Category: Wegman 1985

The Liturgy of Life Remains

2/25/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/25/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Appendix." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 346-359). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

In his appendix, Wegman briefly describes what he considers to be a period of stagnation in liturgy, consisting of the period from the 17th century through the first half of the 20th century (Wegman 1985, p. 346). Though Wegman sees many developments in philosophy and in theology, he finds very few substantive changes in liturgical ritual. He does note Enlightenment renewals in French and German practices, in which singing Christian songs and Psalms became more popular (Wegman 1985, pp. 348-349). At the same time, within Lutheran Pietism, liturgical ritual was minimized and sacramental practice decreased (Wegman 1985, p. 350).
The 20th century did see a liturgical movement in which renewal sprang mainly from Roman Catholic sources (Wegman 1985, p. 353). Some of the impetus was gained from scholarly study of the history of liturgy. Interest in liturgical history sparked a similar interest in practice, seen in parishes (Wegman 1985, p. 354). Wegman describes in some detail the slow pace of such renewal movements. They begin with scholarly consideration. This results in conferences which gather such scholars. Eventually the patterns are considered by high church authorities who have power to approve and implement changes, especially in seminaries, thus finally influencing parishes (Wegman 1985, pp. 355ff). Though this is a slow process, it involves numerous safeguards as well as a reliable means of implementation.

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Liturgical Fragmentation in the 16th Century Reformation

2/18/2025

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Tuesday Lectio
2/18/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Six: Gain and Loss: Worship in the Writings of the Reformers and the Counter-Reformation." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 247-345). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman sees the time of the Reformation as a confluence of revolt against historic precedent and of cultural reliance on medieval practices (Wegman 1985, p. 298). The growth of humanism alternatively found literature, philosophy, and theological inquiry as its grounding, and exalted or derided the various disciplines. The papacy increasingly depended on diplomatic negotiations rather than papal decrees to accomplish desires (Wegman 1985, p. 299). Literary and philosophical scholarship grew in popularity and influence.
   In this context, the works of Erasmus show a conflict between humanistic philosophy and popular piety, as Wegman illustrates using a number of quotations from Erasmus (Wegman 1985, pp. 300-302).
   As the Middle Ages declined, the Renaissance, arising especially in Italy, began to dawn (Wegman 1985, p. 302). Wegman describes the times as overlapping, rather than finding a clear end of one and start of the other. The Renaissance is characterized by a view of human primacy in which events and concepts would be re-evaluated by human reason rather than by means of historic practice (Wegman 1985, p. 302-303). The current individual was considered as superior to past culture.
   Wegman considers the Renaissance to have ended in 1527, probably due to the work of Michelangelo, ushering in the Baroque period. At this time nationalist consciousness grew, by which Christianity could be distinguished in one nation as opposed to another (Wegman 1985, p. 303).
   The fervency of the Baroque period can be seen also in the Reformation, as elaborations and even cultural upheavals can be seen in liturgical forms and theological articulations which arise in different regions (Wegman 1985, p. 304). The traditional liturgical figures of Christianity, though they were retained in Roman and Orthodox piety, were largely absent elsewhere.
   Wegman notes that the reformers were initially more interested in reform of the church than in liturgical change (Wegman 1985, p. 306). The adjustments to liturgy reflected theological clarifications which were occurring. Luther attempted to retain traditional forms, as did Calvin, while Zwingli was more open to change. All three were committed to the centrality of preaching and aview of baptism and eucharist tied to biblical preaching.
   Wegman goes on to discuss the alterations which appear in baptismal rituals. It is particularly notable that in Luther's settings, though they are generally similar to the Roman ritual, the vernacular language is used, thus allowing for greater congregational involvement (Wegman 1985, pp. 306-308). Wegman takes much of other Reformational interpretation of baptismal rituals to be based on Luther's two settings. Some, such as Martin Bucer, rejected Luther's historic revisions and took baptism as an opportunity to publicly confess a feeling of faith (Wegman 1985, p. 309). Zwingli and Calvin took baptism as a sign of entry into a congreation and as an element of preaching (Wegman 1985, pp. 310-311).
