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The Interrelationship of the Persons of the Godhead

7/8/2025

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Church History
7/8/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§131. The Post- Nicene Trinitarian Doctrine of Augustine." (pp. 240-2404).
    Schaff observes that the Greek church largely ended inquiry about the Trinity with the Nicene Creed. However, in the West, Augustine carried the work farther, pointing toward the development of the Athanasian Creed, which Schaff takes to be dated in the fifth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2400). Schaff summarizes Augustine's developments.
    First, Augustine demonstrated that consubstantiality rejected subordinationism. While God is of one substance in three persons, the essence is unified, so no person of the Trinity is inferior to another (Schaff 2014, p. 2400). The persons of the Trinity do not subsist individually, but as a whole.
    Augustine taught that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son, though primarily from the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2401). He interpreted the Nicene Creed's statement of the Spirit proceeding from the Father as a polemical statement against those Pneumatomachi, who would make the  Spirit part of the created order. In general, Augustine's view of the role of the Son in sending the Holy Spirit was broadly accepted in the West and in many parts of the East. The controversy over the filioque arose in the ninth century, in the context of debate about its inclusion in the creed as an alteration (Schaff 2014, p. 2403). Schaff considers the root of the controversy not to be the actual doctrine. Rather, in his view, the issue is "the contrast between the conservative and stationary theology of the East . . . and the progressive and systematizing theology of the West" (Schaff 2014, p. 2403).

"§132. The Athanasian Creed." (pp. 2404-2411).
    Schaff provides a substantial bibliography for the Athanasian Creed. This creed is regularly considered the third of the ecumenical confessions, and signals the end of the orthodox development of description of the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2405). Schaff presents it both in Latin and English, also including "parallel passages from Augustine and other older writers" (Schaff 2014, p. 2405).
    The Athanasian Creed is not considered to be by Athanasius or even from his time period. Schaff finds no trace of it through the third or fourth centuries (Schaff 2014, p. 2408). In the Greek church it first appears in the eleventh or twelfth century. Tellingly, those manuscripts omit the concept of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son (Schaff 2014, p. 2409). Schaff dates the composition to the mid fifth century, no later than 570, and probably in Gaul (Schaff 2014, p. 2409).
    The brief articles of the Athanasian Creed sum up the relationship of the persons of the Trinity to one another in such a way as to answer the various Christological debates of the early church (Schaff 2014, p. 2410). The Trinity is one in substance but three in persons. Christ has the entirety of a divine and a human nature. Those who deny these tenets are condemned. It is necessary to believe in the real and living triune God who saves through the divine/human Jesus.
    Schaff closes the segment with a brief bibliography of works concerning the controversies about Origen (Schaff 2014, p. 2410-2411) He proceeds in section 133 to discuss that controversy from the end of the fourth century. 

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The Importance of Accurate, Specific Terminology in Theological Discussions

7/1/2025

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Church History
7/1/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§129. The Nicene and Constantinopolitan Creed." (pp. 2388-2391).
    A comparison of the Nicene Creed and the Constantinopolitan Creed may serve as a useful summary of the theological debates of the fourth century. Schaff provides a parallel version, signifying differences by use of brackets and italic type (Schaff 2014, pp. 2388-9). The electronic version which I have in my library does not reflect the columns and has trouble with the Greek text, so is of rather little use at this point. After the Greek there is an English translation, which is easier to compare. Schaff considers the creed of Constantinople to be "a considerable improvement on the Nicene" (Schaff 2014, p. 2390). He particularly favors the expansion of the third article, which creates more symmetry. After the council of Chalcedon in 451 the Constantinopolitan version generally replaced the Nicene version (Schaff 2014, p. 2391). In the West, the addition of the filioque statement added in Toledo in 589 provoked disputes which endure to the present (Schaff 2014, p. 2391).

"§130. The Nicene, Doctrine of the Trinity. The Trinitarian Terminology." (pp. 2391-2400).
    Because of the articulation of the full deity of the Holy Spirit, during the fourth century it became possible to move toward articulations of the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2391). Fourth century Fathers, such as Gregory of Nyssa, saw the doctrine of the Trinity as an effectual guard against polytheism and an unthinking or abstract monotheism such as might be seen in the Sabellians or the later Deists (Schaff 2014, p. 2392). In the end, the orthodox Christians confessed that while the Trinity could be described it evaded explanation.
    Schaff goes on by summarizing essential elements of the doctrine of the Trinity. First, "there is only one divine essence or substance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2393). God is not separable into different types of being. The three persons of the Godhead are also not three specific individuals as we observe among humans. They are still one God (Schaff 2014, p. 2394).
    Second, in the divine essence "there are three persons or, to use a better term, hypostases, that is, three different modes of subsistence of the one individual and indivisible whole" (Schaff 2014, p. 2394). Each person is fully divine and in agreement with each other person (Schaff 2014, p. 2395). This sets orthodox Christianity apart from both Sabellianism and from modalism. While analogies of the Trinity abound in creation, all fall short of describing the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2396). 
    Another element of Trinitarian explanation (Schaff numbers this as fourth, though I find no third point) is that the persons interpenetrate one another (Schaff 2014, p. 2397). They do this constantly and without hindrance.
    Fifth, the Trinity may be seen in both of two ways. One is the constitution, what the persons are made of . The other is of manifestation, what the persons appear to be (Schaff 2014, p. 2397).
    Sixth, in some way there is a subordination among the persons of the Trinity. However, this is not a subordination of essence but only of hypostasis. It is functional rather than inherent in the divine nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2398). This distinction has historically been very challenging to make, as analogies are few and far between.

