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Rome at Last

9/18/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
9/18/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 28" In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 495-512). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    In Acts 28:1, the shipwrecked crew and passengers learned they were on Malta. Though the island was well known, Bruce considers that due to the weather and being away from a normal port the crew would likely not know where they were at first (Bruce 1988, p. 496). Bruce further notes that the island's name is derived from the Canaanite word for "refuge." This is exactly how the island functions in Acts. Verse two describes warm hospitality, including a fire to become warm and dry. In verse three, a snake emerges from a bundle of sticks and bites Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 497). While the term used for the snake is normally associated with venomous snakes, Bruce notes Malta currently is not home to venomous varieties. However, it may have been at the time. The description of the snake coiling onto Paul is not consistent with the normal behavior of venomous types (Bruce 1988, p. 498). The Maltese natives, however, assumed it was venomous and that Paul would die of divine judgment. Since he did not die, they then considered him a god. Bruce notes the similarity to Acts 14:11-19.
    Acts 28:7-10 describe hospitality shown by Publius, a leader on the island. Bruce notes the name given is a praenomen and not a term of respect. Paul prayed for Publius' father, who had been sick, and he was healed (Bruce 1988, p. 499). This drew many others who desired healing. Bruce suggests that Luke may have worked as a physician as well, and that some of the honor they received may have been in the form of money. In verse ten, when it was time to continue the journey, the islanders provided them with what would be needed.
    Once the journey was resumed from Malta, Acts 28:11-15 describes a voyage to Puteoli, with no further incidents. Paul and his party were greeted and shown hospitality for seven days. It was common for grain ships to dock at Puteoli, near Naples, and at least to discharge any passengers there (Bruce 1988, p. 502). The city was well known and home to Jews and Christians at the time. Bruce considers the seven days' hospitality to coincide with some business the centurion needed to take care of . The gospel had arrived in Rome prior to Paul, as is clear from the presence of Christians greeting him. Bruce further notes that Romans had been written about three years earlier and included greetings to many Christians (Bruce 1988, p. 503).
    Paul's living arrangement in Rome was with a Roman soldier to guard him (Acts 28:16). It is possible, in Bruce's opinion, that Luke remained in Rome for a while as well (Bruce 1988, p. 503). Paul was apparently allowed to live in a private residence rather than in a military barracks, but under guard (Bruce 1988, p. 504).  Guards were typically chained to the prisoner in shifts of about four hours.
    Acts 28:17-22 describe Paul inviting Jews from Rome to meet him, since he was not free to visit their synagogues. He summarized his imprisonment and his work in mild terms, not showing hostility toward the Jews in Jerusalem (Bruce 1988, p. 505). The issue for which he is imprisoned is the resurrection. Bruce notes that the Jewish leaders would be surprised not to know about the case, as news traveled freely. The Jews in Rome knew little about Christianity and wished to learn more (Bruce 1988, p. 506).
    Rather than pursuing information about Christianity at that moment, Paul set an appointment with the Jewish leaders on another day (Acts 28:23). Luke notes many people in attendance (Bruce 1988, p. 507). Bruce considers that Paul's exposition of Christianity would not have differed much from the others recorded, but that this account has relatively little detail. There was enough material to take a large portion of the day. While some of th Jews were open to Paul's message, most were not, just as we see in other communities (Bruce 1988, p. 508). Bruce observes that Paul's quotation of Isaiah was commonly used among early Christians to describe the rejection of the gospel by the Jews.
    Acts 28:30-31 brings us to a conclusion, that for two years Paul had considerable freedom to proclaim the gospel to anyone who wished to come to him (Bruce 1988, p. 509). Bruce notes that there have been attempts to explain the period of two years' imprisonment in Rome. However, it is not clear. Bruce thinks it possible that it simply took two years for the case to come up before Caesar (Bruce 1988, p. 510). Luke's failure to say anything about the case is also curious. Bruce suggests possibly the outcome was so well known that Luke felt no need to mention it. Bruce surveys a number of other hypotheses, none of which can be proven.

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Acts 27 - Shipwreck and Winter in Malta

9/11/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
9/11/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 27" In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 473-495). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    Bruce considers the account of Paul's voyage and shipwreck from Acts 27 to be outstanding as a work that reflects first century sea travel through the eyes of a non-sailor (Bruce 1988, p. 474). It draws not only on Homeric models but also on the account of Jonah in the Old Testament. The account has sometimes been taken as an allegory for the voyage of life, a practice Bruce finds lacking. He does, however, note the character lessons shown in the actions of Paul and others (Bruce 1988, p. 475).
    Acts 27:1-3 describe a fairly uneventful start to the voyage. Bruce notes this is a "we" passage, indicating Luke was present for these events (Bruce 1988, p. 476). Paul was under the guard of a Roman centurion, Julius. While Paul was in custody, as a freeborn citizen he would have had some level of consideration (Bruce 1988, p. 477). The ship was apparently a coasting ship, which would put into port frequently. Bruce considers it likely that Julius would be looking for a chance to board a grain ship, more of an express to Rome. There is also mention of Aristarchus, mentioned in other contexts (Bruce 1988, p. 477). At Sidon, Paul was given opportunity to meet with some Christians assembled there (Bruce 1988, p. 478).
    In Acts 27:6-8, at Myra, the party transfers to a different ship which is going directly to Italy (Bruce 1988, p. 479). Bruce observes this was almost certainly a cargo ship carrying grain from Egypt to Rome, a practice which purchased Rome considerable political stability. The voyage was hampered by contrary winds, yet the ship was able to make progress (Bruce 1988, p. 480).
    Acts 27:9-12 sees the party at a crossroads due to the wind and the changing season. To proceed to Rome during the winter would be unworkable. While Paul urged a stay at Fair Havens, the centurion, steersman, and navigator hoped to make it to a more favorable harbor (Bruce 1988, p. 481). Bruce describes the calendar for shipping in relation to the calculated date of Yom Kippur, concluding that this voyage was in the winter of 59.
    The voyagers find a favorable wind to make for their desired harbor in Acts 27:13. Had the wind remained steady, the preferred location was less than a day away (Bruce 1988, p. 484). A change of wind, however, in verse 14, took the ship off course. Bruce notes that in verses 15-16 the typical procedure was to tow a small boat behind a cargo vessel. This boat, when filled with water from the storm, would be hard to pull aboard and secure (Bruce 1988, p. 485). The process of passing cables under the ship to strengthen the hull as in verse 17 is well known. The ship was progressively lightened in an attempt over several days to survive the storm (Bruce 1988, p. 487).
    Verses 21-26 report Paul's encouragement to the people aboard the ship, as he had seen a vision that they would all live despite the loss of ship and cargo (Bruce 1988, p. 487). He encouraged them to eat and then prepare to make landfall somewhere. Bruce notes if they missed Malta, the next land would be Tunisia, some 200 miles farther (Bruce 1988, p. 488).
    Acts 27:27 and following describes the ship's arrival near Malta. There is a bay on Malta which has been given the name of St. Paul's Bay, in an appropriate place and with sea depths consistent with Luke's account in verse 28 (Bruce 1988, p. 490). Verses 30-32 record a foiled plot on the part of the sailors to abandon ship, a move prevented by the soldiers.
    Acts 27:33-38 describe a last meal aboard the ship (Bruce 1988, p. 491). Along with encouragement to eat, Paul reminded the people of the vision which showed him that everyone would survive. Bruce notes the similarity of verses 35-36 to the liturgical action in communion. He postulates that some would have received it as a eucharist, while others may not have noticed the significance (Bruce 1988, p. 492).
    Verses 39-41 record an attempted safe landing after dawn. The ship, however, was grounded on the bottom of the sea, and was beaten apart by waves (Bruce 1988, p. 494). The soldiers, inclined to kill the prisoners, were persuaded by the centurion to allow all to live. Verses 42-44 portray the actual landing of the shipwrecked group.

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Paul Explains Himself to Political Leaders

9/4/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
9/4/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 26" In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 461-472). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    As the fact-finding hearing before Festus, Agrippa, and Bernice continues, Agrippa asks Paul to state his case in Acts 26:1 (Bruce 1988, p. 461). Bruce notes that the content of Paul's response is similar to his statements from the fortress steps at the time of his arrest. Yet the tone is different before this different audience. Here he describes his own manner of life in a measured, almost literary, manner.
    The bulk of Paul's speech begins at Acts 26:2. In verses 2-3, Paul points out the nature of his presentation, before a prominent audience (Bruce 1988, p. 462). Such a setting may require a detailed presentation and considerable mental energy.
    Paul's history, as presented in verses 4-8, is not one which would naturally raise theological questions. Bruce notes that the hope of God's resurrection and the life constructed in accord with God's commands and promises to Israel were not revolutionary within his nation (Bruce 1988, p. 463). The exceptional feature was that God had demonstrated resurrection in Jesus. The issue of Jesus being alive rather than dead was at the center of the controversy.
    Acts 26:9-11 shows Paul granting that his opponents were surprised and resistant with reason, as he himself had been (Bruce 1988, p. 464). The idea of a future general resurrection was not as startling as a claim of Jesus' resurrection. Paul had considered those making that claim as untrustworthy deceivers, and had acted accordingly against them. Paul's opposition had focused on making arguments, then escalated into arrests and imprisonments.
    Acts 26:12-18 describes Paul's vision received while on his way to Damascus. Bruce notes that only in this one of the three accounts of the encounter do all of Paul's companions fall to the ground along with him. It is also the only one to mention "it is hard for you to kick out against the goads" (Bruce 1988, p. 465). The possibility that Paul had an uneasy conscience before his conversion is sometimes raised by commentators. However, Bruce emphasizes Paul's consistent claim to have acted from a clear conscience (Bruce 1988, p. 466). His realization of the truth of the Gospel seems to have come right at the time of his conversion. Paul's description of his commission from the Lord is here merged into the events on the road to Damascus. Bruce notes Paul's commissioning is similar in nature to that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The special feature of Paul's commission was the recognition that salvation was provided for the Gentiles (Bruce 1988, p. 467).
    In Acts 26:19-20 Paul concludes his defense by speaking of his obedience to God's call as he brought the Gospel to all nations (Bruce 1988, p. 467). Paul is clear in teaching here that both repentance and change of actions were the natural response to the Gospel (Bruce 1988, p. 468). It is clear that salvation is not by works, but that good works accompany the life of the repentant person who turns to God. Verse 21 then alleges that the attack upon Paul in the temple had been due to his work as a missionary (Bruce 1988, p. 468). The charge of bringing a Gentile into the temple was not demonstrated. The outcry against Paul had begun several years ago in Ephesus, as he proclaimed God's erasure of distinctions between Jews and Gentiles. Bruce observes again that the governor Festus was still trying to understand what recommendation he should send to Caesar with Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 469).
    In Acts 26:22-23 Paul closes his presentation by emphasizing his preaching was consistent with the historic faith taught by Moses and the prophets (Bruce 1988, p. 469). Bruce suspects the account here is abbreviated by Luke and that Paul would have spoken specifically about a number of particular Old Testament texts, which can be found in various early Chrsitian apologetic collections.
    Acts 26:24-29 describes the interchange of Festus, Paul, and Agrippa after Paul's presentation. In the view of Festus, Paul was being driven mad by his learning (Bruce 1988, p. 470). Though Paul's speech suggested to some that he was insane, Paul considered it to make perfect sense. In his mind it was a natural extrapolation of the factual events (Bruce 1988, p. 471). While Paul attempted to get Agrippa to accept his premise, in verse 28 it was clearly not going to happen at that time.
    Verses 30-32 end the audience. Festus, Agrippa, and Bernice are clear that Paul had not been accused of any serious crime, and was probably completely innocent (Bruce 1988, p. 472). However, he needed to be referred to Caesar due to his appeal to Caesar.