   The work of the reformers, with its focus on renewing people to a right relationship with God, focused on preaching rather than on ritual liturgical changes (Wegman 1985, p. 311). Reading, teaching, and singing biblical texts and commentaries took pride of place in gatherings. Wegman observes that there had been developments in preaching as far back as the ninth century, with clergy urged to focus on the creed, Lord's prayer, and ten commandments (Wegman 1985, p. 313). Explanation of the faith, rather than a more formal emphasis on the sacramental rituals had tended to move the pulpit and the congregation closer together (Wegman 1985, p. 313). The structure of a praching service came to be relatively stable, with Scripture read in Latin, the read and explained in the vernacular, followed by prayers including "the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the Ave Maria, and the decalogue was read" (Wegman 1985, p. 313). A blessing at the end, and a variety of additional prayers and singing were eventually added by the late Middle Ages. This was easily adapted to serve as the common preaching service in the Reformation (Wegman 1985, p. 314). Because of the focus on preaching, liturgical ritual and the emphasis on sacraments, and a Church calendar declined in the Reformation. Wegman particularly describes the conceptual change which downplayed the reality and centrality of a sacramental view of eucharist. The eucharist came to be recognized as "the Lord's Supper" with less expectation of God's presence and more of an emphasis on the congregation's remembering Jesus (Wegman 1985, p. 315). Sacrificial language disappeared, even in Lutehr's liturgical writings (Wegman 1985, p. 316).
   Wegman reviews Luther's mass settings, observing that Luther insisted on preaching being present in each church service. Sacrificial language was removed form the celebration of the mass (Wegman 1985, p. 317). Luther was more concerned with the content of the theology than with the particular ritual used to express the content. Wegman reviews a number of passages in Luther's works which emphasize this concept (Wegman 1985, pp. 318ff). He includes many specific quotations from liturgies attributed to others within the Lutheran tradition.
   Wegman continues with brief summaries of eucharistic practices within other streams of Reformational thought, centered in different communities (Wegman 1985, pp. 326ff).
   Webman concludes that "the reformers did not simply adapt the Roamn liturgy of their day. They fundamentally altered the service, but in various ways" (Wegman 1985, pp. 334-335). Lutherans retained much traditional material but centered their emphasis on preaching. The Reformed (i.e. Calvinist or Zwinglian focused groups) rejected the external displays and moved fundamentally away from sacramental theology and practice. Wegman sees this as a gain in terms of preaching and a loss in terms of sacramental memory (Wegman 1985, p. 335).
   Turning his attention to the Anglican Reformation, Wegman describes the central place in liturgical development played by the Book of Common Prayer (Wegman 1985, p. 337). The first edition of 1549 shows a strong Lutheran ifnluence from Cologne and Nuremberg, while the second edition of 1552 shows a strong Reformed influence. Editionso f 1559 and 1662 make a variety of compromises. The next revision, in 1928, was not approved by Parliament. A revised service book was released in 1980. Cranmer's emphasis in the sixteenth century was on preaching and teaching, while many rites were preserved in the liturgy. The rubrics generally allowed for services with a more austere, "Reformed" tone or a more elaborate "Catholic" tone (Wegman 1985, p. 338).
   Wegman describes baptism (Wegman 1985, p. 338) and communion (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-341), as well as rites of ordination and orders for daily prayer (Wegman 1985, pp. 341-342) in some detail. Of particular note is Cranmer's adaptation of the Roman Canon o thte Mass, breaking particularly from the Reformed tradition (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-340).
   The Reformation was characterized by a growth of hymnody and singing of Psalms (Wegman 1985, p. 342). This was considered an integral part of the work of teaching and preaching.
   The German Reformation was not without its detractors. Wegman observes that the Baroque emphasis of the Reformatino was countered by a renewed emphasis on the traditional liturgy within the Roman Catholic church (Wegman 1985, p. 343). In effect, Wegman describes a conflict in the Counter-Reformation between the apologetic emphasis of the Reformation and the liturgical culture of Rome (Wegman 1985, p. 344).