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The Persons of the Trinity As Having One Substance

6/24/2025

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Church History
6/24/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§127. The Nicene Doctrine of the Consubstantiality of the Son with the Father." (pp. 2378-2384).
    Schaff, identifying Athanasius as the most powerful representative of the Nicean view of the nature of Christ, observes that this dispute was at the center of the dispute between Arians and orthodox teaching (Schaff 2014, p. 2378). At issue was the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son. In negative terms, orthodoxy denies that the Son is, by nature, part of the created order. In positive terms, the Nicene Creed asserts the full essential deity of Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 2379). The reality of the Father and the Son, of one substance, rejects the idea that Father and Son are indistinguishable (Sabellianism). God can be one God in three persons of the same nature. Each person of the Godhead remains fully God (Schaff 2014, p. 2380).
    The Nicene view requires that generation and creation be distinguished from one another. "Generation is an immanent, necessary, and perpetual process in the essence of God himself, the Father's eternal communication of essence or self to the Son; creation, on the contrary, is an outwardly directed, free, single act of the will of God, bringing forth a different temporal substance out of nothing" (Schaff 2014, p. 2381). Of special significance to our understanding of divine generation is that while human generation produces "a new essence of the same kind," in divine generation "the begotten is identical in essence with the begetter" (Schaff 2014, p. 2381). Further, implicit in the divine nature, both Father and Son are eternal (Schaff 2014, p. 2382).
    The nature of God as redemptive requires that rescue from sin be performed by God. Schaff summarizes that "[i]f Christ were a creature he could not redeem other creatures from sin and death" (Schaff 2014, p. 2383). Athanasius described the concept of the Father without the Son as self-contradictory. The Son cannot be separated from the Father. For this reason, the Son is worthy of worship, as he is entirely divine (Schaff 2014, p. 2384).

"§128. The Doctrine of the Holy Spirit." (pp. 2384-2388).
    In Schaff's estimation, the issue of the deity of the Holy Spirit is tied to that of the Son (Schaff 2014, p. 2384). Because the Arians took the Holy Spirit to be a creation of the Son and thus subordinate to the Son as the Son to the Father, they held a radically different view of the Trinity from that held in orthodox Christianity 2385). Schaff notes that there were also adherents to Nicene Christianity who viewed the Holy Spirit as "an impersonal power or attribute of God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2385). The difficulty may have been rooted in an inability to find biblical passages in which the Holy Spirit is called God in unambiguous terms (Schaff 2014, p. 2386). Yet the historic baptismal formula, benedictions, and doxologies affirmed a divine triad. Therefore, the fourth century theologians worked to demonstrate the equal divinity of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.
    To demonstrate the consubstantial essence of the Holy Spirit with the Father and Son, theologians observed the fact that the Holy Spirit is never considered as part of the created order (Schaff 2014, p. 2387). He is omnipresent, eternal, and omniscient. He does "the divine work of regeneration and sanctification" (Schaff 2014, p. 2387), and is treated in all ways as God, equal to the Father and the Son. As an attempt to defend against confusion that could suggest God has two sons, a distinction was made between the Son being begotten and the Spirit proceeding (Schaff 2014, p. 2387).  

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Bad Doctrine as a Reaction to Bad Doctrine

6/17/2025

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Church History
6/17/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§125. Semi-Arianism." (pp. 2374-2375).
    In the years following the Nicene council, Schaff observes that some tried to hold a moderating point of view between that of the orthodox and the Arians. These "simi-Arians" were, in Schaff's view, attempting to use tactics of political compromise to gain acceptance of their subordinationist teachings when couched in vague language (Schaff 2014, p. 2374). The teaching did reject the stark affirmation of Christ having a different nature than the Father (hetero-ousion), but it also makes no insistence on Christ having the same nature as the Father (homo-ousion). The term "similar" (homoi-ousion) is preferred. There is an assertion of the eternal generation of the Son, and that he is not a created being (Schaff 2014, p. 2375). The Athanasians rejected the Semi-Arian position as there is not a middle point in essence. Either the Son has the same essence as the Father or he does not.