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An Exploratory Hearing

8/28/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
8/28/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 25" In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 449-460). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    We recall that Paul had been imprisoned in Caesarea for some time, then the governor Felix was replaced by Festus. In Acts 25:1-5 the new governor went on a tour of his province to meet the resident authorities, including those in Jerusalem (Bruce 1988, p. 450). The high priests, having asked that Paul be transferred to Jerusalem, were told they could bring their case to Jerusalem instead.
    Back in Caesarea, in Acts 25:6-12, with representatives of the Sanhedrin present, Festus opened Paul's case again (Bruce 1988, p. 451). Bruce observes that the charges against Paul were likely the same alleged to Felix by Tertullus, and had no evidence or witnesses. Paul's denial of the charges was in three parts. He denied breaking the law, violating the temple, and acting against the emperor (Bruce 1988, p. 452). There was inadequate evidence to return him to the Sanhedrin. The charge of acting against the emperor likewise had no evidence, and was not within the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction. Bruce observes it would have been in the governor's best interest to do the Sanhedrin a favor, yet with Paul being a Roman citizen he was obligated to uphold Roman law. His suggested change of venue seemed reasonable. However, in verses 10-11 Paul, knowing the possible outcome of the move, requested he be heard by Caesar, his right as a Roman (Bruce 1988, p. 453). This, Bruce notes, was a well established principle in Roman law. Though the emperor Nero was known by the year 64 to be vicious, especially toward Christians, Bruce notes that now, between 54 and 59, with the guidance of Seneca and Burrus, there was relative peace (Bruce 1988, p. 454). Paul's appeal was legally binding and also readily accepted by Festus.
    Acts 25:13-22 describe a visit to Festus by Agrippa Ii and bernice. It was necessary for Festus to send a report to Rome along with Paul. He may have thought the insight of Agrippa would be helpful to him (Bruce 1988, p. 455). Bruce provides some brief details about Agrippa, the son of Herod Agrippa I (Bruce 1988, p. 456). Bernice, the sister of Agrippa II, was also present on the visit to Caesarea (Bruce 1988, p. 457). While Festus does not appear to have understood the importance of the claim of resurrection, Agrippa certainly did (Bruce 1988, p. 458).
    In Acts 25:23-27, we read of an assembly for an audience of Paul with Festus, Agrippa, Bernice, and other dignitaries (Bruce 1988, p. 458). Bruce notes the irony inherent in Paul, an apostle of God the Son, being brought to speak with world rulers who were less significant in the long run than Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 459). As we saw earlier, the purpose of the hearing was to help Festus form a report to send to Caesar. It was not an actual legal inquiry.

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Paul Tried before the Governor

8/21/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
8/21/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 24" In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 437-449). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

Acts 24:1-9 begins the account of Paul's trial before the governor in Caesarea. An advocate named Tertullus represented the prosecution. Bruce notes this was a common enough name (Bruce 1988, p. 438). The speech recorded, full of flattery toward the governor, was typical of legal discourse. It likely represents only a small portion of what was said. Tertullus mentions the peace of Felix' realm and the overall beneficence of the governor. Paul is presented in verses 5-6 as one who provokes uprisings, is a ringleader of the Nazarenes, and someone who violates holy places (Bruce 1988, p. 439). Bruce observes that there is no evidence for Paul acting in a subversive  way, as alleged. This was not the pattern among Christians. There was some evidence that unrest cropped up where Paul went (Bruce 1988, p. 440). However, Paul was not generally the instigator of discord. The charge of being a ringleader of the Nazarenes may not have been understood in all its nuances by Felix, but Bruce grants that Felix may have known something about the movement. The allegation that Paul had taken a Gentile into the temple was clear and could be answered (Bruce 1988, p. 441). However, a charge that he attempted it unsuccessfully would be very difficult to answer. Tertullus' accusations are answered by Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 442).
    Paul's response is in 24:10-21. Bruce observes that Paul's exordium, though eloquent, was brief, and appealed to Felix as someone who had exhaustive knowledge of Judaism (Bruce 1988, p. 443). Since Paul had returned to Jerusalem after being absent for years, he had spent twelve days without raising any tumults, including the public discourse and debate which would have been very much within his rights. In verses 14-16 Paul describes what he was doing in Jerusalem, worshiping in accord with the ways his ancestors had participated in their faith. Paul's apologetic here is that he followed the patterns of the Law and Prophets, hoping in the resurrection (Bruce 1988, p. 444). Bruce observes that "this is the only place in the New Testament where Paul is unambiguously credited with believing in a resurrection for the unrighteous as wella s for the righteous dead" (Bruce 1988, p. 444). It is more common in his epistles for him to speak of the resurrection as the hope of the Christians. Paul says in verse 17 that the purpose of his trip to Jerusalem was to bring a financial relief offering to Jews in Jerusalem. Bruce points out that it seemed significant to Paul that Gentiles sent gifts to Jews (Bruce 1988, p. 445). Verses 18-19 describe the controversy which arose while Paul was acting in an orderly manner in the temple. The actual accusers of Paul had not come to his trial, as they would have normally done. Bruce speculates that their absence may have been because as Asiatic Jews they would not have been respected by a Roman official. Verses 20-21 record Paul's request that the charges should be made known specifically (Bruce 1988, p. 446). Confessing the resurrection was not known as a crime.
    In Acts 24:22-23, Felix adjourns the hearing, stating his plan to make a decision when Lysias was able to come to Caesarea. Bruce observes that Felix did seem to understand the situation well, possibly due to his wife Drusilla, from the family of the Herods (Bruce 1988, p. 446). Paul was granted a relatively large amount of freedom while he was detained in Caesarea.
    Verses 24-25 record a series of later interviews with Paul after Drusilla arrived. Through these interviews Felix was able to learn more about Christianity (Bruce 1988, p. 447). Bruce provides a brief biography of Drusilla. The ethical elements of Christianity may well have proven personally challenging to Felix, causing him to start and stop discussions frequently (Bruce 1988, p. 448). Felix further expected Paul might make a large bribe to obtain his release. This was not to happen. In the end, Felix was replaced by Porcius Festus, leaving Paul as a prisoner (Bruce 1988, p. 448). Bruce also provides a brief biography of Festus. 

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Paul at the Bar

8/14/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
8/14/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 23" In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 424-437). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    Acts 23:1-5 describes the start of Paul's defense before the Sanhedrin. Bruce observes that Paul's claim in verse one to have retained a clear conscience before God was consistent in his defenses at various times. He interprets Paul's assertion to depend on the fact that God in Christ had justified him and given him a clear conscience (Bruce 1988, p. 424). In verse two, however, the high priest ordered Paul to be struck in the mouth. Bruce provides a brief history of the high priest at the time, Ananias, son of Nedebasus, appointed in A.D. 47 (Bruce 1988, p. 425). He was roundly criticized by Josephus as a greedy and power hungry individual. Paul's retort to the high priest in verse three was based on the lawful presumption of innocence. Paul's response was forceful, no doubt (Bruce 1988, p. 426). Bruce does note that the words were, in fact, called for, with the exception that he spoke to the high priest. Verses 4-5 allege Paul was unaware of the identity of the high priest, as he was the person who presided over the Sanhedrin. The reason for Paul's failure to identify the high priest is slightly unclear.
    Verses 6-10 record a shift in Paul's argument, as he alleges he has been judged due to the hope of the resurrection (Bruce 1988, p. 427). The Sanhedrin was composed of a majority of Sadducees, who rejected the possibility of a resurrection. The minority party, the Pharisees, did confess the reality of resurrection. Paul's contention, then, was that he was being opposed because he was a Pharisee. This move naturally caused a dissent within the Sanhedrin. Bruce notes that some commentators have been critical of Paul for using such a line of argument (Bruce 1988, p. 428). However, the hope of the resurrection was a well established historic tenet of Judaism. For a Sadducee to become a Christian it was necessary that he embrace resurrection. Verses 7-8 describe a significant level of discord in the court, which Luke explains in terms of belief in or rejection of resurrection. In verses 9-10 there is even a possible Pharisaic acceptance of Paul's vision on the Damascus Road (Bruce 1988, p. 429). The tribune, still present with some soldiers, chose to extract Paul from the dispute (Bruce 1988, p. 430).
    Acts 23:11 speaks of an encounter with "the Lord" during the night. Paul is encouraged and told he would bear witness at Rome as well (Bruce 1988, p. 430). Bruce considers that this would have been very helpful to Paul during the events of the subsequent two years.
    The next day, in Acts 23:12-15, a band of about 40 Jews made a vow that they would not eat or drink until they had killed Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 431). They asked the leaders of the Sanhedrin to persuade the tribune to send Paul to the council again, planning to attack him on the way.
    Acts 23:16-22 tells of a nephew of Paul, who, having heard of the plot, managed to be interviewed by the tribune. Bruce observes that the presence of this nephew raises many questions. The man is not known by name. He has a great deal of information about the plot (Bruce 1988, p. 432). There is reason to think that in Philippians 3:8 when Paul says he "suffered the loss of all things" it included connection with his presumably wealthy family. Verses 17-22 remind us that as a Roman citizen who had not been convicted he had freedom to receive visitors. This made it possible for him to alert the tribune of the plot.
    In Acts 23:23-24 the tribune sent Paul, under heavy guard, not to the Sanhedrin but to Caesarea and the governor Felix (Bruce 1988, p. 433). This move would prevent the assassination of an uncondemned Roman citizen.
    Verse 25-30 record a letter from the tribune to the governor, to be sent along with Paul Bruce notes that, even if Luke's version of the letter is not a precise transcription, he does bring out the political nature of the letter. The tribune, a Greek by birth based on his name, likely took the Roman name of the emperor (Bruce 1988, p. 434). The address to Felix is appropriate to the governor's equestrian rank. The riot is described, with the tribune serving as the one who has rescued Paul. The tribune's heroic actions continue as he rightly understood the case before the Sanhedrin and has detected and defused an assassination plot (Bruce 1988, p. 435).
    Verses 31-35 see the unit of 270 guards delivering Paul and the letter to Felix in Caesarea. In verses 31-32 the group departs from Jerusalem some three hours after sunset, covering 35 miles to Antipatris by morning (Bruce 1988, p. 435). From that point, the 200 infantry are sent back to Jerusalem and the cavalry continues to Caesarea. Bruce notes this area was largely Gentile and open country where the journey was relatively safe from disruption (Bruce 1988, p. 436). Felix kept Paul detained until his accusers could come to present a case against him. Bruce gives  a brief biography of the governor, Marcus Antonius Felix. He had a reputation for dealing forcefully with insurgent uprisings, which Tacitus considered may have created, rather than resolved, conflict (Bruce 1988, p. 437).