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Byzantine Liturgy after 610

2/11/2025

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Tuesday Lectio
2/11/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Five: The Byzantine Synthesis: The Byzantine Liturgy after 610 A.D." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 239-296). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)
   The Byzantine liturgy by the seventh century stood at the forefront of orthodoxy and liturgical practice throughout the churches of the east (Wegman 1985, p. 239). Because of its association with the Byzantine empire, serving as the capitol of the east as Rome was of the west, the churchly developments in the area bear great importance (Wegman 1985, p. 240).
   Wegman essentially divides Byzantine christianity into three historical periods. From 610-711 the dynasty was focused on resisting Persian and Islamic incursions (Wegman 1985, p. 240). From 711 to 843 there was a significant iconoclastic dispute in which the defenders of use of images tended to be in positions of greater authority (Wegman 1985, p. 241). The church in east and west dealt with significant cultural differences as well. Wegman notes that the recognition of Ravenna and the crowning of Charlemagne as emperor placed strong barriers between the two cultures (Wegman 1985, pp. 241-242). From this time the Byzantine empire achieved substantial expansion even against the opposition of Islam and other more nationalist influences.
   The Byzantine rite, full of ceremony, is still a strong liturgical influence (Wegman 1985, p. 243). The authority of the patriarch of Constantinople and his role in defining and defending orthodoxy provided a bulwark against heretical challenges. It also emphasized the division between Constantinople and Rome, as the two seats of authority had less and less to do with one another (Wegman 1985, p. 244). Within the Byzantine culture, monks, rather than priests, came to positions of prominence and strength.
   Wegman describes Byzantine theological interpretation as "defensive and more or less static" in nature (Wegman 1985, p. 247). Theological appeals would be made to church fathers and tradition which had been settled for some time. Yet a mystical spirituality was also robust in Byzantine thought (Wegman 1985, p. 248). The liturgy expected some level of mystic spirituality and the spirituality presupposed a liturgical framework.
   Byzantine culture as a whole in this period was a blend of numerous different elements - Greek, Latin, and the various eastern cultures (Wegman 1985, p. 249).
   Based on this background understanding, Wegman attempts to describe the emergence of the Byzantine liturgy. In contrast to Roman liturgy, the Byzantine rite has a less clearly defined course of development (Wegman 1985, p. 252). Wegman further notes a hiatus in our source material, possibly caused by the conquest of Islam and iconoclastic movements. Though there may have been some development of liturgy, we have no documentation of it.
   When we do see liturgical texts, Wegman observes they have enough differences that a comparison is difficult at best (Wegman 1985, p. 253). The kingdom of heaven is typically visually depicted in terms much like the imperial realm (Wegman 1985, p. 254). Honor and reverence are notable characteristics. The cathedral and churchly rituals developed fixed patterns which involved repeated rituals and extensive use of music. The monastic rites developed their own patterns of more extensive use of the Psalter, shows of contrition, and daily reception of communion (Wegman 1985, p. 255). This led to some level of polarization within Byzantine Christianity. The monastic practices then arose to prominence. Gradually elements were synthesized. Additionally, the rituals of Jerusalem and Constantinople came to be more similar (Wegman 1985, p. 256).
   Wegman notes that not all the source material for Byzantine rites have become available (Wegman 1985, p. 257). There is no comparable book to a Roman missal or breviary. There are separate books intended for use by various officiants. Due to the nature of Byzantine ritual, all are geared toward communal use in liturgy which is normally sung (Wegman 1985, p. 258). There are a number of anthologies of hymnody and other liturgical materials. Yet the arrangement is such that the liturgist selects appropriate elements for use rather than following the one prescriptive liturgical order (Wegman 1985, p. 258). Wegman describes the various anthologies in some detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 259-264). He then provides a glossary of important terms used in the Byzantine rites (Wegman 1985, pp. 264-272). This glossary is relatively long due to the linguistic distance between Greek and English as compared with that between Latin and English.
   Wegman moves on to summarize the structure and content of the principal rites in Byzantine liturgy. He reminds readers that this material can serve as a continuation of material from chapter two (Wegman 1985, p. 272). Monastic hours occurred up to eight times per day. The number of daily gatherings increased over time, developing from a morning and an evening gathering. These normally consisted of psalms, hymns, and prayers. The Sunday worship was much more complex, including extensive use of Psalms, prayers, hymns, and other Scripture readings. The service, called orthros, follows an intricate order of events (Wegman 1985, pp. 273-275). A parallel to the evening service of the hours would be used on Saturday evening in preparation for Sunday's Iorthros. The Saturday service contains more Scriptures and a service of light, as the lamps are lit in anticipation of Sunday's worship (Wegman 1985, p. 276).
   The Byzantine rites, as did the Roman rite, observed a number of festivals throughout the year. As with other liturgical forms in the east, the seasons and festivals are associated with a variety of musical modes, and tend to have events arranged in series of eight (Wegman 1985, p. 277). Periods of fasting and other forms of penitence are strictly observed. Wegman notes particularly that some of the services begin at particular times in the night so as to prepare for upcoming daytime liturgy (Wegman 1985, p. 278). Of special note is the intricate nature of the service beginning on Good Friday and continuing through Easter Sunday (Wegman 1985, pp. 278-279). Wegman goes on to provide an English version of some of the prayer texts used in the lengthy service for Easter (Wegman 1985, pp. 280-281). He then lists in brief a number of feasts which occur on a fixed date. Following this are descriptions, still brief, of Christmas, Theophany, Transfiguration, and various memorials of saints (Wegman 1985, pp. 282-284). Wegman notes the elevated theological and philosophical nature of these feasts, lacking the picturesque sentimentalism which often occurs in the west.
   From a sacramental point of view, in Byzantine practice, baptism includes an anointing with oil, associated in the west with confirmation. The eastern practice sees baptism and anointing as one unit (Wegman 1985, p. 285). The newly baptized person receives the wine of the eucharist in the same service. The catechumens who are to be baptized receive an exorcism and are baptized on Easter. The divine liturgy, including the eucharist, is a highly intricate rite which particularly involves the preparation of the elements behind the iconostasis, prior to consecration (Wegman 1985, p. 289). Wegman provides substantial commentary, describing the liturgical actions in some detail. He finally discusses penance, ordination, and marriage in brief, as he did previously in his review of the western church (Wegman 1985, pp. 294-295).