"§126. Revived Sabellianism. Marcellus and Photinus." (pp. 2375-2378).
    In the course of the dispute with Arianism, another error arose. As is often the case, this one was used by the advocates of orthodoxy. Marcellus, from Ancyra, "so pushed the doctrine of the consubstantiality of Christ that he impaired the personal distinction of Father and Son, and, at least in phraseology, fell into a refined form of Sabellianism" (Schaff 2014, p. 2376). In effect, he held to such a unity of the Father and Son that they could be seen as one person until the incarnation. Marcellus therefore became a polarizing figure as he entered into error due to his strong stance against another error. Schaff describes the logical process which led to his error in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 2377).

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What Makes Arianism So Poisonous?

6/3/2025

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Church History
6/3/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§123. The Theological Principles Involved: Import of the Controversy." (pp. 2367-2369).
    Schaff here begins to review the theological challenges, rather than political and personal issues involved in the conflict between Arian and orthodox thought (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). Though the dispute in Nicea seemed to center around a difference made by an iota in a word, the philosophical implications of the dispute are enormous. At issue was the relationship of the Father and the Son, which is central to the understanding of the very nature of Christianity. In the orthodox understanding, particularly as described by Athanasius, if God the Son is not absolutely the very God, he is relegated to a role in the created order and is not able to restore fallen man to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). The Arian concept further separates man from God. Schaff considers Arian thought to be governed by human reason, political intrigue, and not by divine revelation (Schaff 2014, p. 2369). This may well explain the Arian operation in the political world, as opposed to being primarily a biblical discussion.

"§124. Arianism." (pp. 2370-2374).
    After cataloging a number of names used of Arians, tied to leaders or specific content of particular doctrines, Schaff summarizes the doctrine (Schaff 2014, p. 2370). At issue is the contention that the Father is the only true God and that the Son is in some way a contingent being, though the creator of the world. He was created out of nothing, and as a created being he does not share the essence of God. It is important, in Schaff's estimation, to affirm Arianism as far superior to a number of older heresies as well as to deism or rationalism. The Son is personal and exists before all worlds. Yet he is still part of creation, so not God (Schaff 2014, p. 2370).
    Arius limited God the Son in "his duration, his power, and his knowledge, and expressly asserted that the Son does not perfectly know the Father" (Schaff 2014, p. 2371). As Arian thought was developed, its advocates brought further inconsistencies into theology. Rationalism was applied to the Arian doctrine, but was unable to resolve the central difficulty, that of a Son who was not entirely God (Schaff 2014, p. 2372). Schaff finds that the Arian arguments are based on Scriptures which indicate Christ doing things such as growing, not knowing some things, becoming weary, or being sorrowful (Schaff 2014, p. 2372). Athanasius, in his opposition to Arius, has a tendency to assign all these characteristics to Jesus' human nature. He then responds to Arius with texts attributing divinity to Jesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2373). The Arians primarily argued by denial of orthodox affirmations. The orthodox normally laid out a positive case for their point of view.

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Arian Reaction to Orthodoxy

5/27/2025

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Church History
5/27/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§121. The Arian and Semi-Arian Reaction, A.D. 325-361." (pp. 2358-2364).
    Schaff identifies the outcome of the Council of Nicea as a victory, but of limited effect. Numerous subscribers to the Nicene Creed were marginal in their support or were acting out of deference to the emperor rather than from a conviction of truth (Schaff 2014, p. 2358). After the council, the Arians sought to consolidate their political power and promote their view. These moves regularly resulted in contentious councils and bloodshed (Schaff 2014, p. 2359). The controversy outlived Constantine, Arius, and Constantine II. Charges of intolerance were lodged against both sides, as a third, "semi-Arian" party arose (Schaff 2014, p. 2360). Over time, the dispute came to have a geographic element as well. The East tended to follow the Arian beliefs, while the West was more likely to adhere to the Nicene creed (Schaff 2014, p. 2361).
    After 350, the emperor Constans, who had briefly (under pressure from his brother) supported Athanasius, summoned three synods which took a moderately favorable view of Arianism. He subsequently pressured the church in the West to adopt these views (Schaff 2014, p. 2361). This soft form of Arianism was thus established, though with much controversy, throughout the imperial church (Schaff 2014, p. 2362). In the ongoing conflicts, Schaff notes the imprisonment or exile of numerous orthodox bishops.
    While the Arian heresy seemed to have won the day, it then separated into two factions. One contended that the Son was of similar but not identical essence with the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2363). The other faction contended that the essence of the Father was not "similar" but "different." Beginning in the late 350s numerous councils attempted to understand this issue.