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Paul Explains Himself in Jerusalem

8/7/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
8/7/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 21:17-40: Paul at Jerusalem." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 403-412). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    At the end of Acts 21, we left Paul as he was preparing to speak to the people of Jerusalem who had made a tumult, dragging him out of the temple. Paul actually speaks beginning at 22:1. He describes himself in terms which Bruce notes as being very similar to those used by Stephen in Acts chapter seven (Bruce 1988, p. 414). Paul speaks of his upbringing in orthodox faith and practice, then his conversion. Bruce notes that in the three places where Paul's conversion story is found, the content is very similar, though the style has subtle differences (Bruce 1988, p. 415). Paul identifies Jerusalem, not Tarsus, as the place of his educational formation. His well known trip to Damascus as a persecutor of Christians is the subject of verse five. Paul is clear that he made that journey with the full approval of the Jewish leaders in Jerusalem.
    Verses 6-11 describe Paul's encounter with Jesus on the way to Damascus. Bruce emphasizes that while Paul's companions saw the bright flash of light and heard Paul speaking, they didn't hear the rest of the conversation or see who Paul was speaking with (Bruce 1988, p. 416). The identity of Jesus as the one Paul was persecuting made it clear that Jesus was the Lord.
    Verses 12-16 describe the situation and interactions between Paul and Ananias in Damascus, as Ananias brings confirmation of the Gospel and healing to Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 417). Ananias is also described as a devout Jew, but one who (vv. 13-16) knew Jesus' power as the one who called and healed Paul. Ananias made it clear that Paul needed to be baptized "as the outward and visible sign of his inward and spiritual cleansing from sin" (Bruce 1988, p. 418). Jesus would be the "dominant power in his life henceforth."
    In Acts 22:17-21 Paul speaks of a vision he had in the temple in Jerusalem. Bruce takes this to be an event most likely at the time Paul had visited Jerusalem earlier, in 9:26-30 (Bruce 1988, p. 418). By the time of Paul's visit to Jerusalem in Acts 22, his calling was well established. In the earlier instance, though, Paul may have needed the affirmation of the Holy Spirit. Bruce considers Paul's mention of the vision to be an important part of the testimony which could persuade people that Paul had good reason for his change of heart (Bruce 1988, p. 419).
    In Acts 22:22-29 Paul's testimony threw the people into a renewed tumult, which provoked the tribune to move Paul away from the crowd. The mention of a mission to Gentiles was too much for his listeners. Bruce observes that since Paul was speaking in Aramaic the tribune would not understand him (Bruce 1988, p. 420). However, it was clear to the tribune that the crowd was ready to take Paul's life. To attempt to keep law and order, the tribune had Paul taken away, and, in verse 24, ordered him to be flogged and interrogated. Bruce notes the Roman flagellum to be used was a more deadly weapon than had previously been used against Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 420). Verses 25 points out Paul's ability to refuse such a punishment, as his citizenship made the interrogation illegal. Paul was able to persuade the tribune that he was a Roman citizen from his birth (Bruce 1988, p. 421). He would now be recognized as a person of some standing.
    Rather than being interrogated by the Roman tribune, he was referred to the Sanhedrin to have his case evaluated (Bruce 1988, p. 422).

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A Challenge in Jerusalem

7/31/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
7/31/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 21:17-40: Paul at Jerusalem." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 403-412). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

Acts 21:17-26 describes the interactions of Paul shortly after his arrival in Jerusalem. Having been received by James and the other elders (Bruce 1988, p. 404), their discussion likely also included the gift of relief they were bringing to Jerusalem. Bruce notes the difference in the narrative between here and the visit mentioned in Galatians 2, where Paul spoke with "the pillars" of the church. Bruce considers it likely the group may have numbered seventy, as a traditional figure which may have cared for the large number of Christians in Jerusalem.
    In verses 19-21, Paul's report of his activities brought joy (Bruce 1988, p. 405). However, there was a rumor in Jerusalem that Paul was not only welcoming Gentiles but also persuading Jews to neglect the customs of Moses. Bruce briefly summarizes Paul's nuanced view of the requirements of the Mosaic Law. Verses 22-24 record the recommendation that Paul should be seen publicly showing a high regard for Jewish customs through joining some others in a Nazirite vow (Bruce 1988, p. 406). Paul would be seen to purify himself ceremonially and to show solidarity with others. The move would not indicate a rejection of the freedom of the Gospel (Bruce 1988, p. 407). Persuaded of this, verse 26 describes Paul following through with the plan. Bruce considers Paul to have some misgivings about this plan proposed by "well-meaning but deeply worried men" (Bruce 1988, p. 408).
    Acts 21:27-30 describes a riotous eruption during the seven days prescribed for Paul's ritual purification (Bruce 1988, p. 408). Some of the Jews who had opposed Paul in Ephesus assumed that Trophimus, himself from Ephesus, had entered the temple with Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 409). Such an entry would be a capital offense, and a violation of clearly posted signs. In the subsequent riot, Paul was dragged to the outer court of the temple. The doors were shut, a detail which suggests to some commentators a significant move to exclude all Gentiles from Christianity (Bruce 1988, p. 410).
    Acts 21:31-36 describes the intervention of Roman authorities, who extracted Paul from the mob and sought an explanation for the riot. Bruce briefly describes the location of the Roman garrison just northwest of the temple (Bruce 1988, p. 410). The custody of Paul would have served both to protect him and to buy time for investigating in hopes that lawful justice could be applied. Verses 35-36 note the continued outcry against Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 411). 
    In Acts 21:37-40 Paul startles the tribune by demonstrating that he is not an Egyptian revolutionary known to the government to have plotted against the temple, then disappeared (Bruce 1988, p. 412). Paul's use of an educated Greek style and his self-identification in verses 39-40 as a Jew from Cilicia gained him permission to speak to the crowd, in their native Aramaic dialect. His defense begins in Acts 22:1.

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Paul Knowingly Heads toward Danger

7/24/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
7/24/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 21:1-16: Miletus to Tyre." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 396-403). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    Paul's journey toward Jerusalem continued after taking leave of the Ephesian elders, as, in Acts 21:1, he and his party boarded a ship bound for Cos (Bruce 1988, p. 397). Bruce provides brief details about the numerous locations at which the voyage stopped. He observes that small vessels generally stayed close to coastlines, but that from Patera to Tyre would have been a larger vessel which left the typical line-of-sight navigation (Bruce 1988, p. 398). In Tyre, according to Acts 21:4, Paul met with a number of Christians, some of whom exercised the gift of prophecy. Paul was in danger if he went to Jerusalem. However, Paul felt constrained by the Holy Spirit to go to Jerusalem. Verses 5-6 show the visit as lasting a week. By the end of the week, the group with Paul and the Christians of Tyre were good friends.
    Acts 21:7-9 brings us to Ptolemais, modern-day Acco (Bruce 1988, p. 399), which was probably the end of the voyage. Bruce notes it is unclear how the group continued to Caesarea. In Caesarea they visited with Philip, who we had first met in Acts 6:3-6. Bruce notes this is about 20 years later (Bruce 1988, p. 400). Philip's daughters exercised prophetic gifts. Bruce notes the tombs of Philip and his daughters are in Hierapolis in the Lycus valley.
    While with Philip, Acts 21:10-14 speaks of Agabus, the prophet from Judea, coming (Bruce 1988, p. 401). Bruce notes that though Agabus knew of Paul's impending arrest, he made no attempt to change Paul's mind. Agabus makes his prophecy both through words and actions, in a similar way to many Old Testament prophets. The conclusion of the assembled people was to pray the Lord's will would be done, reflecting Jesus' prayer in Luke 22:42 (Bruce 1988, p. 402).
    The group with Paul went on up to Jerusalem in Acts 21:15-16. Bruce notes the journey of some 64 miles may have been made on animals rather than on foot. Other Christians from Caesarea joined with the group (v. 16). In Jerusalem they stayed with Mnason, a Cypriot, who would willingly entertain both Jewish and Gentile Christians (Bruce 1988, p. 402).

