). During this period, the Old Testament was recognized by Christians as a Christian book, testifying to the person and work of Christ (Kelly 1978, p.32). The exegetical practices which led to this conclusion were likewise accepted as normative. The methodology used can be traced to the apostolic witness, thus placing it as part and parcel of the Christian tradition. Kelly cites numerous examples of church fathers identifying the authority of the interpretive methods of the apostles. In Kelly's view, the early Church did not consider this authority to be limited to apostolic documents. Rather, the documents may well have been accepted because they were consistent with the interpretive models which came from the apostolic period (Kelly 1978, p.33). The "preaching, liturgical action and catechetical instruction" may well have carried as much weight as the documents of the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p.34).
    As the ideas of gnosticism gained traction, Kelly observes that the distinctions between orthodoxy and gnosticism became more clear (Kelly 1978, p.35). Representatives of orthodoxy increasingly pointed to apostolic ideas. Meanwhile, purveyors of gnosticism made reference or claims to possessing secret apostolic gnosis. Kelly particularly notes this as shown in the writings of Irenaeus and Tertullian. Their claims, counter to gnosticism, were centered on a body of interpretive tradition derived from known apostolic teaching. Kelly describes Irenaeus' understanding of tradition as "'the canon of the truth.' Byu this he meant, as his frequent allusions to and citations from it prove, a condensed summary, fluid in its wording but fixed in content, setting out the key-points of the Christian revelation in the form of a rule" (Kelly 1978, p.37). The New Testament Scriptures, in Irenaeus' view, serve as a subsequent commitment of this teaching, produced in writing (Kelly 1978, p.38). The written documents then could be used as a reference to weigh the tradition which had previously been delivered to the Church (Kelly 1978, p.39).
    The understanding of the interplay of Scripture and Tradition described in the second century above became further entrenched in the Church during the third and fourth centuries (Kelly 1978, p.41). Kelly notes two changes. First, as Gnosticism lost influence, authors became less involved in articulating doctrines on the basis of apostolic tradition, preferring to use the Scripture as authoritative documents. At the same time, interpretations of the content of tradition tended to become broader (Kelly 1978, p.341). Yet Kelly observes that works such as Hippolytus' Apostolic tradition still affirmed practice which was derived from the earliest days of Christianity and which cannot be found in the same terms within the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p.44). Kelly provides multiple examples of third and fourth century authors alleging that heretical interpretations of the New Testament could not have been made if the heretics had rightly understood the historic traditions (Kelly 1978, p.44-48).
    By the fifth century, Kelly finds the practice of reference to past orthodoxy in order to clarify interpretation of Scripture or practices to become increasingly common (Kelly 1978, p.48). Teachers of the past were viewed as sources of authoritative interpretation. Kelly observes, though, that these past luminaries were not considered authoritative on their own, but by token of their rightly understanding both Scripture and tradition (Kelly 1978, p.49). This, I note, allows for embracing the sola scriptura of the Reformation.

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Pre-Existing Influences on Early Christian Doctrine

4/17/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
4/17/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter I: The Background." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 3-28). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)

    Kelly's goal is to review doctrinal development from the end of the first century to the mid-fifth century (Kelly 1978, p. 3). The close of the first century marks the start of subapostolic development. The council of Chalcedon in 451 may well end this period of doctrinal creativity. Many issues central to Christianity were largely settled by this time.
    During the patristic period, Kelly sees a strong influence on Christianity coming from Judaism (Kelly 1978, p. 6). Especially at the start of the period, nearly all frameworks for thought were adapted from the world of Judaism. Kelly considers the two most important concepts to be the divine nature as consisting of separate persons but one nature, as well as the interest shown to angels (Kelly 1978, p. 7). Kelly notes that Philo of Alexandria and his interpretation of Platonic conceptions of deity had a profound influence on biblical interpretation, particularly on allegorical interpretations which could harmonize elements of philosophy and theology (Kelly 1978, p. 8). The concept of a logos, held as a creative and explanatory force, was prominent in Plato (Kelly 1978, p. 10). The connection between the divine logos and Plato's forms then becomes an important matter of consideration.
    The Roman Empire considered its classical religions to be significant. For this reason, Christianity arose in the context of a culturally religious atmosphere. Kelly observes that the Roman paganism had lost much of its practical power by the patristic period, but still was a source of cultural unification (Kelly 1978, p. 11). The rise of mystery religions with ceremonial meals and worship served as competitors of one another and of Christianity, also seen as an exotic, new religion (Kelly 1978, pp. 12-13).
    Greek philosophy, particularly Platonism and Stoicism, was influential, particularly among the educated elite (Kelly 1978, pp. 14-15). Particularly the Platonic theory of the non-sensible Forms was easily seen as analogous to a biblical concept of God. Kelly briefly summarizes Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic concepts which could influence Christian thought (Kelly 1978, pp. 16-20, passim). Kelly's synopsis of the philosophical viewpoints is particularly helpful as he makes brief mention by name of philosophers who emphasized particular concepts.
    Neoplatonism was characterized by a strong emphasis on the transcendence of God (Kelly 1978, pp. 20-21). These ideas, flourishing after about 200 A.D., could be interpreted as similar to Christian conception, especially regarding the persons of the Godhead. However, in significant ways, an interpretation of Christianity in Neo-Platonic terms leads directly to Gnosticism (Kelly 1978, p. 22).
    The various Gnostic groups were syncretistic in nature, drawing from a wide variety of sources, but always emphasizing the need for a sort of arcane knowledge (gnosis) which would lead to truth (Kelly 1978, p. 23). They typically articulated multiple levels of aeons, which served essentially as a pantheon. Some Gnostics have more affinity to orthodox Christianity than others. However, the entire system is deeply contradictory to Christianity (Kelly 1978, p. 26).

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