Category: Schaff 2014 - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Worship and Sacrament

11/25/2024

Mondays are for Church History
11/25/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§90. Public Worship of the Lord's Day. Scripture-Reading and Preaching." (pp. 2208-2213).
   In the fifth century and beyond, Schaff observes that the general order of public worship services remained as it was in earlier times. However, the distinction between the service for catechumens and for the faithful decreased as there was a presumption of cultural Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2209). Readings were to be from recognized canonical books, though a system of pericopes was not yet broadly recognized. Lectio continua was a fairly common practice to the fifth century. A system of pericopes appears in the Latin church in the fifth century, and in the eighth century in the Greek church (Schaff 2014, p. 2210).
   Church fathers, particularly Chrysostom, urged extensive Bible reading not only by clergy and monks, but by everyone (Schaff 2014, p. 2211). However, due to limited access to copies of the Bible and limited literacy, readings in the congregation remained very important. In public worship sermons or homilies would normally explain one of the readings selected for the day. There remain extensive collections of sermons by prominent bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 2212).

"§91. The Sacraments in General." (pp. 2213-2217).
   The term "sacrament" was applied to a wide variety of things in early Christianity, including anything with mystical or mysterious elements (Schaff 2014, p. 2213). However, the term specialized after the fifth century, coming to refer to particular forms of worship given by Christ and which apply God's blessing to men (Schaff 2014, p. 2213). Definitions of sacraments thus tend to appear beginning at the time of Augustine (Schaff 2014, p. 2214). Of special note is Augustine's view of baptism and ordination applying a character indelebilis to the Chrsitian, thus being sacraments which cannot be repeated (Schaff 2014, p. 2215). For much of our time period, baptism and eucharist were considered either the only two sacraments or the two most important (Schaff 2014, p. 2216). Schaff does note that Augustine would also include confirmation, marriage, and ordination. A number of others identified up to six sacraments, though they are not always the same as each other. The historic Church in both East and West eventually settled on seven as a symbolically important number (Schaff 2014, p. 2217).

Relics, Miracles, and Festivals

11/18/2024

Mondays are for Church History
11/18/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§87. Worship of Relics. Dogma of the Resurrection. Miracles of Relics." (pp. 2191-2200).
   Veneration of saints eventually was extended not only to their memory, but also to earthly mementos in the form of portions of their bodies or artifacts associated with them (Schaff 2014, p. 2192). After Ambrose's time, the cross of Christ, its nails, and other items received special reverence. While Schaff acknowledges the roots of such veneration came from reasonable reverence and love, the outgrowth became superstition and idolatry.
   Counter to the views of paganism, the Christian understanding of the body is favorable. It is included in Christ's redemption and is not something to be escaped (Schaff 2014, p. 2193). Though most Christian practice did not involve extensive embalming, it also avoided cremation. Rather, Christians adopted the Jewish custom of a respectful burial, to await the hope of resurrection. Because martyrs and respective saints left remains, some people would expect those remains to have a special spiritual power (Schaff 2014, p. 2194). Beginning in the second century with Ignatius and Polycarp, mortal remains were taken to be a treasure (Schaff 2014, p. 2195). By the middle of the fourth century, these remains and artifacts can be seen to be treated in a superstitious manner (Schaff 2014, p. 2195). The veneration came to be expressed in processions, use of relics in amulets, and a multiplication of alleged pieces of artifacts. As an example, Schaff references "countless splinters of the pretended cross of Christ from Jerusalem, while the cross itself is said to have remained, by a continued miracle, undiminished" (Schaff 2014, p. 2196). Though worship of relics was condemned by numerous bishops and councils, the practice grew. Schaff references a number of period statements on the use of relics (Schaff 2014, pp. 2196ff).

"§88. Observations on the Miracles of the Nicene Age." (pp. 2200-2204).
   Scahff observes that some of the witnesses to miracles associated with relics are highly credible, including bishops such as Augustine and Ambrose (Schaff 2014, p. 2201). However, he urges caution in accepting or rejecting their testimony wholesale. A belief in the God described in the Bible is also a belief that God can do miracles (Schaff 2014, p. 2202). However, Schaff does observe that the later miracles described do not bear the same moral tone as those in the Bible. They tend to urge asceticism rather than the Christian life in general. They become more numerous as paganism dies, though one would expect the opposite (Schaff 2014, p. 2203). Schaff further considers the church fathers to be predisposed to believe and even take advantage of miracle stories, and the stories themselves did have some level of doubt and internal contradiction. While Schaff does not reject the possibility of miracles occurring, he advises caution and discernment (Schaff 2014, p. 2204).

"§89. Processions and Pilgrimages." (pp. 2204-2208).
   In the growing freedom of the Christianity of the fourth century, public demonstrations such as gatherings for thanksgiving or processions became common. Schaff notes that a procession would have a customary order of participants and would include spoken or sung "prayers, psalms, and litanies" (Schaff 2014, p. 2206).
   Pilgrimages, or visits of the faithful to important locations, also grew in popularity (Schaff 2014, p. 2206). These may be found in a variety of religious customs, including Christianity. Many Christian pilgrims would also seek out relics as they visited celebrated locations. Though Christian leaders would normally endorse pilgrimages, they also taught that God is present to his people equally everywhere in the world (Schaff 2014, p. 2207).

Growth of Worship of Martyrs and Saints

11/11/2024

Mondays are for Church History
11/11/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§84. The Worship of Martyrs and Saints" (pp. 2172-2185).
   Schaff acknowledges that worship of martyrs and saints is closely related to worship of Mary, discussed previously. Such practices are not found in the New Testament, which treats all Christians equally (Schaff 2014, p. 2172). Over time, Christians came to be divided into classes based on the way they lived out their piety. The more radical one's departure was from society, the more notable the reputation could become (Schaff 2014, p. 2173). Schaff attempts to describe the levels of distinction which could be assigned to various people (Schaff 2014, p. 2174). In general, the more one denied himself, the greater would be his virtue.
   Schaff also describes the assignment of different saints to watch over various needs (Schaff 2014, p. 2174). The saints would care for different cities, occupations, or maladies under this model. While the customs were originally rooted in an acknowledgment of dedication to Christ and a care for others, Schaff sees the focus on departed saints to have been amplified inappropriately (Schaff 2014, p. 2175). He describes the excess in reverence which then turned to worship, using numerous examples (Schaff 2014, pp. 2176ff). The logical difficulty of prayers to saints was conceded as problematic by theologians such as Augustine and Jerome (Schaff 2014, p. 2178). Further, the reverence shown to martyrs was strikingly similar to that shown to heroes within pagan society. In this, Schaff sees a strong tendency of Christianity to capitulate to paganism and heretical sects (Schaff 2014, p. 2179).
   Schaff observes further that within the traditional stories of Christian martyrs many elements of mythic hero stories were incorporated (Schaff 2014, p. 2180). Thus, the martyrologies become a mix of fact and fiction. A similar sort of elaboration arose within the monastic movement, thus creating parallel streams of worship of people whose lives had taken on mythic proportions (Schaff 2014, p. 2181). To document the tendency, Schaff quotes from a number of Church Fathers (Schaff 2014, pp. 2182ff).

"§85. Festivals of the Saints." (pp. 2185-2188).
   It was normal for observance of saints to take place specifically on the person's death day, as that was considered a heavenly birthday (Schaff 2014, p. 2185). There would regularly be a gathering for worship but often additional "unrestrained amusements" would take place (Schaff 2014, p. 2186).
   Schaff details the most important feast days in order: Peter and Paul (June 29), Peter alone as bishop of Rome (February 22), and of Antioch (January 18), John the apostle (December 27), Stephen (December 26), John the Baptist's Birth (June 24), and his death (August 29), then the collected All Saints' Day (Sunday after Pentecost or November 1), and the feast of Michael the archangel (September 29) (Schaff 2014, pp. 2186-2188).

"§86. The Christian Calendar, the Legends of the Saints. The Acta Sanctorum." (pp. 2188-2191).
   Schaff observes that while the content of the Christian calendar begins to appear starting about the fourth century, the form is similar to numerous earlier Roman calendars, which showed astronomical events, civil or religious events, and sports. By 354 they have a Chrsitian week beginning on Sunday, along with Roman pagan structures of the month (Schaff 2014, p. 2188). Different communities would have their own calendars, with their own noteworthy people. In liturgical use, the calendar would serve to remember different people in prayer on appropriate days (Schaff 2014, p. 2189). Acts of the martyrs were gradually added to the calendars, as it was appropriate to read a selection on the pertinent day. The various martyrologies, at times controversial due to spurious elements, were published and spread widely (Schaff 2014, p. 2190).