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Roman Liturgical Unification from the 11th to 16th Centuries

2/4/2025

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Tuesday Lectio
2/4/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). 'Chapter Four: Toward a Uniform Roman Liturgy: From Gregory VII to the Council of Trent (1545-1563)." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 204-238). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman observes that there were significant social and cultural changes in Europe starting roughly in the twelfth century. Along with gains in prosperity, there was increased interest in spiritual and supernatural matters. At the same time, the hierarchical nature of Christianity became more pronounced (Wegman 1985, p. 205). Church leadership became increasingly intertwined with politics. By the fourteenth century, the popes began to try using their authority to defend the work of the church as that which unified society (Wegman 1985, p. 206). Because of the strongly hierarchical patterns of the church, Wegman sees liturgy of this period largely becoming something which was enacted by the clerics and watched like a performance by the faithful. Piety among the laity could thus become separated from the liturgy. Charismatic reform movements became more common, some orthodox, some heretical (Wegman 1985, p. 207).
   The hierarchical nature of church structure of the time developed into highly systematized theological and philosophical patterns. In Wegman's estimation these resisted change and also stifled creativity (Wegman 1985, p. 207).
   During the period we also see a flourishing type of monastic scholarship, which provided counsel for both political and churchly authorities (Wegman 1985, p. 207). A type of scholasticism developed, influencing universities as well as monastic life. Among the scholastic developments, Wegman considers the sacramental theology to have grown in an important way. Rather than the historic understanding of the importance of a sacrament as the repetition of the sign given by Christ, the understanding shifted to the importance of Christ's institution of the ritual. The sacrament becomes a sign given by Christ, rather than a re-enactment of a gracious act (Wegman 1985, pp. 208-209).
   Within the broader culture, Wegman considers a growth of nationalist sentiment to have occurred, thus leading people to consider all other nations inferior to their own (Wegman 1985, p. 209). Around the twelfth century, the contemplative life, especially among monastics, rose to prominence, as did a renewed emphasis on asceticism (Wegman 1985, p. 210). As the Middle Ages moved to a close, Wegman sees both a charismatic and a scholastic movement growing, resulting in a popular piety increasingly contrasted with the hierarchical liturgy (Wegman 1985, p. 211). Schisms and plagues ravaged church and society. This led to a crisis point by the fifteenth century (Wegman 1985, p. 212).
   On the liturgical front, Wegman observes the long standing Roman practice of having the pope lead church services in different churches on predetermined dates (Wegman 1985, p. 213). In the tenth century there were attempts to achieve a more standardized liturgy. By the eleventh century, however, the popes had begun to withdraw from direct pastoral care in Rome and to work within the context of the curia romana, associated more with the universal church than the local church (Wegman 1985, p. 214). This move led in turn to isolation of the pope, resulting in his appearance as an imperial figure with his own court and chapel. The papal chapel came to have its own liturgical forms. As time progressed, by the thirteenth century, these forms began to be propagated by papal decree to other areas of the Roman church.
   Because of the formality of papal liturgies, which did not lend themselves naturally to urban congregations, especially among the poor, followers of Francis of Assisi put simpler forms of liturgy from earlier papal traditions to use (Wegman 1985, p. 215). While the liturgy could be recognized as related to the papal chapel, it was the simplified liturgy which was propagated throughout Europe (Wegman 1985, p. 216).
   Wegman notes that there were a number of reform movements throughout the Middle Ages. While some were charismatic in nature, others attempted to strengthen the hierarchical nature of the Roman church. As the Middle Ages came to a close, the Council of Trent was conceived as an attempt to restore the hierarchy. The controversy at hand was the Reformation's appeal to Scripture and "evangelical freedom over against the traditions of the church" (Wegman 1985, p. 217). Trent, then, strove to deny the legitimacy of all such movements. The Christian life was centered around the legitimacy of the hierarchical clergy structure as expressed in the liturgical forms approved and understood by the hierarchy (Wegman 1985, p. 218).
   Wegman reviews in brief a number of secondary and primary sources of information about liturgy leading up to the time of the Reformation. As in earlier times, missals, pontificales, and rubrical works survive (Wegman 1985, pp. 219-223 passim). By this time we observe that there are numerous extant copies of materials in various editions. Wegman notes that breviaries, disseminated widely, allowed pastors to observe liturgical hours in a brief form and still care for their other pastoral work (Wegman 1985, p. 223). Prayer and meditation on the life and work of Jesus grew among clergy and laity alike. Because of limitations in literacy, availability of biblical texts, and the quality of preaching, there were weaknesses in the theology of some forms of popular piety (Wegman 1985, p. 224).
   Wegman observes that in this period the Christian festival calendar showed little development (Wegman 1985, p. 225). The focus of festivals tended to shift from the features of the gospel as evidenced in the lives of the saints to a focus on what the Christian would like the saint to do.
   Baptismal rituals in the middle ages developed in that the pouring of water and speaking the baptismal formula came to be seen as of primary importance. Infant baptism clearly became the norm, and was practiced as early in life as possible (Wegman 1985, p. 226). The rituals retained the questioning which Wegman considers inappropriate for children, yet which had belonged to the traditions of adult baptism.
   During the middle ages, the practice of confirmation continued to become more clearly articulated (Wegman 1985, p. 227). By the early 13th century it had its own prescribed rite, described in detail by Wegman (Wegman 1985, p. 228).
   Eucharistic theology developed in some significant ways during the middle ages. Because the eucharist came to be celebrated and received primarily by clergy, the altar typically became smaller (Wegman 1985, p. 229). The emphasis was less on Christ's sacrifice for the Christian and more on the repetition of the Last Supper and its symbolism which was fulfilled in the death of Christ. The faithful become spectators rather than participants. With the articulation of transubstantiation the elevation of the host and the chalice took on special significance (Wegman 1985, p. 230). This in turn led to eucharistic processions for adoration of Christ.
   Popular piety was frequently fed by accounts of eucharistic miracles. At the same time, Wegman notes the rise of parodies of the mass, as the general public reflected on the validity of the mass (Wegman 1985, p. 231). A doctrine of the eucharist can be grasped in outline in hymnody. Wegman produces a Latin and English version of St. Thomas Aquinas' hymn Adorate (Wegman 1985, pp. 232-233).
   The practice of confession of sins continued in the middle ages. However, Wegman observes that penance came to involve acts drawn from a known list of exercises of different values (Wegman 1985, p. 233). The appropriate restorative acts could be done or, in some cases, the penitent person could pay the confessor an amount sufficient to evade the penalty.
   Ordination liturgy did develop to some extent during the middle ages. Wegman describes the rites for ordination of priests, which remained relatively stable in the 12th - 16th centuries. In some rituals of ordination, Wegman finds an emphasis on reception into the hierarchical structure rather than on the appointment as a servant. The laity were not afforded participation in ordination rituals (Wegman 1985, p. 235).
   Wegman closes the chapter with a brief survey of prayers for the sick and dying, as well as practices surrounding death (Wegman 1985, pp. 236-237). Human life is fragile, as recognized by medieval people especially. However, along with a frank recognition of death, Wegman sees the rituals surrounding marriage as of long standing elements of society. The church was active in consecrating marriages and recognizing them in its public services (Wegman 1985, p. 237). Though some cultural elements from paganism were retained, they were effectively stripped of their pagan connotations.

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Overview of Western Liturgical Development in the 7th to 11th Centuries