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From Ephesus toward Jerusalem

7/17/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
7/17/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 20." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pages 380-396). William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

    Acts 20 begins with Paul still in Ephesus, at the end of the riot described in chapter 19. Bruce dates this event probably in 55, and suggests it may have coincided with the annual festival of the Artemisia, in March or April (Bruce 1988, p. 380). He probably went from Ephesus to Troas on a ship (2 Cor. 2:12-13), expecting to meet with Titus and check on a situation in Corinth (Bruce 1988, p. 381). When Titus did not arrive in Troas, Paul continued to Macedonia, where he did meet with Titus. Compare 2 Corinthians 1-9 for the tone of the situation in Corinth. Paul continued west through Macedonia. Bruce considers this journey with various stops and redirections to have lasted until late in 56. Verse 3, then, has Paul in Greece during the winter of 56-57, quite possibly in Corinth. This would correspond to his writing of Romans. Rather than sailing from Cenchreae to Israel, Paul, on finding there was a plot against him, returned to Macedonia and went over land to Troas (Bruce 1988, p. 382). Bruce notes the narrative here is vague about both the collection for relief in Jerusalem and about Titus' presence. In Acts 20:5, Paul and Luke set sail, probably from Neapolis, after the week of unleavened bread, on April 7-14 in 57.
    Paul's subsequent move to Jerusalem is the subject of Acts 20:7-21:16. In Acts 20:7-12, Bruce notes this is the second place in Acts where the narrative is framed in the first person plural rather than the third person. In these "we" passages there is generally more detail (Bruce 1988, p. 384). The breaking of bread here is on the first day of the week. Comparing Acts 2:42, Bruce takes this to be a fellowship meal including the Eucharist. Bruce sees this as "the earliest text we have from which it can be inferred with reasonable certainty that Christians regularly came together for worship on that day" (Bruce 1988, p. 384).
    Verses 8-10 describe Eutychus, a young man, falling asleep and out of a window. Bruce briefly explores the question of whether the fall actually killed Eutychus. Luke seems to consider him dead, but Paul affirms he is alive. Bruce considers that it may have been several hours before Eutychus was again conscious (Bruce 1988, p. 385). Paul's preaching continued until daybreak, when ships typically would leave the port.
    In Acts 20:13-16, Paul and his companions travel mostly by ship to Miletus, with several stops. Paul made the first step of the journey on land. Bruce observes that the trip would have been longer if the ship had gone into the Ephesian Gulf (Bruce 1988, p. 386). He describes the geography in some detail. Because of Paul's desire to be in Jerusalem for Pentecost (May 29, 57), Paul avoided Ephesus, but made arrangements for a visit with some Ephesian leaders while in port at Miletus (Acts 20:17). The speech of Paul recorded in this meeting is different from others. Bruce takes it to be Luke's version of a farewell speech to all the churches Paul had planted (Bruce 1988, p. 387). Bruce discusses in some detail the resemblance between this speech and Paul's later letters, as well as the possible purposes of the speech. It has hortatory and apologetic elements. Bruce particularly notes that while Luke calls the men "elders" Paul refers to them as "guardians" or "shepherds." There is very little of the institutional organizational chart we see emerging in later polity (Bruce 1988, p. 388).
    The speech itself begins in Acts 20:18. Paul reminds the elders that they had seen how his life was governed (Bruce 1988, p. 389). Despite hardships and dangers he had always focused on the Gospel. Verses 22-24 speak of Paul's expectation of future imprisonment (Bruce 1988, p. 389). Despite this bleak outlook, Paul is prepared to surrender his freedom and even his life for Christ. He was not concerned about protecting himself (Bruce 1988, p. 390).
    In Acts 20:25-31 Paul begins telling the elders how they have been prepared with the Gospel and what their role will be in the future (Bruce 1988, p. 391). While it is not clear that Paul will be imprisoned, Bruce observes that with Paul's objective being to go to Rome, then Spain, it would hardly be likely that he would return to Ephesus any time in the foreseeable future (Bruce 1988, p. 391). In the absence of Paul, the Ephesian elders would need to take over pastoral responsibility. Bruce observes the power of identifying prophetic messages as the source of Paul's plan (Bruce 1988, p. 392). The elders would understand that the plan, in fact, was from God. Verses 29-31 speak frankly of the opposition the Ephesian elders  will fact. False teachers from within and without would try to tempt the Ephesians away from the Gospel (Bruce 1988, p. 393). Bruce observes that other writings in the New Testament show that this did happen. However, Ignatius, perhaps 20 years later, seems to think the Ephesians had recovered.
    Acts 20:32-35 has some final words of encouragement. Paul points out the power of God's presence and his word which the Ephesians had received (Bruce 1988, p. 394). Bruce observes that generational change happens. In his opinion apostolic succession is based on receiving the Scripture, including the apostolic teaching. Paul also reminds the Ephesians that care for God's people is done without thought of financial reward (Bruce 1988, p. 395). 
    Verses 36-38 describe the tearful parting of Paul and the Ephesians. He had brought joy to them but now was leaving.

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A Riot in Ephesus

7/10/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
7/10/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Acts 19:21-41." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (370-379). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    Paul's time in Ephesus comes to a close as he makes plans to go to Jerusalem, then Rome. Bruce notes that Paul had spent two and a half years in Ephesus. During that time, Christianity had increased in the eastern Aegean region (Bruce 1988, p. 370). Paul's ultimate travel goal was not Rome, but Spain. Bruce comments, but without giving proof, that Luke knew by the time of publishing Acts whether Paul had been to Spain, but that Luke's literary goal was Rome (Bruce 1988, p. 371). In Acts 19:21-22 we read about Paul's plans. Paul sent Timothy and Erastus to Macedonia, intending to meet them there.
    As these plans were underway, the silversmiths of Ephesus began protesting the growth of Christianity (19:23-28). The silversmiths felt threatened and objected to the Christian rejection of polytheism, as well as the consequences which could result in economic ruin for the temple of Artemis (Bruce 1988, p. 373). Bruce briefly describes the history of the cult of Artemis in Ephesus (Bruce 1988, p. 374). The sale of objects for devotion was a major part of the silversmiths' economy. Verses 25-27 introduce Demetrius, likely the president of the silversmiths' guild. The smiths were moved to make loud calls of protest (Bruce 1988, p. 375). 
    Acts 19:29-34 describes the demonstration in more detail. Bruce briefly describes the geography of Ephesus and the location of the theater, which makes for a natural gathering place (Bruce 1988, p. 375). He notes the level of detail given in this passage suggests that Gaius or Aristarchus, who were taken by the crowd into the theater, may have provided Luke with the specifics (Bruce 1988, p. 376). In verses 30-31, not only did the Christians of Ephesus encourage Paul to avoid the mob, but so did the Asiarchs, political leaders. Bruce describes their office briefly and comments on the apparent friendly relationship they had with Paul (Bruce 1988, p. 377). The mob in the theater became more animated and, in verses 33-34, when a Jewish leader named Alexander tried to address them, they began chanting in favor of Artemis. Bruce considers the Jewish leaders to be interested in distancing their community from association with Paul.
    The riot is ended in Acts 19:35-41, when the town clerk, who served as the liaison with Roman provincial authorities, persuaded the people to calm down and disperse. Bruce reminds us that Ephesus was the provincial capitol and that the Roman authorities could penalize a disorderly city (Bruce 1988, p. 378). The clerk affirmed the importance of Artemis and said the Christians there had not broken any laws. He asserted rule of law and the fact of legitimate means for prosecution of criminals (Bruce 1988, p. 379). Bruce again emphasizes that here, as elsewhere in Acts, Luke describes a positive relationship between the Christians and the Roman authorities.

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Paul in Ephesus

7/3/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
7/3/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Ephesus (19:1-20)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (361-369). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

Bruce observes that at the start of Acts 19, Paul and his companions are moving west toward Ephesus (Bruce 1988, p. 362). In Ephesus, Paul came into contact with a number of disciples of Jesus who were lacking some important knowledge, as they did not know about the Holy Spirit (19:1-2) (Bruce 1988, p. 363). Verse three highlights an assumption on the part of Paul that baptism was associated with receiving the Holy Spirit. Bruce comments on verse four that "John's baptism was one of preparation rather than one of fulfillment, as Christian baptism now was" (Bruce 1988, p. 364). The distinction in Bruce's mind seems to be that John's baptism anticipates Christ, while Christian baptism recognizes the completion of Jesus' mission on earth. Verses 5-7 then show the twelve men being baptized. Bruce observes that there is no other New Testament account of anyone being baptized again, including among those baptized by John the Baptist.
    Acts 19:8-10 describes Paul speaking in the synagogue for three months before moving his work to a lecture hall belonging to Tyrannus (Bruce 1988, p. 365). Though Paul had been in Ephesus earlier, he had not stayed long. Bruce notes that the pattern of speaking in the synagogue then moving on was familiar. Here, however, the work among the Jewish leaders lasted longer than usual, for three months. There is some lack of clarity about whether Tyrannus was a lecturer or may have simply owned the lecture hall and rented it to others (Bruce 1988, p. 366). However, Bruce observes the Western text of Acts shows Paul having use of the space from 11am to 4pm, a time when most of the society took an extended break during the heat of the day. Paul's work in Ephesus continued for two years, during which time Bruce notes others evangelized the other nearby cities.
    Acts 19:11-10 describes a number of signs of divine power which happened around Paul. Bruce notes a parallel to Acts 5:15 and healing where Peter's shadow fell (Bruce 1988, p. 367). Verse 13 shows even Jewish exorcists trying to use Jesus' name. Bruce notes that there are pagan spell-books and other items which make an attempt at using words which might have been used by Jewish exorcists (Bruce 1988, p. 368). The sons of one Sceva attempted to use Jesus' name in an exorcism, but found the demon uncooperative, claiming to know Jesus and Paul but not them (v. 16). News of this event spread rapidly, moving some to believe Jesus and to destroy their magical scrolls (vv. 17-19). Acts 19:20 provides a brief summary that God's Word was continuing to spread, the fifth such report in Acts.

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A Quick Trip

6/26/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
6/26/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Ephesus (18:18-26 [section continues through 19:20])." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (354-361). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    In Acts 18:18, Bruce notes Paul would have little motivation to leave Corinth in light of Gallio's decision to exonerate him (Bruce 1988, p. 354). However, probably in the spring of 52, he went with Priscilla and Aquila to Ephesus. Paul's vow may well have been one of thanksgiving as he had met no harm in Corinth. Bruce discusses the importance of Ephesus, both politically and economically (Bruce 1988, p. 355). Verses 20-21, in the Western text, show Paul as eager to hurry to Jerusalem for a festival. This was likely Passover, early in April in A.D. 52. Navigation was generally closed until March 10 due to weather, so there was little leeway (Bruce 1988, p. 356). 
    Acts 18:22-23 continues Paul's quick visit from Caesarea to Jerusalem ("up" to "the church"), then "down" to Antioch. Bruce considers this not to be the trip referenced in Galatians 2:1-10 (Bruce 1988, p. 356). After bringing some news to Antioch, Paul continued his journey. Bruce observes that Acts 18:22-23 and 19:1 add up to about 15000 miles of travel (Bruce 1988, p. 357). Along the way, Paul's goal was not so much "pioneer evangelism" but helping and encouraging previously established churches.
    In Acts 18:24-28 we are introduced to Apollos. He was a Jew from Alexandria, possibly a traveling merchant (Bruce 1988, p. 358). Somewhere he had been instructed in "the way of the Lord." However, Paul notes he had not been instructed in baptism (Bruce 1988, p. 359). Bruce suggests that the description of Apollos' fervor may have indicated a particular gift of the Holy Spirit. In Acts 18:26, Priscilla and Aquila encouraged Apollos and corrected his teaching (Bruce 1988, p. 360). Apollos subsequently went to Corinth, where he had a strong influence on the church (Bruce 1988, p. 361).