Mary becomes MARY

11/4/2024

Mondays are for Church History
11/4/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§81. The Exaltation of the Virgin Mariology." (pp. 2157-2166).
   Among cycles of festivals celebrating various Christians, Schaff notes that the celebration of Mary became particularly prominent (Schaff 2014, p. 2157). Mary, after all, gave birth to the Savior and followed him as far as the cross. After the mid fourth century, Mary tended to be proclaimed as the queen of heaven and the one who specially prays for Christians, and serves as the co-redeemer (Schaff 2014, p. 2158). This reverence of Mary grew gradually to a worship of Mary. Schaff briefly ties this move to Roman paganism, which would bring various deities to prominence at different times (Schaff 2014, p. 2159). The Bible certainly refers to Mary in glowing terms. However, Mary is always referred to as someone who has the normal human need for redemption (Schaff 2014, p. 2160). Counter to the biblical portrayal, Schaff notes accounts of Mary from apocryphal gospels. Though the apocryphal gospels were condemned by the Catholic church, many of the accounts of Mary were adopted into Catholic tradition (Schaff 2014, p. 2161). Yet the tendency in this study is to elevate someone other than Jesus to the role of savior.
   Schaff observes detractors from the elevation of Mary by the end of the fourth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2163). In their view, Mary was exemplary but not unlike other humans with a fallen nature. However, Augustine, along with some who came after him, took Mary to have been sanctified and cleansed prior to her birth, and to have lived without sin. Schaff observes that the reasoning could be taken to make an extension of a sinless condition to exist through all generations prior to Mary as well (Schaff 2014, p. 2164). Actual worship of Mary is not clearly documented prior to 430, when the Nestorian controversy was a matter of dispute. At this time, an important issue was whether Mary was considered the "mother of God," which could imply to some that Mary must be sinless and possibly divine, or if Mary should be considered the "mother of Christ," which could imply that Christ had only a human nature and not a divine one (Schaff 2014, p. 2165).

"§82. Mariolatry." (pp. 2166-2169).
   Schaff observes that worship of Mary as divine is a natural extrapolation from regarding her as "mother of God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2166). Though this was not the intent of the recognition of Mary in her role, it was not a surprising conclusion to be made. Invocation of Mary first appears in the late fourth century. Schaff considers it important that while a few in the period (Ephraim Syrus, Gregory Nazianzen, Cyprian) did so, many others (Athanasius, Basil, Chrysostom, Augustine, Epiphanius) did not (Schaff 2014, p. 2166).
   The fifth century saw a growth of worship of the saints, including of Mary (Schaff 2014, p. 2167). Schaff notes that in this period there was also an increase of stories of miracles performed by saints, and especially by Mary. Opinion of her power and importance grew dramatically (Schaff 2014, p. 2168). As an example of the growth of the Mary tradition, Schaff cites the traditional Ave Maria. The first two portions are drawn from Luke 1:28 and 1:42, while the third part is not biblical and "is offensive to the Protestant and all sound Christian feeling: Sancta Maria, mater Dei, ora pro nobis peccatoribus, nunc et in hora mortis. Amen" (Schaff 2014, p. 2168). While the ideas of the third part may suggest language of the council of Ephesus in 431, Schaff considers this portion to have actually arisen in or after the 16th century (Schaff 2014, p. 2169).

"§83. The Festivals of Mary." (pp. 2169-2171).
   A number of festivals pertaining to Mary have developed. The Annunciation, at which Mary heard the news of Christ's birth from the angel Gabriel, appears on March 25 after about the year 430 (Schaff 2014, p. 2169). On February 2, the purification of Mary after having given birth is remembered, along with the presentation of Jesus in the temple. This was the reckoning of 40 days after December 25. The commemoration may have been introduced in 494, though some date it to 542 (Schaff 2014, p. 2170). It is also known as Candlemas, from a tradition probably adopted from the pagans of a procession with candles. On the 15th of August, a festival related to the alleged ascension of Mary to heaven (Assumption) is celebrated. This may have been introduced in the late fifth or sixth century, and is based "on a purely apocryphal foundation" (Schaff 2014, p. 2170). Schaff briefly describes some of the legends pertaining to Mary's departure at the end of her earthly life. The ascension is based on the assumption that Mary would not die as she was sinless (Schaff 2014, p. 2171).

Development of the Easter-Pentecost Cycle

10/28/2024

Mondays are for Church History
10/28/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§78. The Easter Cycle." (pp. 2148-2151)

   Schaff identifies Easter as "the oldest and greatest annual festival of the church" (Schaff 2014, p. 2148). Not only was it the marker of resurrection, but it also corresponded to the passover and occurred at the beginning of the calendar year. We have documentation from the council of Nicea of an existing season of 40 days' fasting prior to Easter. The Ash Wednesday observance at the start of the season of fasting was fixed during the papacy of Gregory I, 590-604 (Schaff 2014, p. 2149). As a reaction to the upcoming time of fasting, a festival was typically held prior to Ash Wednesday. Schaff describes the naming of the Sundays prior to and during Lent as coming from this period, and constituting not only a number of days before Easter, but also the first word of the Introit associated with the day (Schaff 2014, p. 2150). he describes the events of the week leading up to Easter in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 2151).

"§79. The Time of the Easter Festival." (pp. 2151-2155).
   The proper dating of Easter was problematic, and became a matter of some controversy after the second century (Schaff 2014, p. 2152). In the end, the custom became observance on a Sunday, not on a fixed day of the month, such as we see for Christmas or Passover. This decision made all the other feasts (and fasts) depending on Easter movable as well. Schaff notes that Easter Sunday is determined based on "the first full moon after the vernal equinox: so that the day may fall on any Sunday between the 22d day of March and the 25th of April" (Schaff 2014, p. 2152). The dating was chosen in part to avoid cooperation with the Jewish calendar's Passover on 14 Nisan, as the Jews had urged the death of Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 215). Despite the decision of calculation of Easter at the Council of Nicea, some parts of Christianity held to the celebration on 14 Nisan regardless. Schaff describes additional challenges to the dating, some based on calendars in use which may date the equinox differently. The discrepancy continues to the present (Schaff 2014, p. 2154).

"§80. The Cycle of Pentecost." (pp. 2155-2157).
   The period from Easter to Pentecost was considered as a continual festival of the resurrection. showing a sharp contrast with the period of Lenten fasting (Schaff 2014, p. 2155). Schaff observes that nominal Christians quickly made the period a time of dissipation. The Sundays in the period are given names from the traditional Introit texts (Schaff 2014, p. 2155). The fortieth day marks Jesus' ascension into heaven, and the fiftieth recognizes the giving of the Holy Spirit to the Church. Pentecost corresponds to the Jewish feast of first-fruits (Schaff 2014, p. 2156).
   In the early Church, the feast of Pentecost was the last of the great festivals in the church year. For this reason, the Sundays after Pentecost until Advent were simply counted out as one season (Schaff 2014, p. 2157). Because of the movable nature of Easter, this meant there could be 22-27 Sundays before Advent.

The Church Year and Christmas

10/21/2024

Mondays are for Church History
10/21/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§76. The Church Year." (pp. 2135-2143).

   The cycle of the church year appears in clear definition after the 4th century. Schaff observes that Judaism and other religions had orderly systems of observances throughout the year as well (Schaff 2014, p. 2135). He briefly notes some of the parallels between the organization in Judaism and Christianity. There are clear distinctions between the two, however. Schaff describes the Christian year as centered on Jesus. "In its original idea it is a yearly representation of the leading events of the gospel history; a celebration of the birth, passion, and resurrection of Christ, and of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit, to revive gratitude and devotion. This is the festival part, the semestre Domini. The other half, not festal, the semestre ecclesiae, is devoted to the exhibition of the life of the Christian church, its founding, its growth, and its consummation, both is (sic) a whole, and in its individual members, from the regeneration to the resurrection of the dead" (Schaff 2014, p. 2136). Though useful in sustaining a rhythmic repetition of the life of the Church, Schaff considers it to have become bogged down and overloaded with additional saints' days, thus drawing attention away from its original purpose. The calendar grew from second century observances of Easter and Pentecost, then the additional observance of Epiphany (Schaff 2014, p. 2137). By the fourth century Christmas was observed, then seasons before and after Easter, Pentecost, and Christmas. Commemorations of martyrs and saints were gradually added to the calendar, often as local events. Schaff finds that these interfere with the weekly rhythm of labor and rest, as well as promoting an unhealthy level of attention on myths and legends of heroic faith (Schaff 2014, p. 2139).
   In contrast to Roman observances, the Greek church year is more closely tied to Jewish customs (Schaff 2014, p. 2139). Their year begins after the feast of the Holy Cross in September, about the time of the start of the Jewish civil calendar, though it previously began near Passover. Readings in church are more similar to Jewish lectiones continuae than to the Latin pericopes, often arranged topically.
   Schaff describes abuses of festivals as an early problem, commented upon by Christian authors as early as Gregory Nazianzen, who identified the same sort of excesses found in Greek revels appearing in Christian festivals. After Pope Gregory I there were instances of "christianizing of heathen forms of cultus and popular festivals" (Schaff 2014, p. 2140).
   Schaff does note an effort in the 16th century Reformation to restore observances to earlier simplicity (Schaff 2014, p. 2141). Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost received more emphasis in general. The stricter Calvinists rejected the church year altogether but placed a strong emphasis on a weekly day of rest.