1/28/2025

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Tuesday Lectio
1/28/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). 'Chapter Three: The Roman-Frankish-Germanic Liturgy in the West: From Gregory I (590-604) to Gregory VII (1073-1085)." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 143-203). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman describes the descent of Roman politics through the fifth and sixth centuries in chaotic terms, emphasizing the frequently shifting power structures as various invaders dominated different territories. Such bright spots that emerge include the Carolingians in the 8th century and the work of Boniface in Germany (Wegman 1985, p. 144).
   A eucharistic controversy was present in the church during this period, one which Wegman takes as a defining issue in the subsequent period. About 825, the abbot Radbertus and his monk Ratramnus entered a dispute regarding whether in the eucharist the real presence of Christ was found, or whether it should be understood as a spiritual presence only (Wegman 1985, p. 147). Radbertus asserted the former, while Ratramnus asserted the latter. A difficulty in the dispute is the use of the word veritas to signify a truth from the past versus a present and ongoing reality (Wegman 1985, p. 148).
   Webman takes linguistic and cultural/ethnic issues to be of significance during this period. While Christianity was preserved, the fall of Rome served to decentralize the Church. The cultures of the Germanic and Celtic regions rose in importance (Wegman 1985, p. 148). At the same time, Latin was preserved as the official churchly language, thus making clerics who understood the language to rise in importance (Wegman 1985, p. 149). Monks and priests preserved literature and served as a springboard to reform the Church in Rome and bring Christianity back to Spain and France.
   The fourth and fifth centuries had seen a flowering of liturgy in the West, with what Wegman characterizes as "well-organized" and "local, . . . under the leadership of the bishop" liturgical expressions (Wegman 1985, p. 151). After this period, we find no evidence for new liturgical material. After some time, the Carolingians drew liturgy from Rome into use and suppressed indigenous liturgies. This resulted in a "Frankish liturgy" which was derived from earlier Roman sources (Wegman 1985, p. 151). However, the Roman sources were missing some elements which were considered necessary for the conditions in Aachen. Thus the liturgical framework was expanded based on both German and Frankish sources (Wegman 1985, p. 152).
   Wegman describes the various sources for information on period liturgy. Sacramentaries and Missals are an important source. Wegman reviews a number of sacramentaries, books which provide texts spoken by a liturgist, along with some occasional rubrics (Wegman 1985, p. 153). The Gelasian Sacramentary, dating to the seventh century, gathers Roman and Gallican materials. A number of eighth century works based on it also exist. Wegman goes on to describe a number of others, dating through the start of the ninth century (Wegman 1985, pp. 154-155). The construction of sacramentaries eventually led to the missal, which brought together in one book all the readings, prayers, and other materials needed for the priest to conduct a eucharistic service (Wegman 1985, pp. 154,157).
   Webman further observes that lists of pericopes used for readings in church, or lectionaries which provided the entire text to be used on particular days appeared in the sixth century, though they were known at that time to have existed earlier in some forms (Wegman 1985, p. 157).
   A very useful resource in tracing liturgical development is the collection of ordines, which provide extensive rubrics for use with a sacramentary (Wegman 1985, p. 158). The ordines provide a picture of liturgical practice in a particular time and place, rather than simply providing the texts which would be used. Wegman provides a collated list of which ordines would apply to what liturgical circumstance.
   Another significant source for our understanding of liturgy is the pontificale, which gathers orders of service and "prayers for all the liturgical celebrations except the eucharist" (Wegman 1985, p. 161), thus distinguishing it from a missal. These began to be produced in the ninth century. Because the pontificale described only services led by a bishop, additional books were made for services which could be led by a priest. This book was called the rituale. These appear by the eleventh century (Wegman 1985, p. 163).
   Because the liturgical terms in use in the various recommended sources may be obscure, Wegman provides a brief glossary of terms (Wegman 1985, pp. 164-170).
   Having surveyed individual sources of liturgical information, Wegman synthesizes the data by topic. Daily prayer offices grew up, particularly in monasteries and large cities (Wegman 1985, p. 171). Sunday became a day when particular emphasis would be given to the trinitarian nature of Christianity (Wegman 1985, p. 173). The development of pericopes to be read on all the Sundays and festivals was solidified into a form much like that remaining in the twentieth century (Wegman 1985, p. 173). The sacrament of baptism became more solidified in this period, with many specific references to newborn children. Wegman observes that all new converts were referred to as infantes but that some were parvuli, indicating their youth (Wegman 1985, p. 178). Confirmation subsequent to baptism appears clearly in this time period. While confirmation had earlier been an anointing with oil just after the baptism, it now came to be a laying on of hands at a separate time (Wegman 1985, p. 182).
   The various liturgical works describe the events of the eucharist in detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 183ff). Particularly in the north, due to language barriers, it tended to become a spectator event rather than maintaining active participation on the part of the congregation (Wegman 1985, p. 185). The order of the Mass generated multiple works which reflected practice in different locations (Wegman 1985, pp. 189ff).
   In this time period a custom of private masses was begun, though it developed more fully at a later time (Wegman 1985, p. 192). The private mass was performed with no congregation present. The practice began within monastic orders, as those communities developed priests without congregations. Then people began asking that a mass be read for a particular occasion, with or without their presence (Wegman 1985, p. 193). About this time, we can also see the development of written commentaries describing what happens in the mass. These were intended to train priests (Wegman 1985, p. 195).
   Lesser liturgies may also be described in documents from the sixth century onward. Wegman provides a number of period prayers related to reception, confession, and reconciliation of penitents (Wegman 1985, pp. 196 ff). Practices of penitence were corporate in nature at the start of our period. However, private penance, involving confession, an assigned penance, and reconciliation were transacted between the penitent and his priest (Wegman 1985, pp. 200-201). In closing, Wegman briefly discusses liturgies pertaining to ordination and the end of life (Wegman 1985, pp. 202-203). These are also found detailed in the sources from the sixth century and beyond.