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Paul in Corinth

6/19/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
6/19/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Corinth (18:1-17)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (345-354). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    Bruce briefly describes the geographical relationship of Athens and of Corinth, to the southwest (Bruce 1988, p. 345). The location of Corinth, with eastern and western ports, and roads running north and south, was ideal for trade. This is where Paul and his companions arrived after his time in Athens. In Acts 18:1-4, upon arrival in Corinth, Paul saw the city as a good location for evangelism. He met a couple, Aquila and Priscilla, who, though normally called "tentmakers" may also have worked in leather (Bruce 1988, p. 346). Bruce notes that the Jews had been expelled from Rome. These expulsions of people groups were an occasional part of Roman life. Bruce considers it plausible that Priscilla was of a more noble family than Aquila, as she is normally mentioned first (Bruce 1988, p. 347). 
    As normal, in Acts 18:4, Paul goes to the synagogue on the sabbath, to teach about Jesus (Bruce 1988, p. 348). In Corinth he is able to do this for multiple Sabbaths.
    Acts 18:5-11 describes the Jews' eventual rejection of Paul and his move to a building next door where he was able to preach freely (Bruce 1988, p. 348). Bruce notes in verse five that Paul was joined by Silas and Timothy, and that the time coincides with a monetary gift sent from Philippi, allowing Paul to concentrate more fully on his preaching. Bruce notes that the house next to the synagogue may well have been owned by Gaius Titius Justus, a Roman citizen (Bruce 1988, p. 350). This person may be referenced in 1 Corinthians 1:14, as well as Romans 16:23. In verse eight we are further introduced to Crispus, noted in 1 Corinthians 1:14, who was the ruler of the synagogue. The newly founded church continued to grow. Acts 18:9-10 describes a vision which Paul saw, saying he would be safe. In verse 11, we see that Paul stayed in Corinth for a year and a half (Bruce 1988, p. 351). Bruce notes this probably started in the fall of A.D. 50.
    Acts 18:12-17 describes an attack upon Paul, but one in which he suffered no harm (Bruce 1988, p. 351). The Jewish opponents charged Paul before the proconsul Gallio, the son of Seneca the elder and brother of Seneca the younger. Gallio became the proconsul of Achaia in A.D. 51, for a one year post, which allows for accurate dating of Paul's time in Corinth (Bruce 1988, p. 352). Gallio did not consider the charge against Paul to be valid, so he dismissed the case out of hand. In his opinion, Christianity was simply a sect of Judaism and the complaint was focused on an internal dispute. Bruce notes that this action of Gallio may have had an effect on imperial policy, as his brother, the younger Seneca, was influential in Rome (Bruce 1988, p. 354). While rioting was not tolerated, the Christians seemed to be among the Jews and would be permitted by law.

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Thessalonica and Athens - The Gospel to the Hellenists

6/12/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
6/12/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Thessalonica to Athens (17:1-34)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (320-344). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    After briefly orienting the reader to the geography along Paul, Silas, and Timothy's journey in Acts 17:1, Bruce notes that Thessalonica was to be the location of "intensive evangelization" (Bruce 1988, p. 322). Verses 2-3 take Paul to the synagogue, where he spoke to the people for three sabbaths. His focus was on how Jesus was the Messiah who fulfilled the predictions of the Old Testament. Verse four notes, according to a regular pattern, that most of the people who were converted by Paul's message were Gentiles among the God-fearers. This included "a considerable number of women of high station" (Bruce 1988, p. 323). 
    Also according to the pattern in other places, Acts 17:5 records Jews who didn't believe the gospel turned against Paul and his companions, attacking the house where they were staying, with a man named Jason. Bruce considers that the missionaries specifically escaped the attack on the house, rather than that they were simply somewhere else at the time the attack happened (Bruce 1988, p. 323). Verses 6-7 shows the angry Jews taking Jason and some others to the magistrates. The charges brought were related to sedition and revolution, particularly since the Christians considered "one Jesus as a rival emperor to him who ruled in Rome" (Bruce 1988, p. 324). Bruce observes that the eschatological expectation of Christianity, which looks to an end time when imperial power will be removed from earthly governments to reside in Jesus would have constituted sedition against the emperor (Bruce 1988, p. 325). The politarchs of the city, rather than taking a violent tack as in Philippi, chose to investigate and meanwhile required Jason and those who were with him to post bail for Paul, Silas, and Timothy, guaranteeing there would be no more disorder. Bruce notes that this in effect required the missionary group to leave the city (Bruce 1988, p. 325). 
    In Acts 17:10-15, Paul and Silas were sent from Thessalonica to Berea by night. Bruce entertains the idea that Paul may have intended to continue along the Egnatian Way, as he had been doing, then arrive in Rome. However, as it turns out, at this time Jews had been expelled from Rome by Claudius. We don't exactly know why Paul went to Berea, but we do know his course was no longer set for Rome (Bruce 1988, p. 326). At some point in the time of Paul and Silas' presence in Berea, Timothy rejoined them, though he was not identified as one of the people sent at the start. Verses 11-12 describe a visit to a synagogue. Bruce observes that this synagogue received the missionaries in a warm manner and investigated the Scriptures to evaluate the message. Many believed Christ (Bruce 1988, p. 327). However, the hostile Jews continued following Paul and Silas, arriving in Berea in verse 13. This resulted in Paul's departure from the city. Silas and Timothy remained in Berea, but were sent word from Paul that they should join him in Athens.
    Acts 17:16-21 then sees Paul in Athens. Bruce observes that Athens was no longer such a political center as it had been in the fifth to fourth centuries B.C., However, the arts and philosophical inquiry in Athens did remain noteworthy (Bruce 1988, p. 329). The temples and sculptures were not merely works of art, but objects of worship for the Athenians. This is a very significant departure from Jewish sensibilities. In verse 17, Paul was troubled by the idolatry. In Bruce's estimation, Paul's trouble was that, seeing the city dedicated to idolatry made their need for the gospel entirely clear to him (Bruce 1988, p. 329). Bruce describes the religious heritage of Athens in brief. Paul and his followers were distinctively outsiders in the culture, as described in verse 18. However, those who gathered at the Areopagus would be willing to hear what Paul had to say. Bruce describes the Areopagus (hill of Ares) in brief (Bruce 1988, p. 331). 
    Verses 22-31 provide a summary of Paul's statements at the Areopagus. Bruce considers this as one of the most commented on passages in Acts (Bruce 1988, p. 333). There is also significant controversy about whether Paul could have made such a speech, based on linguistic and rhetorical style. Yet Paul considers it entirely plausible, as the complexity is not unlike that of Romans chapters 1-3, though the conventions of the setting are different (Bruce 1988, p. 334). Bruce notes that in speaking to a pagan audience, it was necessary for Paul to lay out the identity of the true God first, which he does in Acts 17. He uses quotations of Greek poets, thus identifying himself with learning and literature. Avoiding extensive reference to first principles, he describes God as the creator and judge of all, using biblical terms (Bruce 1988, p. 335). Paul's statement that the Athenians were "very religious" could also be taken to indicate they were "rather superstitious." Bruce notes that in the Areopagus it was not permitted to compliment the audience so as to try to gain favor. Paul goes on in verse 23 to point out that the Athenians were worshiping without knowledge. On the contrary, in verse 24, Paul introduces the Athenians to the true God who can be known. Bruce observes that the language used is "strongly reminiscent of the Old Testament scriptures" (Bruce 1988, p. 336). This true God, according to verse 25, needs nothing from people, but rather supplies the needs of people. Verse 26 goes on to describe God as the "creator of the human race in particular" (Bruce 1988, p. 336), as contrasted to the Athenian belief that they as a people had sprung from the soil of Attica. Bruce notes that this "removed all imagined justification for the belief that Greeks were innately superior to barbarians" (Bruce 1988, p. 337). Bruce briefly considers Paul's quotations from pseudo-Epimenides and Aratus, both of which consider Zeus as the supreme being in Stoic philosophy (Bruce 1988, p. 339). Bruce concludes that both quotations can apply not to Zeus, but that they recognize characteristics of the true God of Israel. Therefore, in verse 29, Paul concludes that all humans are offspring of God, created in His image. This is radically different from the paganism in which the gods are somehow distant. In verse 30, the ignorance which failed to acknowledge the true God had been passed over by God's mercy. However, since he is made plain in the preaching of Paul, that ignorance has come to an end and is inexcusable. Therefore, all people are called to repent and to believe on the true God, who, in verse 31, is also the judge of all (Bruce 1988, p. 340). By raising Jesus from the dead, God has made a way to judge the world of humans. Bruce views Paul's speech as an excellent example of bridging the gap between Hebraic and Hellenistic thought, drawing a clear and detailed description of God based on Old Testament revelation in terms which a Hellenistic thinker could understand (Bruce 1988, p. 341). 
    In Acts 17:32-34 the Athenian response is shown as divided. While some wished to hear more, most found the concept of the resurrection of the dead to be foolishness. After this presentation, Paul left the Areopagus, but a few people, including Dionysius and Damaris, believed him (Bruce 1988, p. 343). Paul did not remain in Athens long after this.