"§77. The Christmas Cycle." (pp. 2143-2148).

   Schaff sees Christmas as of tremendous importance due to the incarnation as the "turning-point of the history of the world" (Schaff 2014, p. 2143). The family participation in Christmas makes it of special interest, especially to children due to the associated feasting and giving of gifts. The holiday has no Old Testament feast which corresponds. This may explain its later arrival as a festival of the church. Additionally, there is no conclusive biblical data regarding the date of Jesus' birth (Schaff 2014, p. 2144). In early Christianity, Epiphany was treated as more prominent. However, by the time of Chrysostom the festival was observed, and was rightly seen as a commemoration of an event without which none of the other events regarding salvation would have happened. Schaff notes the first clear evidence of Christmas as a celebration on December 25, 360, when Liberius, consecrating Ambrose's sister Marcella as a nun, commented on the "festival of [thy] bridegroom" (Schaff 2014, p. 2144). There are many elements of celebration apparently borrowed from a number of pagan festivals observed in December, such as use of candles, giving gifts to people, and perhaps decorating with a tree (Schaff 2014, p. 2145). Schaff notes that none of these actions are objectionable per se. Chrysostom, with others in early Christianity, was of the opinion that Jesus' actual birthday was December 25, though we have no clear data confirming the date. The season of Advent grew up, connected with a solemn preparation for the coming of Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 2146). The martyrs' days following Christmas Day were also added about this time.

Christianity Engages Culture as an Allowed Religion

10/14/2024

Mondays are for Church History
10/14/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§74. The Revolution in Cultus." (pp. 2124-2127).

   Schaff sees the public nature of Christianity when it became a licit religion to have moved a number of changes in the practices of Christians. Once it was socially more public, it was necessary to reach the society in a public manner, with more formal and rich ceremonies and hierarchies (Schaff 2014, p. 2124). This included expansion of the rituals within weekly observances as well as an expansion of the number and notable ceremonies within the various Christian festivals. Schaff sees this as a means of attracting people who were not already Christians but who would be drawn to a spectacle (Schaff 2014, p. 2125). The gains in expression of God's majesty and the ability to train and organize people were accompanied by losses in the forthright spiritual nature of a more primitive time. Schaff considers some level of paganism to have crept into the practices of Christianity at this time (Schaff 2014, p. 2126). Schaff cites a number of church fathers making negative statements about the syncretism of their time.

"§75. The Civil and Religious Sunday." (pp. 2127-2135).

   Schaff, observing that Sunday observance has been the rule rather than the exception since the apostolic period then immediately refers to it as the "Christian Sabbath" and a day of rest akin to the "Jewish Sabbath" (Schaff 2014, p. 2127). He sees it as a needed cultural restraint intended also to draw people to Jesus as they remember the resurrection and the coming of the Holy Spirit from Acts chapter two (Schaff 2014, p. 2128). However, Schaff does observe that the earliest Christians did not see Sunday as a continuation of the Sabbath but rather in its significance as the day of resurrection.
   Because the broader Roman and Greek cultures had no concept of any weekly day of rest, the observance of Sunday was purely religious. However, in the time of Constantine a recognition of Sunday as a day on which manual labor in cities, then judicial deliberations and military exercises would stop created both opportunities for worship and for confusion (Schaff 2014, p. 2129). The day of rest was "the day of the sun" and pagan groups were also accustomed to having festivals involving rest (Schaff 2014, p. 2130). Soldiers were required to attend Christian worship and to pray a prescribed prayer on command. The successors of Constantine added more exemptions of regular work and also more festivals, thus creating some confusion as to the purpose of a Sunday holiday.
   Schaff notes the tendency for the state to do the work of the church, as well as a churchly attempt to govern state actions in regard to Sunday observances (Schaff 2014, p. 2131). He provides a fairly lengthy discursus on debates regarding posture in prayer from the time period. Schaff then returns (Schaff 2014, p. 2132-2133) to a discussion of the Sabbath, in which he conflates Sabbath and Lord's Day, though acknowledging the various Church Fathers considered the entirely separate.

An Orderly Life Matters

10/7/2024

Mondays are for Church History
10/7/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VI. Church Discipline and Schisms." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2106-2123). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 68-73).

"§68. Decline of Discipline."

   Schaff points out a decline of discipline within Christianity related to its close relationship with the state (Schaff 2014, p. 2106). Because of the legal status of Christianity, penalties for various failings tended to be administered as would violations of civil law. The death penalty might even be imposed upon a heretic. At the same time, however, discipline in general was weakened. Schaff lists a number of other times in history when the Church has tended to be very lenient. This tendency, in the fourth through sixth centuries, was pronounced in the Greek church (Schaff 2014, p. 2107), even resulting in free access of all to communion, with no role except for bishops in fencing the table. Schaff does identify several exceptions to the widespread lack of discipline, but they are the exception rather than the rule.

"§69. The Donatist Schism. External History."

   After a brief bibliography, Schaff identifies the Donatist schism as the most important controversy of the period. At its heart, Schaff considers it related to differing views of discipline (Schaff 2014, p. 2110). The persecution under Diocletian pushed some to expect and even pursue martyrdom. Others would tend to make some capitulation in the interest of self preservation (Schaff 2014, p. 2111). At issue, then, was whether it was permissible for someone who had capitulated to be restored to fellowship in the church. There were also questions about the validity of ordination performed by someone who had capitulated. Donatus, elevated to be bishop of Numidia in 315, became the leader of a party which rejected bishops who were understood as having capitulated (Schaff 2014, p. 2111). Constantine urged toleration on both sides of the dispute, granting the Donatists "full liberty of faith and worship" in 321 (Schaff 2014, p. 2112). Some of the Donatist party pursued radical attempts to be arrested and persecuted, with their efforts continuing through the time of the emperor Julian the Apostate (Schaff 2014, p. 2113).

"§70. Augustine and the Donatists. Their Persecution and Extinction."

   Near the end of the fourth century and beginning of the fifth century, Augustine of Hippo, who dealt with a large number of Donatists, worked to reconcile them with the Catholics (Schaff 2014, p. 2113). The controversy and Augustine's efforts at reconciliation resulted in a meeting for arbitration in Carthage in 411, attended by just under 300 bishops from each side of the controversy.
   Because the judge in the matter was sympathetic to Augustine, who made the argument on behalf of the Catholics, the decision went against the Donatists (Schaff 2014, p. 2114). Donatist clergy were widely banned, and some even threatened with death. This inspired Donatists to further attempts to be condemned and persecuted. Schaff observes that the controversy finally came to an end by a "conquest of Africa by the Arian Vandals in 428" (Schaff 2014, p. 2114). Some remnants remained until the seventh century and the overthrow of North Africa by Islam (Schaff 2014, p. 2115).

"§71. Internal History of the Donatist Schism. Dogma of the Church."

   An important issue raised by the Donatist controversy was the actual "doctrine of the essence of the Christian church, and, in particular, of the predicate of holiness" (Schaff 2014, p. 2115_. This pushed Augustine in his writings to attempt an articulation of the nature of both faithful and faithless people within the fellowship of the Church. Schaff notes this work serves as a continuation of the earlier work of Cyprian of Carthage. The Donatists were predisposed to remove those lacking in external holiness from the Church (Schaff 2014, p. 2116). Augustine, on the other hand, asserted a theory that the church is inherently holy and that, even though some members are lacking in personal character, the unity of the church and its churchly functions is rightly holy. Schaff notes this view has been affirmed by many different branches of Christianity. Because sinners and saints are together in the world until the final judgment they cannot be made entirely separate (Schaff 2014, p. 2118). Augustine held that the one Church contained all sorts of people. The Donatists held that the true Church was only those recognized as adequately holy.

"§72. The Roman Schism of Damasus and Ursinus."

   Another schism of the Church came about between Damasus and Ursinus in Rome, partially motivated by personal ambition and partially by the Arian heresy (Schaff 2014, p. 2120). The orthodox bishop Liberius was deposed and banished, and an Arian, Felix, was elected as pope, with the consent of Constantius, in 355. Liberius embraced Arianism during his exile. After the death of Liberius, the parties of Felix and Liberius elected Damasus and Ursinus respectively for the position of pope. The controversy then resulted in a number of bloody skirmishes. Damasus ultimately retained the office.

"§73. The Meletian Schism at Antioch."

   The schism at Antioch was provoked by the elevation of Meletius to bishop (Schaff 2014, p. 2121). Because Meletius had been an Arian then professed orthodoxy, both parties considered him questionable. He was eventually banished by the Arians, then briefly supported by the orthodox Christians. At issue between the groups at the time was whether the Godhead had three hypostases (the Meletians) or three prosopa (the Nicenes) (Schaff 2014, p. 2122). The schism continued until 413 or 415, when the parties were reconciled (Schaff 2014, p. 2123).

Ecumenical Councils and Authority

9/30/2024

Mondays are for Church History
9/30/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§65. The Papacy from Leo I to Gregory I. A.D. 461-590." (pp. 2081-2099).