"§122. The Final Victory of Orthodoxy, and the Council of Constantinople, 381." (pp. 2364-2367).
    The policy of Julian the Apostate, who released orthodox bishops from exile, in Schaff's opinion, was intended to provoke the Christian factions to destroy each other (Schaff 2014, p. 2364). Rather, the Christians united against the common enemy of paganism. Arianism tended to decline as orthodoxy brought out robust arguments in multiple synods.
    With the death of Athanasius in 379, Arianism arose again in a violent manifestation (Schaff 2014, p. 2365). In response to this unrest, the emperor Theodosius I, who ascended to the throne in 379 and was orthodox in his convictions, required all subjects to pursue orthodoxy. He further convened the council of Constantinople in 381. Among other actions, the Nicene Creed was confirmed, with the additions to the third article which are used today (Schaff 2014, p. 2366). A variety of heresies, including Arianism, were specifically condemned. This spelled the end of Arianism as a formally recognized belief system, though some cells of Arian belief remained in existence for several centuries (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). 

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Arian Thought and the Council of Nicea

5/20/2025

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Church History
5/20/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§119. The Arian Controversy down to the Council of Nicaea, 318-325." (pp. 2344-2348).
    The Arian controversy, though mostly focused on Christ, also makes claims about the Holy Spirit (Schaff 2014, p. 2344). For this reason it was very important to all Trinitarian thought. As Schaff evaluates the issue, "If God is one and if Christ and the Holy Ghost are distinct from the Father and yet participate in the divine substance, God must be triune" (Schaff 2014, p. 2345). The concepts, though not the word 'trinity," can be found throughout the Scriptures.
    Schaff deals with the Arian controversy in three stages. He first discusses the emergence of the controversy and the period to the council of Nicea, where orthodoxy was reaffirmed (Schaff 2014, p. 2346). Next he treats reactions to the Nicene decisions up to the death of Constantius in 361. Finally, he reviews the final battles up to the council of Constantinople in A.D. 381. While Arianism was rejected in the councils of Nicea and Constantinople, it remained a minority view, particularly gaining strength in the Germanic nations for over 200 years (Schaff 2014, p. 2346). 
    Schaff considers the contradictory views of Origen along with poorly communicated elements of discussion between Antioch and Alexandria to have led to the rise of Arianism (Schaff 2014, p. 2346). The hints at subordinationism and the question of whether the Son was generated as a secondary substance could lead to a denial of the eternity of the Son.
    Arius, who served as a presbyter of Alexandria starting in 313, had a reputation for disputations. He pressed the views stated by Origen to their breaking point, affirming that, though Crhist was the creator of the world, he himself was part of the created order (Schaff 2014, p. 2347). Arius and his followers were excommunicated in 321, as they denied the deity of Christ. Arius continued to teach and write in Palestine and Nicomedia (Schaff 2014, p. 2348). He was defended by some bishops and condemned by others. The groups of bishops then engaged against one another, creating a theological and diplomatic crisis. Under the influence of Constantine, the parties were brought to seek a clear answer based on definitive truth rather than on political influence. This led to the Nicene council of 325.

"§120. The Council of Nicaea, 325." (pp. 2349-2358).
    Schaff, after a fairly extensive bibliography, introduces the reader to Nicea, which has fallen into decline, but at his time still existed as Isnik, in Turkey (Schaff 2014, p. 2350). In 325 it was a thriving city, easily accessible. The emperor Constantine called for the council in 325, offering transportation and lodging expenses for each bishop, and for each bishop to bring "two presbyters and three servants" (Schaff 2014, p. 2350). The emperor was strictly unwilling to hear personal complaints, but protected the purpose of the gathering to discuss the theological matters for which the council was called.
    Only about a sixth of the estimated 1,800 bishops attended, all but seven of the attendees being from the Eastern regions.
    The council was formally opened by the arrival of the emperor (Schaff 2014, p. 2351). Schaff notes the substantial change in tone from the recent persecutions to the presence of an emperor who showed considerable courtesy and respect toward Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2352). Among the notable people at the council we number Eusebius of Caesarea, who served to moderate some discussions, from a post next to the emperor, and Athanasius, who, at the time, served as an archdeacon (Schaff 2014, p. 2353). Many of the participants bore signs of persecution or of the hardship of an ascetic life.
    In the council, the orthodox were, at first, the minority (Schaff 2014, p. 2354). The Arian view was represented by about twenty bishops. The majority, following Eusebius of Caesarea, gradually moved their alignment from a centrist position toward orthodoxy.
    Schaff describes presentation of several versions of creeds, some of which had been used in other regions in the past. Versions of a creed which was acceptable to the Arians were considered suspect by the Orthodox partisans. After a number of revisions and counter-proposals, the version which is now in use, but ending with "we believe in the Holy Ghost" was adopted. The remainder was added in the council of Constantinople. Bishops who approved physically signed the creed, the first time such an action is known to have been performed in Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2356). Arians and two others who refused to sign were banished to Illyria. Schaff noted this as the first known civil punishment for heresy.
    The council of Nicea also spoke to the dating of Easter and a schism in Meletia, which Schaff discusses elsewhere. There were a total of twenty canons and the creed published, but no definitive account of the deliberations (Schaff 2014, p. 2356). The emperor further promulgated the decisions as law (Schaff 2014, p. 2357). 

