Tuesday Scholarly Notes
6/5/25
Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 8: The Christian Community." (pp. 189-220). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
While we may be tempted to think of early Christianity in terms of independent local congregations, Kelly notes that Ignatius considered the churches as part of one larger body. The Smyrnans reported on Polycarp's martyrdom to multiple churches (Kelly 1978, p. 188). The concept of one larger, universal church is present from the earliest time. This concept can also be found in the second century apologists, who treated the Church as representing a universal body of beliefs (Kelly 1978, p. 189). Kelly notes, however, that counter to many 20th century assumptions, the early Christians did not think in terms of a "visible" and "invisible" church. In their view, the Church was always something with a visible manifestation (Kelly 1978, p. 191). The concept of an invisible church was a fruit of Gnostic thought. It was therefore opposed by the orthodox thinkers (Kelly 1978, p. 192).
Sacraments, in this period, were understood as "external rites, more precisely signs, which Christians believe convey, by Christ's appointment, an unseen sanctifying grace" (Kelly 1978, p. 193). Kelly considers baptism, eucharist, and penance, as he finds evidence for these practices as early as the second century. The technical terms μυστήριον or sacramentum were not in clear use before the time of the Alexandrian fathers and Tertullian.
Baptism, from this time period, was seen as the entry into the church (Kelly 1978, p. 194). It was seen as effective in cleansing from sin and imparting the holy Spirit, and thus, life. A literal anointing with oil may or may not have been practiced. However, Kelly maintains that the symbolic view of an anointing of the Holy Spirit was recognized and was distinguished from the various Gnostic anointings (Kelly 1978, p. 195).
The eucharist, which was not received by those who were not baptized, was fairly quickly recognized as some form of a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 196). The actual nature of this sacrifice was less clearly defined. Kelly finds it related to prayer as well as serving as a "memorial." In general, he sees the understood motion as an offering made to God, though it is also clear that it is related to jesus' offering himself for humans (Kelly 1978, p. 197).
Kelly notes that, though there is evidence for a sacrament of penance, it is "bafflingly meagre" (Kelly 1978, p. 198). The purpose is to deal with sins in the life after baptism. In the second century, Kelly finds it common to maintain that sins committed purposely could not be remitted. Yet, in practice, it would seem most took a more lenient approach (Kelly 1978, p. 199).
From a doctrinal standpoint, Kelly does not see many developments during the second century (Kelly 1978, p. 200). The Church was one body throughout the world, and was that which unified all the individual congregations. Toward the end of the second century, some forms of rigorist thought, which we might consider akin to Pietism, arose. The particular acts of righteousness which were expected of Christians became more clearly codified, along with penitential practices (Kelly 1978, p. 201). The Church, in some cases, was viewed more as a training ground for sinners than as a gathering of the righteous. Kelly describes at some length, however, the views of Clement and others in Alexandria who emphasized the church as the gathering of the righteous, often in terms of a pure heart rooted in γνῶσις (Kelly 1978, p. 202-203). In contrast to the eastern view of Alexandria, Cyprian of Carthage emphasized a "practical and even legalistic" orientation (Kelly 1978, p. 204). This view was to dominate the West until the time of Augustine. Unity is to be found in the agreement of the various bishops as they seek out a unified understanding of the Christian faith (Kelly 1978, p. 205). Schismatics could not be tolerated in the Church. Therefore, belief and practice needed to be clearly defined (Kelly 1978, p. 206).
In the course of the third century, Kelly notes that schismatic controversies and the rapid growth of the church had an influence on baptismal practices and understandings (Kelly 1978, p. 207). Baptism came to be understood more in terms of forgiveness of sins but less in terms of an impartation of the Holy Spirit. This shift moved the expected reception of the Holy Spirit to coincide with a laying on of hands or chrismation (Kelly 1978, p. 208). In this process, the effect of water baptism was downplayed. In some authors, the laying on of hands by the bishop, thus imparting the Holy Spirit, was understood as the critical need (Kelly 1978, p. 210).
Eucharistic doctrine did not undergo much development in the third century, though Kelly does find the emphasis to shift slightly more toward that of a eucharistic sacrifice. The concept of the presence of the body and blood of Christ feeding the soul remained fairly consistent (Kelly 1978, p. 211). Kelly does particularly observe a difference in language used regarding the Eucharist. Tertullian, among others, affirms that the bread "represents" the body of Christ. However, in the idiom of the time, the word meant that the bread made Jesus' body present again (Kelly 1978, p. 212). It was not understood as we would now consider a symbol. Kelly illustrates this in some detail. He finds that Cyprian of Carthage articulated the concept of a eucharistic sacrifice, by describing the Eucharist in terms of doing exactly what Jesus did, including, in some way, making a pleasing offering of the passion of Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 215).
By the start of the third century Kelly finds at least an outline of a penitential discipline recognized (Kelly 1978, p. 216). It appeared to be a public observation, rather than the private confession and absolution with which we are more familiar. Public penance was very serious and could only be undertaken once in a lifetime, after baptism. It was reserved for sins we would consider very serious, such as idolatry, adultery, or homicide (Kelly 1978, p. 217). Less notorious sins were to be cared for by individual repentance, and were not particularly mediated by the Church. During the third century a tendency for the more notorious sins to be dealt with by the bishops without public ceremony grew up (Kelly 1978, p. 218).