   Schaff provides an annotated bibliography of important editions of the acts of various ecumenical councils (Schaff 2014, pp. 2081-2082), then observes that the authority of the ecumenical councils was greater than that of any of the patriarchs. The roots of the ecumenical councils can be traced back as far as the apostolic council in Jerusalem recorded in Acts chapter 15 (Schaff 2014, p. 2083). After that time, various councils were convened, some of which were localized, while others had broader influence. Seven of the ecumenical councils have broadly been recognized by Greek and Russian Christians, and Schaff notes an ongoing hope of an eight council which would involve Eastern and Western Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2084). However, he observes that in these ecumenical councils Western and North African bishops were never represented in great numbers, and the councils dealt mainly with issues which primarily were of interest in the Greek church. All seven ecumenical councils were convened between 325 and 787, with the approval and authority of a Roman emperor (Schaff 2014, p. 2085). The authority to convene a council was ceded to the bishop of Rome after the demise of the Roman empire (Schaff 2014, p. 2086). Schaff briefly describes the involvement of imperial power, normally in the hands of appointed proxies, at the ecumenical councils.
   Counter to the pattern found in Acts 15, where the council spoke as the unified voice of Christians, the later ecumenical councils were self-consciously assemblies of bishops, speaking with their authority regardless of the presence and input of presbyters and deacons (Schaff 2014, p. 2090). In Schaff's estimation, the assemblies and their decisions were more akin to those of the Roman Senate than to the deliberative bodies which operate based on a consensus or majoritarian authority (Schaff 2014, p. 2091). While unity was required, that unity could be achieved by expulsion of dissenting voices.
   Schaf takes the councils to have differed from one another in the perceived importance of their decisions (Schaff 2014, p. 2093). Some were concentrated primarily on current standards of discipline and organization, thus not bearing weight and authority which would be perceived as universal or timeless. He illustrates this through citations of prominent bishops who accepted or rejected a variety of precepts from the councils. Therefore, Schaff considers that the deliberations and decisions deserve careful analysis so as to seek out actual insight into fundamental Christian doctrine and practice (Schaff 2014, p. 2095). The councils were marked with political intrigue and division, as Schaff illustrates through quotations of a number of participants in different councils.

"§66. List of the Ecumenical Councils of the Ancient Church." (pp. 2099-2103).

   Schaff provides a list of the ecumenical councils and their general issues. A summary list follows:

1. Concilium Nicaenum I (325) at Nicaea, dealing with the Arian controversy (Schaff 2014, p. 2099).
2. Concilium Constantinopolitanum I (381) at Constantinople, enlarging the third article of the Nicene Creed, dealing with the doctrine of the Holy Spirit (Schaff 2014, p. 2100).
3. Concilium Ephesinum (431) at Ephesus, dealing with the relationship of the two natures of Christ, rejecting Nestorianism (Schaff 2014, p. 2101).
4. Concilium Chalcedonense (451) at Chalcedon, positively describing the doctrine of the person of Christ as opposed to both Eutychianism and Nestorianism.
5. Concilium Constantinopolitanum II (553) at Constantinople, dealing with the Monophysite controversy (Schaff 2014, p. 2101).
6. Concilium Constantinopolitanum III (680) at Constantinople, dealing with Monothelitism (Schaff 2014, p. 2102).
7. Concilium Nicaenum II (787) at Nicaea, accepting Catholic image worship (Schaff 2014, p. 2102).

   After this time, the Greek and Latin factions no longer joined together in councils.

"§67. Books of Ecclesiastical Law." (pp. 2103-2105).

   Schaff reviews publications of ecclesiastical law which stem from the seven ecumenical councils, observing that the decrees of the councils resulted in numerous publications of orders from the councils or inspired by conciliar actions. He describes them briefly but with significant detail (Schaff 2014, p. 2103-2105).

Leo and Gregory as Bookends

9/23/2024

Mondays are for Church History
9/23/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§64. The Papacy from Leo I to Gregory I. A.D. 461-590." (pp. 2074-2081).

   Schaff considers Leo and Gregory as "the two greatest bishops of Rome in the first six centuries" (Schaff 2014, p. 2074). He sees no important figure between the two, and Leo to have been more important than Gregory. While Leo acted as a monarch, Gregory acted as the primary patriarch.
   Leo was succeeded by Hilary (461-468), then Simplicius (468-483), under whose papacy the Roman empire fell in 476. The rule of "barbarian and heretical (for they were Arian) kings" (Schaff 2014, p. 2074) was not a great challenge to the papacy as they allowed the bishops freedom in church governance.
   Simplicius was succeeded by Felix (II or III) (483-492), who worked against the Monophysites and to assert papal power above imperial edict, a move continued by Gelasius I (492-496) (Schaff 2014, p. 2075). Anastasius II (496-498) tended to be conciliatory toward Constantinople, thus becoming a target of suspicion. After his death, Schaff describes a period of disorder and violence in the papal context. The Arian king was called upon to decide the context and elevate a bishop. The controversy included numerous councils. Schaff sees this as the start of a long lasting pattern of popes being elevated by emperors and councils (Schaff 2014, p. 2076)l The next pope mentioned by Schaff is Hormisdas (514-523), though in his time the defeat of the Monophysites is credited to emperor Justin (Schaff 2014, p. 2076). Ho4misdas was succeeded by John I (523-526), followed by Felix II/IV (Schaff 2014, p. 2077), appointed after a period of struggle. Next came Boniface II (530-532) and John II (532-535). At this time, Gothic power declined, to be replaced by Eastern imperial power. The power of Constantinople extended into the Roman papacy as well, influencing Agapetus (535-536), Silverius (536-538), and Vigilius (538-554). The empress pushed Vigilius to "nullify the decrees of the council of Chalcedon, and pronounce Anthimus and his friends orthodox" (Schaff 2014, p. 2078). Vigilius suffered the loss of his positive political connections and died while en route to Rome from Sicily (Schaff 2014, p. 2079). He was succeeded by Pelagius I (554-560), who was more accepted in the East than the West. In general, Schaff sees the papacy entering into a period of pragmatism, decay, and capitulation to imperial pressure, as the papacy was held by John III (560-573), Benedict I (574-578), and Pelagius II (578-590).
   Gregory I (590-604) marks a change in the work of the papacy. Because of the radical change, he is normally seen as the first of the series of those after him, rather than the last of those before him (Schaff 2014, p. 2080). He used the title "Servant of the Servants of God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2081). This, along with the firm stance he took reflecting Leo I as his predecessor, had a strong effect on the authority of the papacy.

Papal Authority and Stability

9/16/2024

Mondays are for Church History
9/16/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§62. The Decrees of Councils on the Papal Authority." (pp. 2062-2065).

   While Schaff previously detailed the responses of individual Fathers to Rome's claim to authority, he considers the decrees of church councils to be more important evidence. The council of Sardica, in 343, considered it appropriate that deposed bishops should appeal to the bishop of Rome, and that vacant bishoprics should await the counsel of the bishop of Rome before being filled (Schaff 2014, p. 2062). This applied to posts both in the West and the East. However, it was specifically applied only to the Roman bishop Julius, without mention of any successors. Schaff observes this council was only that of a local synod, and that its decision was not binding on other regions (Schaff 2014, p. 2063).
   The stance of Sardica was not affirmed by any of the subsequent ecumenical councils. "The general councils of 381, 451, and 680 knew nothing of such a supreme appellate tribunal, but unanimously enacted, that all ecclesiastical matters, without exception, should first be decided in the provincial councils, with the right of appeal - not to the bishop of Rome, but to the patriarch of the proper diocese" (Schaff 2014, p. 2063). The ecumenical councils took Rome to have a primacy of honor, but not of authority, despite Rome's protests (Schaff 2014, p. 2064). Schaff observes a fundamental difference between the Eastern rejection of the papacy and the Protestant rejection. While the Eastern church held the leadership was a rightful oligarchy, the Protestants rejected the primacy of bishops on the theory that the need for such rule passed away as the Church was well established (Schaff 2014, p. 2065).

"§63. Leo the Great. A.D. 440-461." (pp. 2065-2073).