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Theology Influenced by Philosophy, Scripture, and Tradition

5/13/2025

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Church History
5/13/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§117. General Observations, Doctrinal Importance of the Period. Influence of the Ancient Philosophy." (pp. 2327-2332).
    In the period after the council of Nicea, Schaff sees a time of churchly practice settling the concepts of orthodoxy, rather than developing new concepts (Schaff 2014, p. 2327). Doctrinal statements were formalized and tested, particularly in the Western church. The tests were in the form of theological controversies, some of which were very serious in nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2328). Schaff briefly describes the way people of different social classes would participate in the disputes. In the scope of controversy, he sees a parallel to the Lutheran Reformation (Schaff 2014, p. 2329).
    During this period several ecumenical councils served to make clarifications of orthodox doctrine (Schaff 2014, p. 2329). Their decrees serve as the fruit of lengthy and intense discussions. In the East, Schaff finds the debates to be primarily in the realms of "Theology and Christology, while the Latin church devoted itself to Anthropology and Soteriology" (Schaff 2014, p. 2329). These fields fall in line with different cultural values of the Greek and Latin worlds. Both East and West show signs of Platonism in their theological conclusions (Schaff 2014, p. 2331). By the middle of the 6th century Schaff finds a greater influence of Aristotle on theological inquiry (Schaff 2014, p. 2332). Mysticism favored Platonic structures, while scholasticism favored those of Aristotle.
    
"§118. Sources of Theology. Scripture and Tradition." (pp. 2332-2344).
    In this section Schaff updates the story of the source of theological authority. The New Testament is now completely identified, largely agreed upon, and widely circulated along with the Old Testament (Schaff 2014, p. 2333). Tradition now includes that which has commented on and reacted against heretical movements. A typical citation of tradition at this period, then, identifies traditionally accepted means of interpreting Scripture. The Apostles' Creed in the West and the Nicene Creed in the East were recognized and used as traditionally formulated summaries of Scripture (Schaff 2014, p. 2334). Schaff briefly compares and contrasts this period's understanding of Scripture and tradition to those typically held in his day. The fifth century saw broad agreement to a closed canon of Scripture as we have it today, ratified at a number of ecumenical councils (Schaff 2014, p. 2336).
    Schaff observes the scholarly difficulties posed by biblical manuscripts of the fourth century and into this period. As of his writing, the earliest datable manuscripts were from the fourth century and had "errors and omissions of every kind" (Schaff 2014, p. 2337). The problem of identifying a clean and authoritative text history was substantial. He describes the various manuscripts in brief. Rather than making the pessimistic conclusion of a scholarly skeptic, Schaff takes a positive view. The genuine message and the historic Christian faith is not dependent on the letters of the manuscripts but rather on the message of the Gospel preserved in the Scripture as understood through historic tradition (Schaff 2014, p. 2338). In the final analysis, the authority lies in the Scripture as preserved by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit throughout history. The orthodox understanding of Scripture is the recognized tradition (Schaff 2014, p. 2339). This concept was solidified as time went on to an investigation of consensus over time, geography, and current opinion. If all three were in agreement, an idea may be considered orthodox (Schaff 2014, p. 2341).
    Schaff considers tradition to have diverged from Scripture in some ways during the period, resulting in a more rigid dependence on orthodox tradition, which could be used to exclude otherwise biblical teachers (Schaff 2014, p. 2342).

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Poetry, Music, and an Entirely New Poetic Paradigm

5/6/2025

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Church History
5/6/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§115. The Latin Hymn." (pp. 2312-2315).
    Latin hymnody is more important in the Middle Ages than Greek hymnody. Schaff finds it to lead more directly toward the music of Protestantism (Schaff 2014, p. 2312). In Schaff's opinion, much of the best of the Latin hymnody has been naturalized into Protestant use. Orthodox Christianity, notably represented by Hilary and Ambrose, used hymnody to defend against heretical doctrines.
    Schaff also considers the Christian hymnody to have moved customs of Latin poetry from an emphasis on meter based on length of syllable to meter based on stress accent, as well as, at least occasionally, on rhyme (Schaff 2014, p. 2313). This moved the poetry more into a musical direction, in his opinion, in popular usage, particularly by the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Schaff 2014, p. 2314). In this time we also begin to see descriptions and classifications of meters as used in Latin hymnody (Schaff 2014, p. 2315).