6/5/25
Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 8: The Christian Community." (pp. 189-220). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
While we may be tempted to think of early Christianity in terms of independent local congregations, Kelly notes that Ignatius considered the churches as part of one larger body. The Smyrnans reported on Polycarp's martyrdom to multiple churches (Kelly 1978, p. 188). The concept of one larger, universal church is present from the earliest time. This concept can also be found in the second century apologists, who treated the Church as representing a universal body of beliefs (Kelly 1978, p. 189). Kelly notes, however, that counter to many 20th century assumptions, the early Christians did not think in terms of a "visible" and "invisible" church. In their view, the Church was always something with a visible manifestation (Kelly 1978, p. 191). The concept of an invisible church was a fruit of Gnostic thought. It was therefore opposed by the orthodox thinkers (Kelly 1978, p. 192).
Sacraments, in this period, were understood as "external rites, more precisely signs, which Christians believe convey, by Christ's appointment, an unseen sanctifying grace" (Kelly 1978, p. 193). Kelly considers baptism, eucharist, and penance, as he finds evidence for these practices as early as the second century. The technical terms μυστήριον or sacramentum were not in clear use before the time of the Alexandrian fathers and Tertullian.
Baptism, from this time period, was seen as the entry into the church (Kelly 1978, p. 194). It was seen as effective in cleansing from sin and imparting the holy Spirit, and thus, life. A literal anointing with oil may or may not have been practiced. However, Kelly maintains that the symbolic view of an anointing of the Holy Spirit was recognized and was distinguished from the various Gnostic anointings (Kelly 1978, p. 195).
The eucharist, which was not received by those who were not baptized, was fairly quickly recognized as some form of a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 196). The actual nature of this sacrifice was less clearly defined. Kelly finds it related to prayer as well as serving as a "memorial." In general, he sees the understood motion as an offering made to God, though it is also clear that it is related to jesus' offering himself for humans (Kelly 1978, p. 197).
Kelly notes that, though there is evidence for a sacrament of penance, it is "bafflingly meagre" (Kelly 1978, p. 198). The purpose is to deal with sins in the life after baptism. In the second century, Kelly finds it common to maintain that sins committed purposely could not be remitted. Yet, in practice, it would seem most took a more lenient approach (Kelly 1978, p. 199).
From a doctrinal standpoint, Kelly does not see many developments during the second century (Kelly 1978, p. 200). The Church was one body throughout the world, and was that which unified all the individual congregations. Toward the end of the second century, some forms of rigorist thought, which we might consider akin to Pietism, arose. The particular acts of righteousness which were expected of Christians became more clearly codified, along with penitential practices (Kelly 1978, p. 201). The Church, in some cases, was viewed more as a training ground for sinners than as a gathering of the righteous. Kelly describes at some length, however, the views of Clement and others in Alexandria who emphasized the church as the gathering of the righteous, often in terms of a pure heart rooted in γνῶσις (Kelly 1978, p. 202-203). In contrast to the eastern view of Alexandria, Cyprian of Carthage emphasized a "practical and even legalistic" orientation (Kelly 1978, p. 204). This view was to dominate the West until the time of Augustine. Unity is to be found in the agreement of the various bishops as they seek out a unified understanding of the Christian faith (Kelly 1978, p. 205). Schismatics could not be tolerated in the Church. Therefore, belief and practice needed to be clearly defined (Kelly 1978, p. 206).
In the course of the third century, Kelly notes that schismatic controversies and the rapid growth of the church had an influence on baptismal practices and understandings (Kelly 1978, p. 207). Baptism came to be understood more in terms of forgiveness of sins but less in terms of an impartation of the Holy Spirit. This shift moved the expected reception of the Holy Spirit to coincide with a laying on of hands or chrismation (Kelly 1978, p. 208). In this process, the effect of water baptism was downplayed. In some authors, the laying on of hands by the bishop, thus imparting the Holy Spirit, was understood as the critical need (Kelly 1978, p. 210).
Eucharistic doctrine did not undergo much development in the third century, though Kelly does find the emphasis to shift slightly more toward that of a eucharistic sacrifice. The concept of the presence of the body and blood of Christ feeding the soul remained fairly consistent (Kelly 1978, p. 211). Kelly does particularly observe a difference in language used regarding the Eucharist. Tertullian, among others, affirms that the bread "represents" the body of Christ. However, in the idiom of the time, the word meant that the bread made Jesus' body present again (Kelly 1978, p. 212). It was not understood as we would now consider a symbol. Kelly illustrates this in some detail. He finds that Cyprian of Carthage articulated the concept of a eucharistic sacrifice, by describing the Eucharist in terms of doing exactly what Jesus did, including, in some way, making a pleasing offering of the passion of Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 215).
By the start of the third century Kelly finds at least an outline of a penitential discipline recognized (Kelly 1978, p. 216). It appeared to be a public observation, rather than the private confession and absolution with which we are more familiar. Public penance was very serious and could only be undertaken once in a lifetime, after baptism. It was reserved for sins we would consider very serious, such as idolatry, adultery, or homicide (Kelly 1978, p. 217). Less notorious sins were to be cared for by individual repentance, and were not particularly mediated by the Church. During the third century a tendency for the more notorious sins to be dealt with by the bishops without public ceremony grew up (Kelly 1978, p. 218).
RSS Feed