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The Gospel in Philippi

6/5/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
6/5/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Philippi (16:6-40)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (305-320). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    Bruce observes that Paul, on his journeys, includes both detailed planning and a sensitivity to the Holy Spirit. In Acts 16:6-10, by some unspecified means, Paul perceives that he is not to go west into Ephesus and Asia Minor, but to go through Phrygia and Galatia (Bruce 1988, p. 305). In verses 7-8, then, the group with Paul went north. The specific locations they reached are not entirely clear, but at the end point they arrived at Troas and the sea. At this point "the Spirit of Jesus" brought further instruction (Bruce 1988, p. 307). At Troas, according to verse nine, Paul had a vision at night of a man from Macedonia asking for help. Bruce notes that in verse ten, Luke appears to have joined the party, as the narrative moves to the first person rather than the third person. This is the first segment of Acts which uses the "we" in its narrative. From this point, Paul and his companions went west toward Philippi.
    In Acts 16:11-12a, Bruce observes that the voyage from Troas to Neapolis took only two days, compared to a voyage in the opposite direction from Acts 20:6, which took five days due to wind conditions. Neapolis is approximately ten miles from Philippi, serving as its port. Bruce observes, "Luke likes to note the ports of arrival and departure" (Bruce 1988, p. 308). Philippi was notably a Roman colony, described specifically as such by Luke. Bruce notes that the colony would use Roman law and have a constitution similar to that of Rome.
    Philippi, as we see from the fact that Paul did not attend a synagogue, presumably did not have one, indicating that there  would not have been ten Jewish men to constitute a quorum of a synagogue (Bruce 1988, p. 310). The Jewish women and presumably some Gentiles who worshiped God were in the habit of assembling by the river for prayer. At this location, in Acts 16:14-15, Paul met Lydia, a Gentile from Thyatira, who was engaged in the manufacture of purple dye. She believed and she and her household were baptized. After this, she persuaded Paul and his companions to remain at her house.
    Acts 16:16-18 record an encounter with a slave girl who was possessed by a demon and was being exploited by her owner (Bruce 1988, p. 312). As she was following Paul and his companions and proclaiming that they were servants of God, Paul commanded the spirit to leave her. This resulted in her conversion to Christ. As a result of this, her owners prosecuted Paul and Silas, who were stripped, beaten, and imprisoned (Bruce 1988, p. 313). Bruce observes that this move, recorded in verses 19 and following, was illegal arrest, as Paul and Silas were Roman citizens, not non-citizen wandering Jews. Because they were proselytizing, which could spark strife in the city, the magistrates had them punished severely (Bruce 1988, p. 314). 
    Acts 16:25-34 records the abrupt end of the imprisonment of Paul and Silas. Bruce considers this passage to have been inserted into the narrative of Luke, taken from some other  source, as verse 24 leads directly into verse 35 (Bruce 1988, p. 316). Paul and Silas could not have been comfortable after their beating and being confined in stocks. However, they were singing hymns in prison around midnight, when the prison was shaken and the prisoners were released by an earthquake. Bruce observes the unusual situation that must have allowed Paul and Silas to persuade the prisoners not to flee. The assumption that the prisoners had fled drove the jailer to decide that suicide was the appropriate reaction. Upon finding that the prisoners were present, the jailer (who according to "the Western reviser" secured the other prisoners first) asked Paul and Silas how to be saved. Bruce observes that the type and extent of his inquiry is not entirely clear (Bruce 1988, p. 317). However, learning that he needed to believe on Jesus, he responded with belief, cared for the prisoners, and was baptized. Bruce theorizes that there was likely a well in the courtyard of the prison (Bruce 1988, p. 318). 
    Acts 16:35-40 describes the act of the praetors attempting to release Paul and Silas, who then revealed their identity as Roman citizens. Bruce observes that Paul apparently thought their treatment as Romans had been inappropriate, judging on the rights and rule of law, which Bruce details briefly (Bruce 1988, p. 319). The praetors, possibly fearing repercussions for their mistreatment of Roman citizens, came to Paul and Silas and asked them to allow an escort out of the city, caring for the right of Roman citizens to be immune to forcible removal from a city (Bruce 1988, p. 320). Bruce suggests that Paul's assertion of his rights may have served to gain some level of protection for Lydia and her household.

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Visitation Again and Again

5/29/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
5/29/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Recently Planted Churches Revisited (15:36-16:5)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (301-305). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    In Acts 15:36-41 Paul, with Silas rather than Barnabas, visits some churches which were recently planted. Bruce emphasizes that Luke's description of the conflict between Paul and Barnabas which resulted in their separation is made without any indication of one or the other being in the right (Bruce 1988, p. 301). Rightly or wrongly, Paul didn't consider Mark to be someone who should travel with him. Mark became the companion of Barnabas, to whom he was related. Bruce suggests that there was ongoing bitterness, evidenced by Paul's comment in Galatians that "even Barnabas" withdrew from gentiles with Peter. The collaboration of Barnabas and Mark, as well as the collaboration of Paul and Silas, bore fruit and spread the gospel effectively.
    Acts 16 finds Paul and Silas in Galatia, where they are joined by Timothy. Bruce notes that the churches they visit "had been evangelized by Paul and Barnabas two or three years previously" (Bruce 1988, p. 303). Paul's decision of Timothy as a companion from Lystra and Iconium is significant in Bruce's opinion. Timothy's mother was married to a gentile. This suggests to Bruce that the Jews of Asia Minor were more willing to mix with gentiles than were those in Palestine. In verse three Paul has Timothy circumcised. Bruce notes that in Jewish law Timothy, the son of a Jewish mother, was a Jew. His lack of circumcision marked him as an apostate (Bruce 1988, p. 304). Paul's move to circumcise Timothy paved the way for reception in the synagogues. This could well seem a purely pragmatic move, yet there are times we engage in pragmatism, at least on a small scale. Silas and Paul passed along the decrees from the council in Jerusalem. Bruce notes that in Acts 16:4  the decrees were passed along with Silas as the main messenger. Bruce suggests this is related to the fact that Paul had recently communicated with these churches through his letter to the Galatians so it would be preferable for the news from Jerusalem to come through Silas (Bruce 1988, p. 305). In Acts 16:5 we have a brief progress report of the churches being established and increasing, a typical transition statement.    

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A Controversy Worth Settling

5/22/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
5/22/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "The Council of Jerusalem (15:1-35)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (281-300). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    The Council in Jerusalem, recorded in Acts 15, is extremely detailed in nature. Bruce sees this as a sign that Luke considered this gathering to be of tremendous importance (Bruce 1988, p. 282). At issue was the appropriate way to bring Gentiles into membership of the church and in what way Jewish and Gentile Christians would engage in fellowship with one another. 
    Bruce observes that while Acts 15:1-35 is straightforward as is Galatians 2:1-10, it is difficult to harmonize the two passages with one another. Most scholars consider the passages to describe the same visit of Paul to Jerusalem. However, the two accounts seem significantly different from one another (Bruce 1988, p. 283).  The conflict between Peter and Paul described in Galatians 2:11-14 portrays a challenge which would not have been very likely after the council of Acts 15. Bruce considers it most likely that the events of Galatians 2:11-14 led to the council in Acts 15 (Bruce 1988, p. 284). 
    In Acts 15:1-2, the stage for the conflict is set by people coming from Judaea. Bruce considers it possible that these were the same people "from James" (Galatians 2:12).They had a message that gentiles needed to be circumcised upon conversion (Bruce 1988, p. 285). This may well have been provoked by a conservative Jewish view that Christianity would remain in the cultural stream of Judaism. Circumcision had been omitted from the teaching given to the gentile converts. Because of the important repercussions for relationships between Jewish and gentile converts, it was important to assemble the various factions (Bruce 1988, p. 287).
    During their trip toward Jerusalem in Acts 15:3-5, Paul and Barnabas, with some other companions. visited Christian groups along the way.(Bruce 1988, p. 288). Their account of what God had been doing among the gentiles brought thanksgiving, including among those assembled at Jerusalem. However, some were not satisfied. Luke specifically says in verse five that the critics in Jerusalem were Pharisees who had converted. In verse six, then, a council was assembled, including responsible leaders who were not among the apostles as well as those of the apostles who were able to assemble (Bruce 1988, p. 289).
    Significantly, in Acts 15:7-11, Peter, not Paul, described the liberty of the gospel and the fact that God could forgive people from sin even if they were not formerly Jews (Bruce 1988, p. 289).     In verses 10-11 Peter describes the requirements of the law as a "yoke" which was too heavy to be borne. This description was not held to by all the Jewish converts, but Bruce considers Peter's statement to accurately reflect "the rank and file of Galilaean Jews" (Bruce 1988, p. 290). Bruce observes that this is the last time we run across Peter in Acts (Bruce 1988, p. 291). Additional testimony came from Barnabas and Paul in verse 12, before James summed up the situation in Acts 15:13-21.
    Bruce identifies James as one of the brothers of the Lord, and the acting leader of the Jerusalem church (Bruce 1988, p. 292). He, having considered the testimony, summarized what Peter had said. Bruce notes that he doesn't refer to Barnabas and Paul "This indeed may have been politic: James wanted to carry a difficult audience with him, and it was the activity of Barnabas and Paul that had created the situation which roused such apprehension in the minds of the Jerusalem rank and file" (Bruce 1988, p. 292). In James' summary, Bruce considers it very important that he used language specifically identifying the gentiles as "a people for [God's] name." This reflects the language used in Deuteronomy of Israel (Bruce 1988, p. 293). In verses 15-18 he further applies to the gentiles the gathering back of God's people described in Amos, in Jeremiah 12, and Isaiah 45. This conversion of the gentiles is the fulfillment of God's gathering his people who had been scattered.
    The decision, in Acts 15:19-21, is that Jewish Christians should not attempt to demand circumcision on the part of the gentile converts. However, because the gentile converts would need to deal with Jewish christians in a non-controversial manner, the gentiles should avoid blood and food sacrificed to idols, as well as avoiding relationships between the sexes which would be offensive to the Jewish Christians (Bruce 1988, p. 295). 
    Having reached a conclusion, the leaders composed a circular letter describing the conflict in brief and charging people to adhere to their decisions (Acts 15:22-29) (Bruce 1988, p. 296). Messengers including Paul and Barnabas, Judas and Silas, were to bring the letter around to Christian communities, explaining it further as needed (Bruce 1988, p. 297). Significantly, in verses 24-27, the letter observes that the people who had been demanding circumcision had not been sent from Jerusalem with that purpose. 
    Acts 15:30-35 describes the relief which the letter provided for gentile Christians in Antioch. Bruce considers the burdens to be relatively small and that the decisions would avoid future tense relationships (Bruce 1988, p. 300). Judas and Silas remained for a brief time in Antioch before being sent on. Paul and Barnabas remained longer than Judas and Silas did.