"§116. The Latin Poets and Hymns." (pp. 2315-2326).
    Schaff illustrates the growth of Latin hymnody by briefly discussing a number of writers and their more prominent compositions. He does observe that all were significant theologians as well (Schaff 2014, p. 2316). Schaff provides substantial samples of texts, in Latin and English, illustrating the development of Latin usage through the period.
    We can observe that the Latin texts Schaff reproduces show stress rather than metrical predictability, though he does not point out the elisions which clarify the stress. To gain a clear picture it is necessary to compare the metric scansion of lines to the location of stress accents. The stress accents are not always on long syllables, though they often are. Melodic practices, rather than a plain chant, show themselves after the time of Ambrose, leading toward recognizable chorale type melodies (Schaff 2014, p. 2320).
    Schaff describes a groundbreaking development in the work of Venantius fortunatus, who died about 600. He developed the use of the trochaic tetrameter, which is the staple of hymnody from the medieval period onward (Schaff 2014, p. 2322). Again, a comparison of the rhythmic meter to the stress accent meter is required to get a clear picture of the development. Of particular note is Fortunatus' grouping of poetic lines into stanzas. This has remained a common practice to the current time.
    For those who are not familiar with this poetic meter, I observe the longs and shorts, which then became the stressed and unstressed syllables, using dots and dashes.
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
    A typical stanza of four such lines can be found in much later Latin hymnody. With little, if any, variation, the meter is perfectly normal for use in English, as well as other Western languages. In its typical four line stanzas, most hymnals will indicate it as "CM" for "Common Meter."

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Poetry and Music in Early Christianity

4/29/2025

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Church History
4/29/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§113. Church Poetry and Music." (pp. 2302-2305).
    Schaff observes the more important role of poetry and music when compared with art and architecture (Schaff 2014, p. 2303). The expression of specific tenets of Christianity in a clearly articulated and memorable verbal medium is of critical importance. The devotional nature of hymnody was therefore crucial in the life of Christians (Schaff 2014, p. 2304).
    Schaff notes early Christian use of the Psalms, as well as the apparent use of other, newly composed texts, some of which are quoted in the epistles (Schaff 2014, p. 2304). However, we have no known examples of the complete text of an early Christian song (Schaff 2014, p. 2305).

"§114. The Poetry of the Oriental Church." (pp. 2305-2312).
    As referenced above, Schaff observes we have no complete hymn texts from the first few centuries in the East, with the exception of the Te Deum and the Gloria in Excelsis (Schaff 2014, p. 2305). Orthodoxy may have been hesitant to use hymnody extensively due to the misuse of it within Gnostic and other heretical circles (Schaff 2014, p. 2306). In the fourth and fifth centuries Schaff notes conciliar resolutions against the use of such hymnody. In the late fourth century, however, numerous hymns were introduced, especially in Syrian regions (Schaff 2014, p. 2307). The sixth century saw broad acceptance of new songs in Greek territories.
    Schaff describes this Greek hymnody in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 23080. Historic Greek meters were quickly rejected, with the type of metrical structure found in Hebrew Poetry being favored. The forms of appropriate songs took on a regularity, thoguh the forms are more complex than recent Western Protestant hymnody. Both Greek and Latin hymnody of the period can be found in collections such as the Greek Menaea and the Latin Breviary (Schaff 2014, p. 2309). 

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Early Christian Graphic Representative Arts

4/22/2025

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Church History
4/22/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§110. Images of Christ." (pp. 2290-2298).
    Schaff observes that the architecture of the Jewish temple made it clear that careful architecture was appropriate for Christians. however, painting and sculpture was less clear based on the second commandment (Lutherans and Roman Catholics  would include this in the first commandment.) (Schaff 2014, p. 2291). Images of Christ were controversial. They could signal idolatry within a pagan culture. Representations of Christ are first seen among Gnostics and other heretical groups, and may well have served as objects of adoration. They are first found in orthodix settings after the time of Constantine, when the victorious Lord is depicted in heavenly glory (Schaff 2014, p. 2292).
    Schaff observes a dispute about such artistic representations of Christ. Some rejected representative art in general, though more often rejecting images of Chrsit (Schaff 2014, p. 2293). This view can be seen expressed clearly in the writings of Eusebius. He llowed for symbolic representations, such as a good shepherd or Daniel among the lions. Others would not accept any of these pieces of art. On the other side of the debate were those who considered artistic representations of ideas and people as helpful in devotions, especially among those who did not read (Schaff 2014, p. 2294). In the East, sculpture was never embraced, while it was more accepted, though with hesitation, in the West. Painting tended to be widely accepted, especially as an aid in teaching. The Cappadocial Fathers in the fourth century embraced artistic representations of the apostles, prophets, and other biblical characters (Schaff 2014, p. 2295). Schaff cites numerous authors who expressed opinions on these matters.
    Schaff notes two different types of paintings of Christ. Some would depict Jesus as the calm, dignified, and gentle Jesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2297). These anticipate the representations by Raphael and Michelangelo. The second type of depictions focus on Jesus' sufferings, especially with his crown of thorns.