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Worship in the Roman Empire 312-600

1/21/2025

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Tuesday Lectio
1/21/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). 'Chapter Two: Worship in the Church of the Empire (312-600)." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 52-142). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman in this chapter intends to lay facts from East and West side by side for comparison. He acknowledges the mass of information to be presented, as well as the fact that his evaluation is necessarily incomplete (Wegman 1985, p. 52). With the rise of Constantine in 312 and the Edict of Milan in 313, the church gained a legal recognition and some societal benefits (Wegman 1985, p. 53). Christianity thus took on social roles it had never held before, and drew many people in. At the same time, the nature of the Christian life of many congregants became less distinctively aligned with orthodoxy (Wegman 1985, p. 54).
   The period was characterized by barbarian invasions and assaults, particularly by forces from Mongolia and China (Wegman 1985, p. 55). The eventual Gothic invasions began a wave of additional moves which pushed Romanized people out of Italy, then eventually moved migrations throughout Europe, blending various cultures and leaving Christianity as the sole stable institution (Wegman 1985, p. 56). Webman observes that theological discussion which sought a unified understanding of Christianity became important to attempts at unity, as did the growth of monasticism and rigorous Christian communities (Wegman 1985, p. 56).
   In the eastern Roman empire there was an ongoing struggle to identify the way in which Christianity could be expressed. Wegman briefly describes substantive disputes involving liturgical and cultural differences, many highlighting different assumptions about the meaning of the term "eastern" (Wegman 1985, p. 58). Eventually the Byzantine empire arose to prominence within the region, thanks to wealth, history, and strength of armed forces (Wegman 1985, p. 59). On the theological front, Hellenistic thought patterns were applied to Christianity, resulting in an "accent on contemplation, on theoria, a living vision" (Wegman 1985, p. 61). Eastern monasticism developed a lifestyle of constant prayer and meditation, seeking timeless solitude (Wegman 1985, p. 62).
   Wegman notes the rise of Islam after the birth of Mohammed in 570 provoked a time of conquest which subjugated much of the area which had been Christian, leaving only limited pockets of Christianity (Wegman 1985, p. 63).
   Wegman recognizes the close relationship of Christianity and western civilization from its foundations in the fourth and fifth centuries (Wegman 1985, p. 64). Implicit in the growth of western civilization is a biblical idiom which provides a framework to understand all things. Wegman sees biblical symbolism pervading art, literature, architecture, and, in short, all areas of life. Education shifted from the realm of teachers of philosophy and rhetoric to the domain of monks and clerics (Wegman 1985, p. 65). Latin became the lingua franca, with frequent neologisms from koine Greek, growing into a distinctive liturgical Latin dialect (Wegman 1985, p. 66).
   During this period, Wegman sees a growth of liturgical orders and texts. Judaism continued to influence Christian liturgy, but the forms adapted from Jewish liturgy came to be recognized as simply Christian as opposed to being "Jewish Christian" (Wegman 1985, p. 70). While Wegman considers liturgical development to be extensive, he notes we have "few complete orders of service and actual texts" (Wegman 1985, p. 71). There are, however, comments from Augustine and from numerous councils about multiplication of liturgical forms and prayers. Wegman references many additional sources from the period, but is clear that there are indirect references to liturgical practices (Wegman 1985, pp. 72-74). There are a number of direct sources in the form of Sacramentaria, containing prayers and outlines for various days of the year, as well as several lectionaries (Wegman 1985, pp. 74-76). These are not as complete as we might like, and tend to have greater applicability to local situations than as universal handbooks.
   The liturgy in use in Jerusalem in the fourth and fifth centuries did provide an important model for Christian worship in that there was an organizational pattern for daily prayer, for festivals in the year, and for initiation rituals (Wegman 1985, p. 76-77). Wegman reviews the remains of the ideas and their apparent propagation in turn. Daily prayers centered around singing of Psalms at various hours of the day, as Wegman illustrates using the travels of Egeria as a source (Wegman 1985, pp. 78-79). Egeria's description of annual festivals is in close correspondence with the Armenian Lectionary, which shows a developed pericope system at the start of the 5th century (Wegman 1985, p. 79). Egeria also discusses the pattern of baptism, chrismation, and eucharist as the initiation of Christians (Wegman 1985, p. 80). Wegman describes the pattern in detail, drawing on Egeria and on Cyril of Jerusalem, as well as the anaphora of James (Wegman 1985, pp. 81-85).
   Again, drawing heavily on the testimony of Egeria, Wegman describes monks participating in communal worship, thus not being separated from the assembly of Christians (Wegman 1985, p. 85). This is a natural outgrowth of the fourth century move toward monastic community rather than isolation (Wegman 1985, p. 86). The involvement of monastic communities within local congregations also brought a greater emphasis on personal piety, on preserving times for prayer, and on more repeated use of Scripture in worship (Wegman 1985, p. 87).