   After a brief bibliography, Schaff observes that in early Christian history the bishop is generally eclipsed by the office. This changed with Leo I (Schaff 2014, p. 2066). Leo was uniformly considered not only an important scholar but also elevated the papacy to a notably prominent office (Schaff 2014, p. 2067). Though little is known of his early life, he comes into view as an archdeacon by about 432. He was elevated to be pope, serving from 440-461, taking on the role with a strong concept of personal unworthiness. He then proceeded to be fully dedicated to the work of the Church.
   Leo's view of papal supremacy was built on an understanding of Matthew 16 that Jesus had transferred his authority to Peter, as the rock on which the church would be built (Schaff 2014, p. 2068). This authority, in Leo's view, was passed down to subsequent generations who followed Peter (Schaff 2014, p. 2069). He further understood that Peter's primacy was what had made Rome to have an eternal dignity. Leo's claim, then, was to the primacy of his office as bishop of Rome, rather than to his personal authority (Schaff 2014, p. 2070). Yet Schaff describes Leo as forcefully rejecting rival claims to his authority. "Obedience to the pope is . . . necessary to salvation" (Schaff 2014, p. 2070).
   Schaff describes Leo as using not only his theological acumen, but also considerable political leverage to establish his claims to primacy (Schaff 2014, p. 2071). He was able to use circumstances of conflict to assert his authoritative opinions in East and West alike. Leo was, however, unsuccessful in these attempts in Gaul and Constantinople (Schaff 2014, p. 2072).
   Schaff notes that Leo twice rescued the city of Rome from destruction. He persuaded Atilla the Hun not to overthrow the city, then several years later negotiated a treaty with Genseric the Vandal, limiting him to fourteen days of pillaging (Schaff 2014, p. 2073).

What Is the Papacy?

9/9/2024

Mondays are for Church History
9/9/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§60. The Papacy." (pp.2053-2055).

   Schaff notes that after the extensive power struggles beginning in the fourth century, the Roman bishop made more forceful claims to primacy over the entire Church, a claim which has never been accepted universally. Schaff observes, "The fundamental fallacy of the Roman system is, that it identifies papacy and church, and therefore, to be consistent, must unchurch not only Protestantism, but also the entire Oriental church from its origin down. By the 'una sancta catholica apostolica ecclesia' of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed it is to be understood the whole body of Catholic Christians, of which the ecclesia Romana, like the churches of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Constantinople, is only one of the most prominent branches" (Schaff 2014, p. 2053). The Roman church has routinely attempted to make its claim based on Jesus' proclamation (Matthew 16) based on Peter's assertion that Jesus is the Messiah (Schaff 2014, p. 2024). However, it is clear that all the apostles exercised similar authority, and that there is evidence that Peter (and the other apostles) deferred authority to local bishops.

"§61. Opinions of the Fathers." (pp. 2055-2061).

   The fourth and fifth century Fathers took Peter to have some sense of primacy among the apostles (Schaff 2014, p. 2056). However, Schaff finds that the bishops were regularly considered successors of the apostles. In general, however, they did not normally consider Matthew 16:18 as an indication of an overarching primacy of Peter (Schaff 2014, p. 2056). Rome was not generally considered a positive seat of authority. On the contrary, based on Revelation 17:3, it was the seat of blasphemy.
   Schaff finds that the concept of Roman primacy was developed in part by Cyprian and Optatus of Milan in the late 4th century (Schaff 2014, p. 2056). Ambrose of Milan likewise conceded to the bishop of Rome a position akin to the emperors of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2057) but not necessarily a primacy of rank. Jerome, in the early 5th century was indecisive in his interpretation of Matthew 16, and recognized an essential equality of bishops. Augustine initially considered Peter to be the referent of "the rock," but retracted that opinion decisively (Schaff 2014, p. 2058). He understood the episcopate to be an essential unity, to which Chrsit had given the keys to the heavenly kingdom (Schaff 2014, p. 2059).
   Later Latin fathers tend to consider the "petra" reference as describing both Peter and his confession, thus transferring authority to the bishop of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2060). Greek fathers generally consider the "petra" to be either Peter individually or his confession. However, they see it as an honorary primacy only (Schaff 2014, p. 2061). All the apostles and subsequent bishops thus became successors of Peter.

Power Evolves

9/2/2024

Mondays are for Church History
9/2/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§58. The Latin Patriarch." (pp.2042-2046).

   Schaff treats the rise of the papacy as a gradual development, motivated to some extent by a desire for power and honor (Schaff 2014, p. 2043). At the same time, he sees the development to be a matter of divine providence, as the foundation was being laid for the preservation of Western civilization during the Middle Ages, as well as its re-growth afterward.
   The bishop of Rome made a claim to "the four dignities of bishop, metropolitan, patriarch, and pope or primate of the whole church" (Schaff 2014, p. 2044). All but the last claim are granted. The history of Christianity was already well established in Rome by the fourth century. And the bishop of Rome and his churches were established by imperial approval. Schaff further notes that the bishop of Rome held sway over a larger district than did any of the Eastern bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 2045). The bishop of Rome was also the only Latin patriarch, and cared for "the only sedes apostolica in the West" (Schaff 2014, p. 2045). The centralized authority of the West was protective against doctrinal and political confusion, which had regularly afflicted the East (Schaff 2014, p. 2046).

"§59. Conflicts and Conquests of the Latin Patriarchate." (pp. 2046-2053).

   Though Schaff described a monarchical authority vested in the bishop of Rome, he does observe that the authority was not thoroughly consolidated until the second half of the sixth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2046). In Schaff's estimation, this was because the matters of organization would not be seen as unchanging doctrinal issues. The churches of major cities in the West operated rather independently of Rome. They did not always consider Rome's directives to apply to them. This resulted in clashes of authority and jurisdiction, a number of which are described by Schaff (Schaff 2014, pp. 2047-2048). Areas in which there was substantial instability or conflict tended to turn to Rome for help, thus allowing power to be consolidated.

Some Patriarchs Are More Equal Than Others?

8/26/2024

Mondays are for Church History
8/26/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§57. The Rival Patriarchs of Old and New Rome." (pp. 2039-2042).

By the end of the fourth century, Schaff has observed the existence of five patriarchates, of which four were in the Eastern Church (Schaff 2014, p. 2039). While the concept of unity in the Roman empire had previously created at least an illusion of unity in the Church, the political distinctions between East and West led to increasing distinctions between Eastern and Western Christianity. Particularly in the East, with its multiple patriarchates, the one in Constantinople became marked by supreme jurisdiction, despite protests from the others. As monophysite controversies and the later rise of Islam came about, those outside of Constantinople declined in influence. By the eighth century Constantinople gained unrivaled prominence, which it retained until the 15th century (Schaff 2014, p. 2040). However, Schaff observed the patriarch of Constantinople held to a view of being primus inter pares, unlike the bishop of Rome, who claimed dominion over all of Christianity. The monarchical outlook of Rome consistently worked to maintain power. In the East, however, Constantinople retained pre-eminence in terms of language and literature throughout the middle ages. Schaff therefore sees a strong distinction between the Eastern and Western churches (Schaff 2014, p. 2041).
Among the distinctions between East and West, Schaff observes the West was relatively stable in its ecumenical orthodoxy, while the East tended to be plagued by heretical movements (Schaff 2014, p. 2042). People looked to the East for historical and theological learning, while they saw the future, stability, and the spread of Christianity in the West.

Conflicts among Christian Leaders

8/19/2024

Mondays are for Church History
8/19/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§56. Synodical Legislation on the Patriarchal Power and Jurisdiction." (pp. 2029-2038).
   Schaff earlier described the rise of the Patriarchate, with a small contingent of leading bishops in influential cities exercising authority over other bishops. He now traces its growth from "the ante-Nicene period, when the bishops of Antioch, Alexandria, and Rome, partly in virtue of the age and apostolic origin of their churches, partly, on account of the political prominence of those three cities as the three capitals of the Roman empire, steadily asserted a position of preeminence" (Schaff 2014, p. 2029). The influence of the three centers was recognized at the ecumenical council in Nicea in 325. The three bishops were affirmed as holding authority to accept or reject any elevation of a bishop (Schaff 2014, p. 2030). Schaff does maintain that, at the time of the council at Nicea, the patriarchs were still recognized as primi inter pares, not as de facto rulers over the other bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 2031).
   After the council of Nicea, in 330 with the establishment of Constantinople, the bishop there began to be recognized, due to the city serving as a capital of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2031). In the fifth century, the patriarch of Constantiople was recognized as having power rivaling the patriarch of Rome.
   The patriarch of Constantinople had been recognized at the council of Constantiople in 381. The rapid rise in power may have been related to a Greek understanding that the bishop of Constantinople was recognized in the same way as the bishop of Rome. Rome, on the other hand, saw the equality to be in honor, rather than in power (Schaff 2014, p. 2032). The patriarch of Alexandria, not wanting to lose his authority as second to Rome, attempted to invalidate the decision, but was persuaded to allow it by the emperors. The patriarch of Constantinople, after 381, sought to consolidate his power and gain control of other metropolitans. By the year 400, Chrysostom of Constantinople held sway over locations as far away as Ephesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2023).
   The council of Chalcedon in 451 affirmed the power of the patriarch of Constantinople in particular (Schaff 2014, p. 2033). They equated New Rome (Constantinople) with Old Rome (Rome), asserting a shift in authority due to the presence of the emperor and senate in Constantinople. The authority of the patriarch of Constantinople was decreed, along with the requirement that he would be the only one to order metropolitan bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 2034). This authority extended to Thrace, Pontus, and Asia Minor. In 530, his authority was increased by the emperor Justinian to receive appeals from the other patriarchs (Schaff 2014, p. 2035). Schaff does observe that these moves were consistent with the traditional polity that made the power of the patriarch commensurate with the authority of the civil government.
   At this point, the patriarch of Rome considered the elevation of the patriarch of Constantinople inappropriate (Schaff 2014, p. 2035). This conflict, according to Schaff, remains unresolved. Rome continues to assert primacy, documented by the Nicene canon number six, in Latin, which assigns Rome permanent primacy (Schaff 2014, p. 2035). However, in its Greek original, the primacy of Rome is not asserted (Schaff 2014, p. 2036). An imperial council called to consider the problem assigned Rome ruling authority and Constantinople equality in honor (Schaff 2014, p. 2036). Roman bishop Leo formally protested the decision in May of 452. He accused the situation in Constantinople as an attack on Eastern metropolitans and a violation of a long standing agreement from Nicea. His protest, however, was not successful (Schaff 2014, p. 2037).