"§111. Images of Madonna and Saints." (pp. 2298-2301).
    In addition to representations of Jesus, it was common for artists to depict other characters in the Bible (Schaff 2014, p. 2298). Mary, the Magi, the evangelists, the Apostles, and others, including people from Christian history, would often be depicted. The Madonna was frequently portrayed, especially as "the ideal of female beauty, purity, and lovliness, and as resembling her divine Son" (Schaff 2014, p. 2299). Book manuscripts, homes, and even vestments were often decorated with such pictures. Actual reverence for the works of art developed in the sixth century, and was criticized by leaders such as Augustine.
    Schaff considers these works of art to be uncompelling as art, but recognizes that they played an important role in the devotion and the discussion of the Church (Schaff 2014, p. 2300).

"§112. Consecrated Gifts." (pp. 2301-2302).
    Schaff briefly describes the custom among pagans of making gifts to be stored in temples (Schaff 2014, p. 2301). At times apparently Jews would place important items in a shrine. This was also a known practice among Chrsitians particularly following the time of Constantine. Schaff describes several such offerings.

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Byzantine Style, Baptisteries, and Crosses

4/15/2025

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Church History
4/15/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§107. The Byzantine Style. (pp. 2283-2286).
    In about the sixth century, Schaff notes a growth of Byzantine architectural style. This was used in the West as a modification to basilica styles. In the East it replaced basilica style and became well enough rooted to remain in use to the present. The style is characterized by a "hemispherical dome . . . supported by massive columns" (Schaff 2014, p. 2284). Attention is thus drawn upward and to the center, rather than to the quarter sphere at the liturgical east as in the basilica. The basilica draws attention to the altar, while the Byzantine style draws attention to heaven above the center of the congregation. It is common for the main dome to be surrounded by four smaller domes (Schaff 2014, p. 2285). Schaff describes the Hagia Sophia as an outstanding example of the form (Schaff 2014, pp. 2285-2286). While the form was developed in the sixth century, modifications to basilicas in the West were not common until the ninth century and afterward.

"§108. Baptisteries, Grave-Chapels, and Crypts." (pp. 2286-2288).
    The construction of special buildings for baptism began in the fourth century, with acceptance of Christianity as a licit religion (Schaff 2014, p. 2287). Baptism by immersion was still common at this time, and there were often many candidates for baptism, which was typically performed four times per year. The structure of a baptistery was generally round and under a dome. Several steps went down into the water. Normally the structure was divided into a side for each sex.
    "After the sixth century, when the baptism of adults had become rare, it became customary to place a baptismal basin in the porch of the church, or in the church itself, at the left of the entrance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2288). This became typical in parish churches as pastors, rather than only bishops, became engaged in baptizing people. 

"§109. Crosses and Crucifixes." (pp. 2288-2290).
    Use of crosses and the sign of the cross dates back at least to the second century (Schaff 2014, p. 2289). Schaff observes that the use of a cross could and did often become a matter of superstition, bringing criticism upon Christians as early as the time of Tertullian. This is not surprising, yet it is unfortunate. Schaff notes that about the sixth century we begin to see crosses with a figure of Christ or a lamb attached to them (Schaff 2014, p. 2290). Eventually in the East three-dimensional figures of Chrsit were banned, though pictures were allowed. Other people were sometimes added to artistic representations of a cross, such as Mary or others who were present at the death of Jesus. 

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Consecration and Arrangement of Churches

4/8/2025

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Church History
4/8/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§104. The Consecrating of Churches." (pp. 2274-2275).
    During our period, church buildings began to be consecrated with considerable ceremony, setting them aside specifically for Christian services (Schaff 2014, p. 2274). Schaff notes that biblical warrant for church consecrations was drawn from the ceremonies surrounding the consecration of the temple. With the newfound permissions for Christianity to be practiced in public, the ceremonies would often be well attended.
    Churches could be dedicated to the Trinity, to a member of the godhead, or often to a notable figure such as an apostle or Mary (Schaff 2014, p. 2274). They would also frequently observe anniversaries of the consecration. Within the ecclesiology of the time, consecrated and unconsecrated buildings alike would be recognized as places for Christian worship and fellowship (Schaff 2014, p. 2275).