   During this period from about 300-600 AD, Wegman observes a gradual distinction growing between eastern and western churches, at the same time that practices within the regions tended to regularize (Wegman 1985, p. 88). Habits and customs in the East took on a particular pattern, as did those in the West. East and West could generally be identified as such. While the East could be identified as associated with the various patriarchates, the West was associated with Rome as the pre-eminent see (Wegman 1985, p. 91).
   Wegman briefly describes the actual church buildings which we start to see in the fifth century (Wegman 1985, p. 94). While relatively plain from the outside, the basilicas were richly ornamented inside, generally with a longitudinal orientation rather than the later rotundas.
   Daily prayer normally centered around morning and evening prayers, in which there was a broad expectation of participation. Preferably people would gather to pray in the church building, though some would worship at home (Wegman 1985, p. 95). Routines grew, generally around psalms, prayers of intercession, and the Lord's prayer. Accretions such as singing hymns and reading other texts grew gradually. Monastic orders typically added other gatherings, eventually becoming the daily offices now known (Wegman 1985, p. 96). The structures and growth were similar in East and West. However, in the West the monastic orders tended to separate from the congregations more than in the East.
   Wegman describes the ongoing growth of the church year, beginning from observation of the first day of the week as the day of resurrection (Wegman 1985, p. 98). The passion celebration (Easter) typically held to the earlier emphasis on Jesus' move through death into his glorification (Wegman 1985, p. 99). Preparation for Easter, in the time of Lent, grew in length and prominence. The growth to forty days excluding some particular days appeared, though it was developed differently in the East than it was in the West (Wegman 1985, p. 102). At this time in Rome the custom of recognizing "stations of the cross" developed, creating a gradual procession to the time of Easter.
   The development of Christmas and Epiphany as separate celebrations, preceded by Advent, grew during this time period as well. December 25 was recognized as the birth of Christ by the year 330 (Wegman 1985, p. 103). Wegman does observe the very early question whether December 25 or January 6 was the proper day to recognize Jesus' birth (Wegman 1985, p. 104).
   Recognition of the dead became an increasingly prominent theme during this period. Wegman notes that Christianity adopted numerous pagan customs such as decorating tombs with flowers, having open air meals in honor of the dead, and inscribing memorial stones (Wegman 1985, pp. 105-106). A purely Christian custom was to remember a person on the anniversary of his death, rather than of his birth (Wegman 1985, p. 106). Calendars of the death dates of martyrs developed, as memorials moved beyond the locale of the martyrs' deaths (Wegman 1985, p. 107).
   Between 300 and 600 AD, baptism and confirmation took on a broader cultural significance. Not only was it recognized as initiation into the Church, but also as a means of recognition in society (Wegman 1985, p. 107). Wegman observes that this process was often interrupted, as people would associate with Christianity but only to the extent which would make them socially acceptable (Wegman 1985, p. 108). Some would convert outright, be examined in the faith, and follow through with a Christian life, while others would not. The ritual surrounding baptism became more extensive and complex, as witnessed by a number of authors in their mystagogical lectures (Wegman 1985, pp. 110-111).
   Wegman observes that the eucharistic celebration grew in intricacy between 300 and 600 AD. The outline of events is recorded in a variety of places and times. The prayers in use at different times and places also reveal significant details about the understanding of the eucharist (Wegman 1985, pp. 112-120). The various actions and words used in the eucharist point increasingly directly at the sacrificial work of Jesus on behalf of his people. The central structure remained consistent.
   In a eucharistic service, Wegman notes the presence of biblical readings, often including an Old Testament passage, and always including two New
testament passages, one of which is from a gospel reading (Wegman 1985, p. 121). A homily would be presented after the gospel reading. Lectio continua would be normal at regular prayer services, but eucharistic services seem to have a system of pericopes, which tended to regularize across congregations, but followed different patterns in East and West.
   The eucharistic prayer itself called an "anaphora" in the East, developed in different forms in the East and the West. Wegman describes essential elements of the prayers in detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 125ff). Prominent in Wegman's summary is a reconstruction of what became the official Roman canon, in parallel Latin and English columns (Wegman 1985, pp. 133-136). The concepts of Christ as the offering who provides forgiveness and reconciliation are prominent in these anaphoras (Wegman 1985, p. 136).
   Reconciliation in the form of a return to a life of repentance after falling into sin was a significant issue in this time period. Wegman notes it was considered as something which could be done only once in life, so was often put off as long as possible. The process of demonstrating penitence was lengthy and difficult (Wegman 1985, pp. 137-138).
   Ordination as clergy in about 300-600 AD took on very recognizable ritual forms, with a formal imposition of hands and prayer (Wegman 1985, p. 138). The consecration was performed by one or more bishops, who would set the man apart for ministry. Prayers would be used to place the ordinand into the intended ministry post, regularly in a particular hierarchical position (Wegman 1985, p. 140).
   Wegman finally notes briefly that the 4th to 7th centuries also saw the rise of particular rites for Christian marriage (Wegman 1985, p. 142). These regularly included some ritual elements known to the pagan society, but applied to the Christian as well.