Smaller Communities Left Behind

8/12/2024

Mondays are for Church History
8/12/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§54. Organization of the Hierarchy: Country Bishops, City Bishops, and Metropolitans." (pp. 2022-2026).
   Schaff here observes that within the polity of the episcopate, there was a common recognition of different levels of bishops, with a greater authority being vested in those bishops located in areas which held greater political influence (Schaff 2014, p. 2023). Under Constantine, the Roman empire had been divided into four praefectures, and those into a number of subordinate territories, under a variety of names. After the church and state were joined, church governance naturally adopted the political boundaries held by the state, at least for the most part. Bishops in the various regions came to have titles which reflected, to some extent, the extent of their region of influence.
   Bishops of rural congregations held the lowest rank (Schaff 2014, p. 2024). The city bishops, especially in the East, were recognized as of greater importance. The distinction between bishops and priests also grew larger, with priests becoming seen as adequate for rural parishes. Meanwhile, bishops in regional capitals came to be known as metropolitans in the East, and archbishops in the West (Schaff 2014, p. 2025). The metropolitans and archbishops gained the authority to ordain bishops and deacons, as well as to make churchly judicial decisions (Schaff 2014, p. 2026). This structure was present in northern Africa before it appeared in Europe.

"§55. The Patriarchs." (pp. 2026-2029).
   Schaff notes that five Patriarchs held authority over the metropolitans during the fourth century. These patriarchs "were the bishops of the four great capitals of the empire, Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Constantinople; to whom was added, by way of honorary distinction, the bishop of Jerusalem" (Schaff 2014, p. 2027). The patriarchs did not operate as one council. Rather, each individually held sway over his region. Schaff notes that even among the patriarchs there was a ranking, with Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, then Jerusalem being in order from top to bottom. After the founding of Constantinople, it was placed in second position (Schaff 2014, p. 2028). Schaff notes there were periodic power struggles in which one patriarch would try to annex land from another. Various schismatic groups broke off of the recognized patriarchates, with some of the schisms still in existence (Schaff 2014, p. 2029).

Deacons, Elders, and Bishops

8/5/2024

Mondays are for Church History
8/5/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§52. The Lower Clergy." (pp. 2014-2019).
   Schaff observes that with the changes of the time of Constantine, the episcopate and presbyterate came to be clearly distinguished though there was a remaining concept of their equality in earlier generations (Schaff 2014, p. 2014). Jerome wrote that the distinction between bishops and presbyters was actually simply a matter of age, and that eventually some of the presbyters were placed in a role of supervision over the others. This custom became generalized and resulted in the existence of a variety of ranks (Schaff 2014, p. 2015). Among the diaconate a similar process developed. The larger cathedrals, as we might expect, tended to develop a more elaborate structure among the servants of the church.
   Schaff notes that the diaconate had included deaconesses from the apostolic age. Deaconesses, usually widows of clergy, cared for the women of the church (Schaff 2014, p. 2016). Though the original requirements, probably based on 1 Timothy, called for deaconesses to be at least 60, in 451 at the Council of Chalcedon, the age was reduced to 40 (Schaff 2014, p. 2016). In the East the role of deaconess was thriving until the 12th century. However, in the West the prohibitions against ordaining women were passed by 533 (Schaff 2014, p. 2017). Schaff does observe that an office of service similar to that of the deaconess has been re-established in Protestant churches, but they are of a different nature and do not include the various vows undertaken by the women (Schaff 2014, p. 2018).
   Schaff observes that a variety of offices were added to large churches, especially in major cities (Schaff 2014, p. 2018). These could include stewards, secretaries, nurses, and people who bury the dead.

"§42. The Bishops." (pp. 2019-2022).
   Schaff elaborates on the distinctions he made previously between bishops and presbyters. The office of bishop took on sovereign power, though exegetes such as "Jerome, Crysostom, and Theodoret, just the most eminent exegetes of the ancient church, expressly acknowledged the original identity of the two offices" (Schaff 2014, p. 2019). As their power grew, bishops elected other bishops and took responsibility for ordination of clergy. Confirmation and blessing of oil for chrismation also came to be the duty of the bishops. Schaff observes that bishops took on civil positions of importance after Constantine's time (Schaff 2014, p. 2020). The bishops accepted the reverence shown them and welcomed reverential titles. Special garments signifying rank would often be worn by bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 2021) Schaff notes here, as elsewhere, that there were both positive and negative examples of bishops. Some were pious and ascetic, giving to the poor and living a life of humble servitude (Schaff 2014, p. 2022).

July 29th, 2024

7/29/2024

Mondays are for Church History
7/29/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§50. Marriage and Celibacy of the Clergy." (pp. 2001-2008).
   Schaff notes that the monastic movement and ascetic tendencies within Christianity elevated the custom of celibacy, moving it from an available choice to "an inexorable law" in Latin Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2001). The expectation was that the estate of marriage was incompatible with service at the altar. However, Schaff considers the withdrawal of priests from family relations to have distanced clergy from understanding the challenges of the average person, and to have failed to act as a safeguard against moral failure. The Greek church differed in that celibacy was only expected of their highest officials, who were regularly drawn from monastic life (Schaff 2014, p. 2002). However, Schaff observes that even in the Greek church, marriage was seen in generally negative, but utilitarian, terms. Schaff lays out the typical regulations of the Greek church in the fourth century in some detail (Schaff 2014, pp 2003ff). Over time the expectations of clerical celibacy tended to become more strict. Schaff observes that as expectations of celibacy became more strict, an increasing number of priests would form secret alliances and even clandestine marriages (Schaff 2014, p. 2007).

"§51. Moral Character of the Clergy in General." (pp. 2008-2013).
   Schaff cites Augustine as noting that the office of a bishop could be undertaken lightly and in a manner acceptable to the society at large but in such a way as to deserve the condemnation of God (Schaff 2014, p. 2008). Those who held to the standards of God in Christ faced a more difficult task. Schaff makes detailed reference to other prominent Christians of the fourth and fifth centuries who condemned such worldliness among clergy (Schaff 2014, p0. 2009ff).
   Schaff observes that Chrysostom did write approvingly of some types of ruses and deceptions which would further God's kingdom. As an example, he evaded the elevation to a bishopric, pressing it onto someone he thought more qualified (Schaff 2014, p. 2011). While Jerome would favor some use of evasion of the truth, Augustine held it was always inappropriate (Schaff 2014, p. 2012). The Greek church was less likely to allow for deception of any sort.
   As a whole, Schaff observes the conciliar movement "guarded the moral purity and dignity of her servants" (Schaff 2014, p. 2013). At the same time, morality and dignity among the Roman population was declining sharply. This made the work of the clergy more difficult.

Monasteries as Seminaries

7/22/2024

Mondays are for Church History
7/22/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter V. The Hierarchy and Polity of the Church." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1993-2106). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 48-67).

"§48. Schools of the Clergy." (pp. 1993-1997).

   Schaff notes that his narrative of church history is now moving into a third phase, "the rise of the patriarchal constitution and of the system of ecumenical councils closely connected with it" (Schaff 2014, p. 1993). The system by its nature would involve an ongoing work of particular training of clergy who could deal with care of churches as well as intricate doctrinal and polity issues. By 397, the Council of Carthage instituted testing for clergy candidates, while a similar process was instituted in the East by 541 (Schaff 2014, p. 1994). However, Schaff notes there were multiple reasons such evaluations would be met with resistance. Some was based on prior education in other scholarly fields, some on political experience, and some arose from a perception of identifying fervent spirituality.
   Theological training was available, for instance, in the Alexandrian catechetical school, which was prominent from the mid second to late fourth centuries, before it fell into theological confusion (Schaff 2014, p. 1995). Schaff further identifies a Palestinian Caesarean school, founded by Origen, and one in Antioch, founded about 290, which self-consciously rejected the allegorical methods of the Alexandrians in favor of grammatical and historical exegesis (Schaff 2014, p. 1996). There was also a seminary at Edessa, which spun off from the school at Antioch.
   In the West, most training for clergy took place in cloisters or schools run by bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 1996). Schaff considers Augustine's training of presbyters and bishops from his location in Hippo to be a good example of this educational effort. It was also relatively common for those training in classics and rhetoric to then take up study and exposition of Scripture (Schaff 2014, p. 1997).