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There and Back Again

5/15/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
5/15/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Iconium, Lystra, Derbe (14:1-28)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (269-281). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    Acts 14:1-7 describes the work of Paul and Barnabas in Iconium. Bruce observes that they followed their normal pattern of going first to the synagogue, where many believed, but some did not accept them (Bruce 1988, p. 270). This was also a normal pattern. In Iconium, the Jewish authorities sought to turn both Jews and Gentiles, along with city officials against the apostles. While they did this, Paul and Barnabas continued their preaching (v. 3). Bruce notes that in Galatians 3:5 Paul refers to bringing the power of the gospel and seeing mighty works done in Iconium, all on account of divine grace (Bruce 1988, p. 271). This work created a sharp division between those who believed and those who rejected the apostolic message. In verses 4-6 we find that the mob was prepared to stone Paul and Barnabas, but they learned of the plot beforehand and escaped from Iconium, leaving converts behind. Paul and Barnabas then went to other parts of Lycaonia. Bruce describes the geopolitical situation of Lycaonia at the time of Paul and Barnabas. It was divided between Galatian territory in the west and an eastern part under Antiochus IV. As we often learn upon study of history and geography, the biblical account does correctly identify places, in this case, Iconium as a Phrygian city at the time (Bruce 1988, p. 272).  
    In verses 8-13 Paul and Barnabas have moved on to Lystra, where Paul heals a lame man. Bruce notes, "The genuine and apparently incurable nature of the man's disability is emphasized by repetition: he had, we are told, no strength in his feet; he was a cripple from birth; he had never walked" (Bruce 1988, p. 273). Despite this very serious condition, in verses 9-10 Paul saw that the man "had faith to be made well." Bruce observes faith often emphasized as necessary for receiving either physical or spiritual healing. The two regularly occur together. The cure of the man amazed the people. Verses 11-12 point out that the crowd speaks a Lycaonian language, different from the Phrygian language. Bruce notes that though Paul and Barnabas would not have understood the language, they could tell it was a different language than the Phrygian language used in Iconium. This also prevented Paul and Barnabas from knowing what was happening until the people began trying to honor them as Zeus and Hermes (Bruce 1988, p. 274). Bruce notes the legend of Philemon and Baucis, who unwittingly played host to Zeus and Hermes (but with Roman names) and were rewarded for the act, came from this region. Bruce suggests that "Barnabas may have been identified with Zeus because of his more dignified bearing; Paul, the more animated of the two, was called Hermes 'because he was the leading speaker'" (Bruce 1988, p. 274). The people, therefore, prepared to make offerings to the apostles.
    When Paul and Barnabas realized what was happening, they refused the actions forcefully (Acts 14:14-18). Bruce observes that in verses 4 and 14, Paul and Barnabas are called "apostles," though they are not called that in other passages in Acts (Bruce 1988, p. 275). The apostles are ordinary humans, not gods of any sort. Bruce considers that "[t]he summary which Luke proceeds to give of their expostulation provides us with one of the two examples in Acts of the preaching of the gospel to purely pagan audiences - to people who, unlike the Gentiles who attended synagogue worship, had no acquaintance with the God of Israel or with the Hebrew prophets" (Bruce 1988, p. 276). The other example is in Acts 17:22-31. Though the language used largely reflects the Old Testament, the apostles considered that the pagans would be able to understand, having been told that there is truly only one God. They could then build on that conceptual foundation. Bruce observes that God's natural revelation through seasons, food, and the like, should have dispelled some of the ignorance shown by the pagan world. However, they ultimately needed the clear proclamation of the gospel, which arrived with Paul and Barnabas (Bruce 1988, p. 277). With difficulty, Paul and Barnabas managed to stop the sacrifices from happening.
    Acts 14:19-23 describes another difficult turn of events in Lystra, as Jews from Antioch and Iconium arrived to discourage the missionary activity (Bruce 1988, p. 277). Bruce suggests that the Jews who arrived probably were informed and dependent on a Jewish community in Lystra, which had a coalition with Pisidian Antioch (Bruce 1988, p. 278). Bruce further suggests that the Lystrans would have been offended because "they had been made to look foolish" in the attempted sacrifice. Therefore, they threw stones at Paul, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Bruce 1988, p. 279). After this event, in verse 20, Paul and Barnabas went toward Derbe, about 60 miles from Lystra. Derbe was near the frontier of the province. Bruce notes that Paul and Baranabas, after planting a church in Derbe, went back the way they had come. There may have been a change of government in Lystra, Iconium, and Pisidian Antioch, but regardless, Bruce observes the apostles must have had a great deal of courage to go there again so soon. Verse 22 shows them encouraging the churches which had been planted there. The gospel is shown as spreading. In verse 23 leaders were appointed out of the Christians gathered in the communities. Bruce observes that though the churches were young and the leaders had not been Christians for long, they were still recognized as elders and leaders in the churches (Bruce 1988, p. 280).
    From Pisidian Antioch, Paul and Barnabas returned to Antioch on the Orontes in Acts 14:24-28. This brought them back to the place from which they had been sent about a year earlier (Bruce 1988, pp. 280-281).

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Antioch - A Sermon in a Synagogue

5/8/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
5/8/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Pisidian Antioch (13:13-52)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (250-269). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    Bruce briefly identifies the geographical features governing Acts 13:13, noting the different features of the port in Antioch and the settlement history of the area (Bruce 1988, p. 250). It is not entirely clear to Bruce why John Mark separated from Barnabas and Paul. What is clear is that Paul considered Mark's departure to be inappropriate.
    In Acts 13:14 Paul and Barnabas leave Perga and go to Pisidian Antioch. Again, Bruce provides information, including modern place names along the route (Bruce 1988, p. 251). It is notable that Paul typically went to centers of civil and military government, presumably so the gospel would move out from those locations into nearby countryside. Because there was a synagogue in Pisidian Antioch, according to verse 15, Paul and Barnabas went to it on the Sabbath. Bruce notes "after the call to worship and the recitation of the appropriate prayers the scripture lessons were read - One from the Pentateuch and one from the Prophets. (The Pentateuch was read in sequence according to a triennial lectionary; the lesson from the Prophets was normally selected because of some relation to the Pentateuchal lesson.)" (Bruce 1988, p. 251).  Bruce notes that Luke's description of a synagogue service here and in Luke 4:16-27 is of use in building our understanding of typical synagogue services.
    Acts 13:16-41 is a record of Paul's address to the synagogue. Bruce observes that in verse 16 we learn that there are Israelites and Gentiles in the congregation (Bruce 1988, p. 252). We also observe that Paul stood to address the people, though in Luke 4 Jesus sat down to teach. Bruce is uncertain whether this reflects a regional difference or a view that exhortation was done standing and teaching was done sitting. Paul's exhortation in verses 17-22 reviews the history of Israel in brief, from the time of the patriarchs to the Davidic kingdom, before jumping immediately to Christ (Bruce 1988, p. 253). Bruce observes this kind of review is typical within Israelite practice. The form of the homily is known from examinations of synagogue homilies. Bruce further thinks the Pentateuchal lesson may have been Deuteronomy 1 or 4:25-46, along with readings from 1 Samuel 13:14 and possibly 2 Samuel 7:6-16 (Bruce 1988, p. 254). God is seen as supporting his people through the wilderness (verse 18) before dispossessing nations in Canaan (verse 19). Verses 20-22 review leaders God raised up who were supposed to reflect his priorities, but who ultimately proved inadequate (Bruce 1988, p. 255). Though the house of David failed to maintain a unified kingdom, God was faithful to raise up "a new and greater David" (Bruce 1988, p. 256). In verses 23 and following, Paul's survey of history slows down so as to introduce Jesus as the one introduced by John the baptist, the savior who was not recognized by Israel. Bruce observes that the summary of John's ministry in verses 24-25  is consistent with the depiction found in the synoptic gospels, as well as the Fourth Gospel. (Bruce 1988, p. 258). Verses 26-29 depict the leaders in Jerusalem failing to recognize Jesus as the Messiah who serves as the savior for both the Israelites and Gentiles in the congregation. God raised Jesus from the dead, reversing human judgment (verses 30-31) (Bruce 1988, p. 259). In verses 32-33 Paul describes God's promise to the patriarchs now being implemented for all. According to verses 34-37, the fulfillment of the promise takes place in the resurrection of Jesus. The fact that the holy one of God did not undergo decomposition (corruption) shows the power of God over death (Bruce 1988, p. 260).
    Bruce compares this speech of Paul to Peter's speech on the day of Pentecost in brief, as some commentators question their authenticity on the grounds that they are very similar. Sometimes this speech is considered un-Pauline or Peter's speech is considered too Pauline (Bruce 1988, p. 260). Some commentators take both the speeches to be effectively written by Luke, rather than to be a summary based on Luke's eyewitness experience. However, Bruce observes that it is not surprising to find a consistency in the messages of the two apostles (Bruce 1988, p. 261).
    Acts 13:38-41 moves into an application of the sermon's content to the hearers. They are offered forgiveness in Jesus, while they are also warned against rejecting Jesus' forgiveness. Forgiveness is regularly proclaimed in Acts, but here justification is added. Bruce observes that Paul regularly writes about justification, but that here the operation of justification is slightly unclear (Bruce 1988, p. 262). It is not brought about by Moses' law, but only through Jesus, who is able to justify people altogether. It is important that the people should not miss the salvation found in Christ, as the results will be disastrous.
    Verses 42-43 describe the people, leaving the synagogue, expressing their desire that Paul and Barnabas should continue teaching them. Bruce observes that the synagogue leaders were not necessarily wishing to have Paul's teaching present, yet many hearers continued to follow Paul and Barnabas (Bruce 1988, p. 263). 
    Acts 13:44-52 describe a continued spread of the gospel, so much so that a crowd of Gentiles appeared at the synagogue the following Sabbath (Bruce 1988, p. 265). The message of Paul was not well received in general by the synagoge leaders, though it was by the Gentiles. In verse 45 Paul considers it appropriate that the Jews would hear the gospel first. However, the offer would not be limited to the Jews. In verses 48-49 the Gentiles received the gospel joyfully, spreading the gospel through the city and the surrounding areas (Bruce 1988, p. 267).  As the narrative closes, Bruce again reviews the geographical areas to which the gospel spread (Bruce 1988, p. 268).    

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A Proconsul and a Sorcerer

5/1/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
5/1/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Cyprus "(13:4-12)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (246-249). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

    As Barnabas and Saul go toward Cyprus in Acts 13:4, Bruce observes that the location has been documented as early as the 18th century B.C., called Elishah (Genesis 10:4) (Bruce 1988, p. 246). The area was colonized by Greeks as well as Phoenicians before becoming a Roman territory in 57 B.C. At the time of Acts, it was a separate province. Baranabas and Saul were accompanied by John Mark (v. 5), who may have been helpful as an eyewitness of the events of Jesus' passion. Barnabas and Saul first preached in Salamis, on the east coast, where there seem to be multiple synagogues. Bruce notes that though Paul was considered the apostle to the Gentiles, he regularly started his ministry in synagogues, where the God-fearing Gentiles would be gathered (Bruce 1988, p. 247).
    The city Paphos served as the seat for the provincial government. Paul and Barnabas went from Salamis, on the east coast, to Paphos, on the southwest coast. Bruce notes that there are two cities called Paphos (New and Old) on Cyprus. This city is New Paphos (Bruce 1988, p. 248). There was an active cult of a goddess who is similar to Aphrodite in that location. The proconsul, Sergius Paullus, as well as the sorcerer Bar-jesus are introduced to us in Acts 13:6-8. Bruce observes that Bar-jesus may have taken an interest in the interview between the proconsul and Saul and Barnabas, as if the proconsul were to believe what Paul and Barnabas taught it would endanger Bar-jesus' reputation. 
    In verses 9-11 Saul rebukes Bar-jesus forcefully. He does not show himself as a son of Jesus, as his name would indicate, but is rather a child of the devil. Paul's rebuke leads to Bar-jesus' becoming temporarily blind, which is symbolically consistent with his spiritual blindness. Bruce notes that here, for the first time, we are introduced to Saul by his Roman cognomen, Paullus (Bruce 1988, p. 249). This event certainly was persuasive to the proconsul, as reflected in verse 12. Brue questions what the outcome of the proconsul's "belief" might have been. It is not clear whether the proconsul was converted to lasting faith in Jesus or whether he was simply struck by the power of the message but did not pursue lasting change.