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Roots of Liturgy Prior to 312

1/14/2025

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Tuesday Lectio
1/14/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). Chapter One: The First Signs: The Period before the Peace of the Church in 312 A.D." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 1-51). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman briefly sets the stage for the birth of Christianity by describing extensive growth of the Roman empire after about 300 B.C. The nature of the expansive territory and its government tended to allow for considerable freedom in terms of trade and thought, though not so much in the nature of civil law. However, Christianity was fairly free to spread barring tumultuous violations of civil law (Wegman 1985, p. 2). Though he admits the specific evidence to be scant, there are indications of the spread of Christianity to a broad spectrum of cities, particularly where soldiers were garrisoned, in the second century. Wegman notes that hostile witnesses repeating rumors about the secretive practices of Christians can be identified easily (Wegman 1985, p. 3). While Christianity was not specifically against any laws until the mid second century, there were periodic persecutions based on a variety of practices, such as refusal to make offerings according to the imperial cult (Wegman 1985, p. 4).
   Wegman notes the early links between Judaism and Christianity, as well as the later, growing, tendency to find tension and separation between Christians of a Jewish versus a Gentile background (Wegman 1985, p. 5).
   Wegman moves on to a brief summary of major cultural influences on early Christianity. He ascribes a concept of humanism to Greek influence, using a lengthy quotation from the Atlas of Western Civilization (2nd rev. ed., pp. 11, 16, F. van der Meer, London & New York, 1960) (Wegman 1985, p. 6-7). Rome brought materialism and an energetic form of law and government to the table (Wegman 1985, p. ). The influence of Israelite culture and heritage on Christianity is undeniable. Wegman notes the difficulty inherent in actually defining a "Jewish Christian" and observes influences of Hellenism, various types of heterodoxy, and Gnosticism as influences on Judaism and thus Christianity (Wegman 1985, p. 8). The influence on liturgy was probably quite profound.
   Orders of services and liturgical texts are a challenge in the primitive Church. Wegman reviews the difficulty posed by the nature of the New Testament, which provides information about the life of the earliest Christians and includes some hymn fragments (Wegman 1985, p. 11). However, while there is teaching about the significance of rites such as baptism and the eucharist, there is little to indicate the actual procedure of the rituals. The liturgy is not clearly spelled out (Wegman 1985, p. 12).
   Wegman finds that rituals are spelled out in more detail, though not exhaustively, in passages of other early Christian writings. He provides Greek and English in parallel columns for Didache chapter 10 with its eucharistic prayers (Wegman 1985, pp. 13-14). Additionally, he provides material from Clement of Rome (1 Clement, portions of chapters 59-61) (Wegman 1985, pp. 14-17), and references a number of other authors in much less detail. Whether or not he provides the actual text, Wegman does provide bibliographic references to authoritative editions of the texts.
   Having introduced the sources of information, Wegman moves on to a synthesis of the data by topic. He considers Christian worship to have important roots in the Jewish Berakoth prayers, expressing remembrance and praise of God (Wegman 1985, p. 21). There is regularly a doxology at the end, which in Christian tradition is specifically trinitarian in nature (Wegman 1985, p. 22). Such prayers pervade the Jewish and Christian traditions.
   Jewish custom has morning and evening prayers, corresponding to the morning and evening sacrifices in the temple. Wegman sees an additional time of prayer in the afternoon which anticipated the evening prayers. Christians adopted the more corporate prayers and tended to add individual prayers midmorning, noon, and midafternoon, then before bed and when waking during the night (Wegman 1985, p. 23).
   Festivals developed throughout the year in the first three centuries of the Christian period. Wegman notes that many Christians would recognize the Jewish sabbath, along with its anticipation of the Day of the Lord (Wegman 1985, p. 25). Christians recognized that their eschatological hope was fulfilled in Jesus' resurrection. The first day of the week therefore became a celebration (Wegman 1985, p. 26). The eucharistic meal was celebrated on the "Lord's Day," which was the first day of the week. Wegman notes that within Roman and Greek culture this was an ordinary work day (Wegman 1985, p. 27). Because of eventual prohibitions of gatherings for the evening meal, the meal was shifted to the morning, outside of the regular work hours, by the year 150. Wednesday and Friday became days of fasting.
   Easter, or the paschal feast, is difficult to interpret. Wegman notes that while the New Testament describes the significance of the Jewish pascha, it is silent as to observance of the feast (Wegman 1985, p. 28). He notes several early authors who make some comments, then quotes from Eusebius' Hist. Eccl. V,23-24 extensively (Wegman 1985, pp. 28-31). Both the proper date for celebrating the pascha and the significance of it were matters of serious dispute. Wegman summarizes the content of the disputes in some detail. They center around the alignment of the resurrection and the first day of the week, as well as the significance in terms of the atoning death of Christ and the victorious resurrection. At some point, the days of the Easter celebration came to be associated with baptism of converts.
   Wegman notes that baptism and some form of laying on of hands or chrismation are not described in full until after the Didache, which provides a very brief description (Wegman 1985, p. 34). By the time of Hippolytus, we have an extensive process of catechesis and evaluation leading up to the actual rite of baptism. Wegman describes and quotes Hippolytus at some length (Wegman 1985, p. 34-38). Of note is the confession of faith at the time of baptism, as, if some cannot speak for themselves, their parents or other family members may do so (Wegman 1985, p. 36). The confession of faith given by Hippolytus is strikingly similar to the Apostles' Creed. Wegman observes similarities in Tertullian as well as in brief references from Eastern Christianity (Wegman 1985, pp. 38-40).
   Wegman observes that some form of the eucharistic institution narrative is present by the time of 1 Corinthians 11, and that there are connections of a meal with the concepts of betrayal, the broken body of Christ, and his being poured out (Wegman 1985, p. 41). The way in which the eucharist is celebrated is not described in detail in the New Testament. The first description Wegman finds is in Justin's 1 Apology 65 and 67 (Wegman 1985, p. 41). Wegman describes this in detail. He then observes that Tertullian, Cyprian, and Hippolytus provide accounts which confirm the practices described by Justin (Wegman 1985, p. 42). While Wegman takes the New Testament pattern to be that of a full meal, within a few decades he notes it is a ceremonial representative portion of a meal. The blessings remained, though much of the meal did not. Instead, the readings from Scripture took priority (Wegman 1985, p. 43). The gathering on the Lord's day was thus divided between what we might call the service of the word and the eucharist. The eucharist is a berakah, a prayer of remembrance (anamnesis), as described early in this chapter. Wegman provides several examples from antiquity, all following similar patterns (Wegman 1985, pp. 44-46).
   The concept of reconciliation also emerges as prominent in this period. This is one of the ways in which the early Christians could pursue holiness (Wegman 1985, p. 47). As baptism was a time of reconciliation, Christians would repeatedly seek reconciliation due to their ongoing tendency to sin. While some authors held to the existence of unforgivable sins, others considered penance and reconciliation as a possibility in all cases of sin.
   Wegman finally observes that some sort of hierarchical ministry developed quite early (Wegman 1985, p. 48). The existence of bishops, presbyters, and deacons emerges gradually, with an increasing recognition of different roles. Wegman provides a prayer for consecration of a bishop from Hippolytus, which has remained in use since the third century (Wegman 1985, pp. 49-50.

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The Liturgy of Life Remains

Liturgical Fragmentation in the 16th Century Reformation

Byzantine Liturgy after 610

Roman Liturgical Unification from the 11th to 16th Centuries

Overview of Western Liturgical Development in the 7th to 11th Centuries

Worship in the Roman Empire 312-600

Roots of Liturgy Prior to 312

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