"§49. Clergy and Laity. Elections." (pp. 1997-2000).

   Ordained clergy were normally recognized with a formal laying on of hands and prayers (Schaff 2014, p. 1997). The understanding came to be that, in a way similar to baptism marking people as Christians, the laying on of hands separated clergy with an "indelible character" (Schaff 2014, p. 1998). Over time, clergy tended to take on additional marks, such as celibacy, a tonsure, and priestly vestments. Rights of appointing bishops and clergy came to be largely held by bishops, though generally the laity maintained some responsibility to confirm or reject the decisions. Schaff notes that in some instances there were sharp disagreements between the will of the laity and that of the bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 1999). The decisions could become highly political in nature. Eventually emperors also became involved in appointing clergy (Schaff 2014, p. 2000). Secular authorities remained involved in such decisions for a very long time.

Scholarship Investigates Monasticism

7/15/2024

Mondays are for Church History
7/15/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IV. The Rise and Progress of Monasticism." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1908-1993). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (through section 47)

"§45. The Benedictines. Cassiodorus. (pp. 1982-1984).

   Though Benedict was to have a strong influence on Christianity and European society, Schaff considers Benedict to have been concerned only with his group of monks (Schaff 2014, p. 1982). His order did have a profound influence, especially until the 13th century. The addition of scholarly work to the monastic order, according to Jerome, was due to Cassiodorus. In 538, he founded a monastery and "collected a large library, encouraged the monks to copy and to study the Holy Scriptures, the works of the church fathers, and even the ancient classics" (Schaff 2014, p. 1984). This example spread to other Benedictine monasteries.

"§46. Opposition to Monasticism. Jovinian. (pp. 1984-1989).

   Despite the strength of the monastic movement, there were noteworthy moves in opposition to it (Schaff 2014, p. 1985). Secular authorities, military leaders, supporters of paganism, and those with a more worldly outlook all had reasons to object to the popularity of monasticism. Schaff sees Jovinian as the most important of the Christian opponents (Schaff 2014, p. 1986). By 390, Jovinian had written a work (no longer extant) objecting to the ethics of monasticism. Jerome wrote forcefully against him, while Augustine tended toward leniency. Jovinian was excommunicated and banished around 390. He died in exile by 406. Schaff summarizes Jerome's accusations in brief (Schaff 2014, p. 1987). Jovinian held that those who are married have equal merit to those who remain unmarried. He held to a form of eternal security of those with faith who are baptized. He endorsed enjoyment of food received with thanksgiving. He further maintained that those faithful to their baptism would receive an equal heavenly reward. Schaff notes the similarity of much of Jovinian's teaching to that of Calvin and Luther (Schaff 2014, p. 1988).

"§47. Helvidius, Vigilantius, and Aerius." (pp. 1989-1992).

   Helvidius notably wrote a refutation of the perpetual virginity of Mary, before 383 (Schaff 2014, p. 1989). This signaled his endorsement of the estate of marriage. Jerome summarized his arguments from Scripture, which were very similar to those used today. Jerome's objections are likewise similar to the defenses of Mary's perpetual virginity still in use (Schaff 2014, p. 1990).
   In the early 5th century, Vigilantius, in Barcelona, wrote against ascetic superstition (Schaff 2014, p. 1990). Schaff considers Jerome's response to be a hastily written personal attack. He quotes Jerome at some length.
   Aerius of Sebaste, though an ascetic himself, based on Christian freedom wrote against the enforcement of fasts at certain times (Schaff 2014, p. 1991). He faced significant persecution from the Christian hierarchy.

Monastic Orders

7/8/2024

Mondays are for Church History
7/8/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IV. The Rise and Progress of Monasticism." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1908-1993). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (through section 47)

"§42. St. Paula." (pp. 1973-1975).

   Schaff turns to a discussion of St. Paula, a disciple of Jerome. Paula lived from 347 to 404 (Schaff 2014, p. 1973). Paula, widowed and with five children at the age of 36, took up a life of asceticism. Jerome defended her chastity and his, in response to rumors of an inappropriate relationship (Schaff 2014, p. 1974). He boasted of her dedication to the Scripture and her asking many questions regarding exegesis. She and Jerome knew each other well, as they had gone together from Antioch to Palestine and Egypt on a pilgrimage. Afterward, she returned to Bethlehem and founded a monastery and three nunneries, living out her remaining years as an abbess and an ascetic. Paula lived in poverty and left her daughter, Eustochium, significant debts (Schaff 2014, p. 1975).

"§43. Benedict of Nursia." (pp. 1975-1978).

   Schaff considers Benedict of Nursia to have given "to the Western monasticism a fixed and permanent form, and thus carried it far above the Eastern with its imperfect attempts at organization, and made it exceedingly profitable to the practical, and, incidentally, also to the literary interests of the Catholic Church" (Schaff 2014, p. 1976). Born in 480 in Nursia, Benedict, by age 15, interrupted his studies in Rome and secluded himself for three years in a grotto at Subiaca (Schaff 2014, p. 1976). Schaff describes some of the privations by which Benedict fought fleshly temptations.
   After his years of seclusion, Benedict founded twelve cloisters of twelve monks each (Schaff 2014, p. 1977). However, under persecution of a priest, he left to settle in a Neapolitan mountain district. There, after considerable preaching against pagan idolatry, in 529 he founded the cloister of monte Cassino. He remained there fourteen years until his death, on March 21, 543. Schaff notes that Pope Gregory I wrote a biography of Benedict in which he is portrayed as having exceptional abilities of prophecy and healing (Schaff 2014, p. 1978). Though he was not fully educated, he was exceptional in his ability to teach and lead.

"§44. The Rule of St. Benedict." (pp. 1978-1982).

   Schaff notes that the Rule of St. Benedict quickly "superseded all contemporary and older rules of the kind" (Schaff 2014, p. 1978). He briefly reviews the contents and the tone of the work. The genius, in Schaff's opinion, was that it articulated a scalable cloister, which could at one and the same time work with an episcopate and still honor fundamental equality of Christians. This model maintained the structure of cloisters and enabled them to thrive through the Middle Ages. Schaff provides a lengthy quotation from the prologue, in which Benedict assembles and motivates the monks to strive for excellence and still acknowledge that there will be a need for repentance and forgiveness along the way (Schaff 2014, p. 1979). Schaff continues with a summary of the remainder of the Rule (Schaff 2014, pp. 1980-1982). I omit details but commend the work to be read, as it is readily available and not long.

Monasticism Grows Up

7/1/2024

Mondays are for Church History
7/1/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IV. The Rise and Progress of Monasticism." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1908-1993). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (through section 47)

"§40. Monasticism in the West. Athanasius, Ambrose, Augustine, Martin of Tours. (pp. 1960-1965).

   After a brief introductory bibliography, Schaff observes that monasticism in the Latin church was "milder . . . but assumed greater variety, and found a larger field of usefulness than in the Greek" (Schaff 2014, p. 1961). Rather than devoting themselves solely to contemplation the monks divided their time between contemplation and work. Though monks in the East would sometimes engage in interactions with the broader society, it was more common in the West (Schaff 2014, p. 1961).
   In 340, Athanasius, exiled to the West, was accompanied by two desert hermits from Egypt (Schaff 2014, p. 1962). By his three visits to Rome and his biography of Anthony, the monastic spirit was planted in the West. Some went to Egypt or Palestine, including Jerome, who also translated the Rule of Pachomius into Latin. The monastic fervor spread from Italy throughout the Mediterranean.
   Ambrose established a monastery in Milan which was popular with many. Schaff notes Ambrose had a strong commitment to celibacy (Schaff 2014, p. 1962).
   Augustine, who Schaff considers less Pelagian than many involved in monasticism, did urge a monk-like life of celibacy and poverty (Schaff 2014, p. 1963). However, in North Africa he was not able to attract any but freed slaves and lower classes to monasticism. He maintained that the monastic life should involve labor.
   Martin of Tours brought monasticism to Gaul. Martin was known for "temperance, humility, and love" (Schaff 2014, p. 1963). He converted to Christianity at age 18 and eventually built a monastery near Poitiers. Against his will he was elected as bishop of Tours in 370. The monastery he founded in Tours eventually grew to 80 monks (Schaff 2014, p. 1964). He was well known as a man of constant prayer, who also performed numerous miracles, though he avoided talking about them. He was also known to take courageous stands, such as once at a dinner at the court of Emperor Maximus, serving a presbyter before the Emperor (Schaff 2014, p. 1965).

"§41. St. Jerome as a Monk. (pp. 1965-1973).