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Apostles Doing Chores

4/24/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
4/24/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Barnabas and Saul (12:25-13:3)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pp. 243-246). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

Acts 12:25 brings us back to Barnabas and Saul, last seen in 11:30 taking famine relief funds from Antioch to Jerusalem (Bruce 1988, p. 243). Now, in 12:25, they have joined with Mark while in Jerusalem and have returned to Antioch. In Acts 12:1-3, the prophets in the church at Antioch are told by the Holy Spirit to send Barnabas and Saul on a mission (Bruce 1988, p. 244). Bruce considers the named prophets, but concludes that they cannot be clearly identified (Bruce 1988, p. 245). The leaders of the church, after fasting and prayer, lay hands on Barnabas and Saul to commission them. Bruce notes this laying on of hands does not impart a gift, but simply appoints them to the service (Bruce 1988, p. 246).

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Herod Agrippa and the Church

4/17/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
4/17/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Herod Agrippa I and the Church (12:1-24)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pp. 232-242). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

At the start of Acts 12, Herod is introduced. Bruce notes this is Herod Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great (Bruce 1988, p. 232).  He was taken to Rome at the age of four, and grew up on good terms with Claudius and Gaius, who became emperor in A.D. 37. Gaius Caesar assigned Agrippa two tetrarchies in Syria, as well as the title of king. His realm grew when Claudius Caesar became emperor in 41. Herod Agrippa regularly made attempts to gain the goodwill of the Jews.

Herod's desire for popularity led him to make his move against the apostles, recorded in Acts 12:2 (Bruce 1988, p. 232). James the son of Zebedee was the first of the Eleven to die as a martyr (Bruce 1988, p. 233). Bruce observes that while James the Just and some others who generally cooperated with the Jewish community seemed relatively safe, James the son of Zebedee and Peter were targets for persecution, likely due to their willingness to bring the gospel to Gentiles (Bruce 1988, p. 234).

Acts 12:4 places the time of this activity at the time of unleavened bread. Agrippa wanted to delay a public show until after the feast. However, this moved him to use special increased security measures to prevent a jailbreak. Peter was chained to two guards and had two more at the door of his cell.

In Acts 12:5-11 an angel of the Lord appears to Peter and releases him from prison, evading the guards (Bruce 1988, p. 235). The church had been in prayer for him (v. 5). Bruce notes that Peter at first assumed he was dreaming. Bruce briefly examines the physical description of the area and concludes the prison may have been the same one where Paul was kept in chapters 21-23. By verse 10, Peter realized he was not dreaming. He had been rescued from prison (Bruce 1988, p. 236). While Bruce entertains the possibility that the "angel" (messenger) was a human, Peter and Luke treat it as most likely an angelic being rather than a human.

Acts 12:12-17 describes Peter's actions. He first checked in with those who were praying, then he departed to go into hiding (Bruce 1988, p. 237). The gathering was at the home of John Mark, probably the author of the Second Gospel, also mentioned in Colossians 4:10; Philemon 24; 2 Timothy 4:11; and 1 Peter 5:13 (Bruce 1988, p. 238). Bruce notes the house was a substantial home, signaling wealth. The reception of Peter in verses 13-16 is humorous, as the doorkeeper had assumed Peter was dead, and left him waiting in the street. When he was admitted, he told of the events, urged those present to tell the other leaders, and went away. Bruce notes he "went underground so successfully that no one to this day has discovered for certain where he went" (Bruce 1988, p. 238). Bruce also notes the priority of James as the leader of the church at Jerusalem (Bruce 1988, p. 239).

The disappearance of Peter, discovered in the morning, spurred a search, an examination of the guards, and their punishment (Acts 12:18-19). Herod later departed to Caesarea. Verses 20-23 describe a dispute which involved Agrippa. The people of Tyre and Sidon depended on Galilee for food and supplies. However, they had offended Agrippa (Bruce 1988, p. 241). When they attempted to appease him, both Acts and Josephus describe him being invoked as a god. Acts describes him falling dead at that time, while Josephus describes an abdominal attack which left him lingering for five days before dying. Bruce draws on Josephus' account to describe Agrippa's finery and the events of the confrontation (Bruce 1988, p. 242). Acts 12:24 provides a brief statement that the gospel continued to spread.

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Antioch Grows in Influence

4/10/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
4/10/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Antioch Becomes a Christian Base (11:19-30)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pp. 223-231). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

Acts 11:19 is a reflection of the same status as seen in Acts 8:4, where Christians were dispersed following the death of Stephen (Bruce 1988, p. 223). In chapter 11, Luke follows people who went north toward Antioch. Bruce observes that Antioch, "as the capital of the Seleucide monarch" grew in importance quickly after its founding in 300 BC (Bruce 1988, p. 224). By the middle of the first century BC, Antioch was behind only Rome and Alexandria in population within the Graeco-Roman territory. The city was cosmopolitan in character, a trait which Bruce sees as characteristic of the Christian community as well. The region was home to Jewish colonization, cults of Artemis and Apollo, Syrian worship including ritual prostitution, and then a development of Gentile Christianity (Bruce 1988, p. 224).

Acts 11:20 reflects this cosmopolitan character as some of the Hellenistic Jews began bringing the gospel to Gentiles (Bruce 1988, p. 225). Bruce observes that identifying Jesus as "Messiah" would be meaningless to Gentiles, but that terms such as "Lord" and "Savior" would be understood. In verse 21 we learn that the Gentiles were receptive of this message. Bruce speculates that some of the receptive audiences may have been considered "God-fearers," though the text is not specific about this (Bruce 1988, p. 225).

The new situation in Antioch was reported to leaders in Jerusalem. In verses 22-24, they sent Barnabas to evaluate it. Bruce notes that this was the same procedure they followed when Peter and John went to Samaria to review Philip's work (Bruce 1988, p. 26). Barnabas, being from Cyprus, would be more receptive of Gentiles than someone from Jerusalem would. Barnabas' work of encouragement resulted in an increase of conversion (Bruce 1988, p. 227). Bruce sees Barnabas' decision to call on Paul as motivated by the scale of the work, too much for one person. In verses 25-26, he went to Tarsus to search for Paul. Bruce observes this was several years after Paul had left for Tarsus (Bruce 1988, p. 227). After finding Paul, the work in Antioch continued for a year. Bruce notes that bringing the gospel to Jews and Gentiles alike and uniting them in one community would have seemed normal in Antioch (Bruce 1988, p. 228). Bruce notes that the adjective 'Christos" could easily be mistaken for "Chrestos" meaning "useful." The followers of Christ could then be called "Christians" as people who seemed concerned with this "Christ" (Bruce 1988, p. 228).

Acts 11:27-30 refers to a prophecy of a great famine. The Christians from Antioch decided to gather an offering and sent it to Judea (Bruce 1988, p. 229). Bruce observes the living gift of prophecy shown by Agabus. Paul freely accepted the reality of prophetic revelation. Bruce references a severe famine during the reign of Claudius, in 41-54 (Bruce 1988, p. 229). Bruce further suggests that Luke may have been from Antioch and could have been a convert during this time (Bruce 1988, p. 230). Extrabiblical sources refer to a severe famine in Judah between 45 and 48, requiring substantial assistance. Bruce observes that Barnabas and Paul turned the offering over to the local elders in Jerusalem for administration (Bruce 1988, p. 231). bruce considers it possible, though not definite, that Paul's trip to Jerusalem at this time could be that mentioned in Galatians 2:1-10. On the other hand, the visit in Galatians 2 could refer to Acts 15 (Bruce 1988, p. 231).

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Even the Apostles Check In with Each Other

4/3/2024

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Wednesdays are for the New Testament
4/3/24

Bruce, F.F. (1988). "Peter's Action Endorsed at Jerusalem (11:1-18)." In The Book of Acts (Revised). (pp. 219-223). William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 

Peter's actions in Acts 10 were not typical of any established Jewish customs. When he left Caesarea and returned to Jerusalem it is not surprising to Bruce that there would be questions (Bruce 1988, p. 219). His entering into a Gentile household and eating with them was a significant breach of protocol. Bruce briefly mentions the persecution of James, an arrest of Peter, and the fact that a non-apostle emerges as the leader of the church in Jerusalem, rather than one of the apostles (Bruce 1988, p. 220).

Acts 10:2-3 describes people "of the circumcision," whom he takes to be particularly zealous Jewish believers, though earlier, in 10:45, the term is used for those who accompanied Peter to the home of Cornelius, simply distinguishing them from Gentiles (Bruce 1988, p. 220). The use of the same term in Galatians 2:12 suggests the former, rather than the latter description. Bruce observes that Acts 10 makes no mention of eating, but that it was implied by the actions. He notes that the eating where the food would not fit Levitical standards was the reason for the prohibition against entering a Gentile home.

Peter describes the events from chapter ten in 11:4-17. Bruce notes that the account is similar in construction to the event in chapter ten, but it has been abridged and there is some variety in the language used (Bruce 1988, p. 221). The emphasis is on God's salvation for Cornelius' whole household, only by the grace of God. This grace is announced by Peter (Bruce 1988, p. 222). The gift of the Holy Spirit descended on the people, at which point Peter saw it was appropriate to baptize them.

Acts 11:18 portrays Peter's questioners making the same conclusion Peter had reached. Repentance and God's blessing had come to the Gentiles just as to the Jews (Bruce 1988, p. 223). This was news which inspired praise to God. Bruce speculates that the news may have been more readily accepted by the apostles than by the church as a whole, thus explaining the leadership role taken on later by James the Just, rather than by one of the apostles (Bruce 1988, p. 223). 

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    About Throwing Inkwells

    When Martin Luther was dealing with struggles in his life he once saw what appeared to be an angelic being. Not trusting that he was going to be informed by someone other than the God revealed in Scripture, he took the appearance to be untrustworthy and hurled his inkwell at it. The chipped place in the plaster wall is still visible at the Wartburg Castle, though apparently the ink stain on the wall has been refreshed periodically by the caretaker.

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