   In Schaff's estimation Jerome was both a zealous advocate of monasticism and an important connection between East and West (Schaff 2014, p. 1966). One of the important factors in this was the fact that Jerome had extensive academic credentials, unlike most of the monastics. Under his influence it became conceivable that one could engage in learning as a monk (Schaff 2014, p. 1966). He was known as both a scholar and a zealous ascetic who was uncompromising and even intolerant. Jerome, born sometime between 331 and 342 to a Christian family, was trained in grammar and rhetoric in Rome. About 370 he was baptized and devoted himself zealously to serving the Lord (Schaff 2014, p. 1967). Shortly after, spurred on by a dream, he formally renounced "worldly books" and rejected classical scholarship. He did, however, later in life, have some interaction with works of Cicero and Vergil. Jerome was known to travel between Rome, Antioch, and some desert area of Syria (Schaff 2014, p. 1968). During his struggles with his fleshly desires he poured himself into studies of Hebrew. Jerome wrote a number of biographies of prominent anchorets. Schaff quotes at some length a 373 appeal of Jerome to flee the broader culture and pursue monasticism (Schaff 2014, p. 1969). When reading the quotation I cannot help but find parallels in the imagery to Vergil's Aeneid book 2 and Aeneas' flight from his house.
   Jerome was ordained as a presbyter in Antioch by the bishop Paulinus (Schaff 2014, p. 1969), but rather than taking a parish he lived as an itinerant monk and scholar, journeying to Antioch, then Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 1970). While in Rome he worked on revisions to an improved Latin version of the Bible, as well as encouraging the further development of monasticism. His time in Rome saw many members of the patrician class embracing Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 1971). Because of Jerome's extensive work among educated and wealthy women, urging a form of monasticism, he met with considerable censure and satire.
   In 385, Jerome left Rome for Jerusalem (Schaff 2014, p. 1972). He subsequently settled in Bethlehem in 386, presiding over a monastery and hospital. His last years were spent in literary and apologetic pursuits, often engaging in significant disputes with other monks, driving many away from Jerusalem. Jerome died in 419 or 420.
   Schaff observes that while Rome has considered Jerome among the chief of teachers and saints, they regularly "disapprove his glaring inconsistencies and violent passions" (Schaff 2014, p. 1973). His great zeal was also his great weakness.

Monasticism Still Isn't Utopia

6/24/2024

Mondays are for Church History
6/24/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IV. The Rise and Progress of Monasticism." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1908-1993). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (through section 47)

"§38. Pachomius and the Cloister Life." (pp. 1956-1959).
After the mid-fourth century Schaff considers monasticism in a cloister to have become more common. He notes the relative dangers of isolation as a hermit and the fact that a monastic community can be of more service to the church as a whole (Schaff 2014, p. 1956). Pachomius, a former soldier and a close contemporary of Saint Anthony, in 325 established a monastic community on an island in the Nile. By his death in 348 there were multiple such communities and a growing community of several thousand monks (Schaff 2014, p. 1957). The monks in community practiced spiritual exercises and engaged in occupations which supported their community and cared for the poor and sick. Concurrently, similar communities of women developed (Schaff 2014, p. 1958). Systems of cloisters grew quickly through the 4th century .Schaff describes continued growth of monasticism in the 5th century as well, particularly in the East (Schaff 2014, p. 1959).

"§39. "Fanatical and Heretical Monastic Societies in the East." (pp. 1959-1960).
While monasticism was typically orthodox in its theology, Schaff does observe all the heresies which gained traction in society as a whole also found adherents within monastic life (Schaff 2014, p. 1959). There were also a number of heresies which sprang from the monasteries. He notes the Eustathians who held that marriage would bar one from salvation, similarly the Audians, who also insisted on recognizing Easter on the 14th of Nisan. The Euchites, or Messalians, were mendicant enthusiasts who rejected "physical labor, the moral law, and the sacraments and boasted themselves perfect" (Schaff 2014, p. 1960).

In a Cell or on a Pole

6/17/2024

Mondays are for Church History
6/17/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IV. The Rise and Progress of Monasticism." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1908-1993). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (through section 47)

"§36. Spread of Anchoretism. Hilarion." (pp. 1949-1951).

   Schaff observes a strong influence upon Christians by the publication of Athanasius' biography of Anthony. "A mania for monasticism possessed Christendom, and seized the people of all classes like an epidemic" (Schaff 2014, p. 1949). The result was an increase in anchorets, those who would place themselves into isolation for their monastic pursuits. These recluses would be frequently trying to find additional means of self-denial. Additionally, monasteries with a communal lifestyle increased in numbers, with often up to 500 monks in a community.
   Of such monks, we have a biography of Hilarion, written by Jerome. After a brief time with St. Anthony, Hilarion retreated into Gaza, which, at the time, "was inhabited only by robbers and assassins" (Schaff 2014, p. 1950). He engaged in a strict asceticism, not eating before sundown, committing himself to prayer and Scripture, as well as weaving baskets. His reputation attracted admirers, thus causing him to relocate several times before his death in 371 at the age of 80 (Schaff 2014, p. 1951).

"§37. St. Symeon and the Pillar Saints" (pp. 1951-1956).

   Simeon, or Symeon was among those described as "stylites" due to their lifestyle of privation, spending "long years, day and night, summer and winter, rain and sunshine, frost and heat, standing on high, unsheltered pillars, in prayer and penances, and made the way to heaven for themselves so passing hard, that one knows not whether to wonder at their unexampled self-denial, or to pity their ignorance of the gospel salvation" (Schaff 2014, p. 1952). Symeon, at age 13, sought to be received into a cloister, lying on the threshold for several days. Once admitted, he typically would eat only on Sundays, and was known to fast entirely throughout the 40 days of Lent. He was dismissed from the cloister due to some of his radical behavior, then relocated to a mountain where he spent substantial time in chains. In the year 423 he moved about 40 miles east of Antioch, where he spent the subsequent 36 years on a pillar, where he would never lie or sit down, but would bow and genuflect before God. Schaff observes that Symeon was heavily burdened by sin, "never attaining to the true comfort and peace of soul which is derived from a child-like trust in Christ's infinite merits, earnestly striving after a superhuman holiness, and looking to a glorious reward in heaven, and immortal fame on earth" (Schaff 2014, p. 1953). Schaff clearly considers Symeon to have missed the point of the Gospel of forgiveness through Jesus.
   Despite Symeon's failure to grasp forgiveness, and his isolation, Schaff observes that he used his pillar as a pulpit, preaching repentance, settling controversies, and doing miracles (Schaff 2014, p. 1954). He was widely recognized in his day as an exemplary Christian. After his death in 459 at the age of 69, he was brought in state to Antioch.
   Schaff observes that Symeon's humility, visions, and dedication to self-abasement were recognized as outstanding, and led others to imitate him. There were numerous additional stylites in his time period and following it (Schaff 2014, p. 1955).

A Special Level of Christianity?

6/10/2024

Mondays are for Church History
6/10/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IV. The Rise and Progress of Monasticism." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 1908-1993). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (through section 47)

"§34. Influence and Effect of Monasticism" (pp. 1935-1939).
   Monasticism has had a profound influence on the history of the church, but as Schaff notes, the influence has been diverse (Schaff 2014, p. 1935). The movement has led to ignorance and illumination, to peace and strife. Schaff credits the philosophical orientation with the distinction. "In proportion as monasticism was animated and controlled by the spirit of Christianity, it proved a blessing" (Schaff 2014, p. 1935). The movement made visible the stark differences between a pagan and a Christian society. The movements of scholarship, training, and missionary activity had an influence around the world, and still exercises that influence (Schaff 2014, p. 1937).
   Schaff does observe that for all its good influences, monasticism also tended to withdraw from society, family, military, and public services, often resulting in a "religious fanaticism" (Schaff 2014, p. 1938). The separation of monasticism from the more routine Christian life was broadly recognized through the Middle Ages.

"§35. Paul of Thebes and St. Anthony" (pp. 1939-1949).
   After a brief bibliography, Schaff introduces Paul of Thebes as the first actual Christian hermit, having found refuge in a cave during the Decian persecution, and staying there for a legendary 90 years (Schaff 2014, p. 1939). Legend also has it that Paul was not identified as a hermit until a visit by Anthony in 340 (Schaff 2014, p. 1940). Schaff retells the legend of Anthony's subsequent burial of Paul (Schaff 2014, p. 1941). Schaff is clear that he does not think it appropriate for people within the monastic movement to abandon society and biblical means of grace.
   Schaff takes a higher view of St. Anthony, a Coptic Christian born about 251 (Schaff 2014, p. 1941). Anthony was known to have been faithful in attending and learning Scripture lessons. At age 18 he inherited a considerable estate and responsibility for his sister (Schaff 2014, p. 1942). Wishing to care for the poor, he liquidated the estate, set aside a living for his sister, distributed the remains to the poor, and took up an ascetic life. After 285 he withdrew farther from society to pursue rigorous asceticism (Schaff 2014, p. 1943). Schaff describes these habits in some detail. Anthony was known to periodically visit and pray for others or to preach publicly, but mostly remained separate from society (Schaff 2014, p. 1945). Schaff describes some of the interactions Anthony had, noting he is quoted as having a ready wit and penetrating logic. Much of what we know comes from a biography written by Athanasius (Schaff 2014, p. 1948).