"§105. Interior Arrangement of Churches." (pp. 2275-2280).
    Christian churches often had a physical arrangement reminiscent of the temple in Jerusalem (Schaff 2014, p. 2275). They often had three divisions: the place for catechumens, the faithful, and priests (Schaff 2014, p. 2276). The concept of a priesthood between the average people and God was universally present. Normally there would be an outer and inner portico. The outer was open and not considered part of the church. It would be the place of "those under heavy penance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2276), and would include a laver, where people entering would engage in a ceremonial washing. 
    The inner portico, a covered area, could accommodate those who were unbaptized (Schaff 2014, p. 2276). From here the preaching could be heard. A mural of Adam and Eve was frequently found here.
    The nave of the church symbolized the ark of safety (Schaff 2014, p. 2277). Men would be on the south side, women on the north, or in elevated galleries. The pulpit would be about at the center of the nave, while the custom of an epistle desk at the north and a gospel desk at the south developed. The sermon could be delivered from the pulpit or the steps at the east (Schaff 2014, p. 2278). A choir would be placed to the east of the pulpit, but the west of the altar steps.
    A more elevated place, also known as the choir, was the place of the altar, where the priests alone would enter to consecrate the eucharist (Schaff 2014, p. 2278). It was set apart by rails or a lattice and a curtain. Here there was the altar and a dome-shaped canopy. The altar normally contained relics or the burial place of a martyr. A small tabernacle would house the consecrated host (Schaff 2014, p. 2279). Side altars were developed later, and only in the west.

"§106. Architectural Style. The Basilicas." (pp. 2280-2283).
    The architecture of basilicas, gradually becoming Gothic cathedrals, took elements from various cultures, influenced by the Jewish temple (Schaff 2014, p. 2281). Because pagan temples tended to be round and not conducive to the kind of gatherings used in Christian worship, their architectural elements were not normally adopted. Christianity preferred long rectangles, often with some side naves added on. External porticoes and colonnades could be used for other purposes. Rather than the public judicial hall, the raised place of a tribune became a place for an altar (Schaff 2014, p. 2282). The side naves caused the building to take on the shape of a cross. Towers for bells arrived about the ninth century. Schaff describes a number of ancient church buildings in brief.

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Early Christian Art and Architecture

4/1/2025

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Church History
4/1/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§102. Religion and Art." (pp. 2269-2271).
    Schaff observes that in rightly identifying the world in terms of truth, beauty, and goodness, the aesthetic elements of life belong in religion as much as any other sphere of consideration (Schaff 2014, p. 2269). For this reason, the mission of art is perfected in worship of God. The elements of beauty are created by God and serve to proclaim his praise (Schaff 2014, p. 2270).
    Early Christianity struggled with art. In Schaff's opinion, this was because of the connection they perceived between art and idolatry (Schaff 2014, p. 2270). Eventually, much of Christianity reached the conclusion that the arts could be turned to godly purposes as well as to idolatry.

"§103. Church Architecture." (pp. 2271-2274).
    Architecture, in Schaff's opinion, finds its highest purpose as it is used to prepare a place for the human and divine to meet (Schaff 2014, p. 2271). The earliest Christians had no particular buildings for worship, but not due to a neglect of architecture. Rather, they were generally oppressed and had to gather relatively privately (Schaff 2014, p. 2272). There are some traces of church buildings in the later part of the third century, then again after 312 after Constantine allowed the church itself to have property (Schaff 2014, p. 2272). The fourth century saw a tremendous surge in church construction. In many instances high government officials, including emperors, had churches built at personal or state expense. In some instances pagan "temples or other public buildings were transformed for Christian worship" (Schaff 2014, p. 2273). However, the pagan temples tended to be round and not spacious due to their particular use. They did not adapt well to a gathering for corporate worship, preaching, and prayer.

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Western Liturgies and Vestments

3/25/2025

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Church History
3/25/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§100. The Occidental Liturgies." (pp. 2263-2266).
    Schaff classifies western liturgies as having their sources in Ephesus, with the influence of John; in Rome, with the influence of Peter; or "the Ambrosian and Aquileian, which is a mixture of the other two" (Schaff 2014, p. 2263). Over time, the Roman liturgy came to prominence and the others were eclipsed.
    The old liturgies in Gaul showed an influence of the Ephesian liturgy. Liturgies in Britain and Spain show similar influences. African liturgies show signs of Roman origin (Schaff 2014, p. 2264).
    Ambrosian liturgy is used in Milan, and has survived at least to Schaff's time in the 19th century (Schaff 2014, p. 2265). A related group, from the patriarchate of Aquileia, was long used.
    Roman liturgy is more widely documented than other families (Schaff 2014, p. 2265). While it claims roots in the apostle Peter, the liturgy can be clearly traced as far back as the fifth century. Documentation in the various sacramentaries is clear. Schaff summarizes the history of a number of sacramentaries.

"§101. Liturgical Vestments." (pp. 2266-2268).
    Public worship, particularly with the sharp distinction of clergy and laity, was characterized by particular types of vestments (Schaff 2014, p. 2266). Schaff provides a list of particular liturgical garments used in Greek tradition, then those from Latin tradition, all with explanatory footnotes. We observe that the garments were often specific to various ranks of clergy, as well as to particular liturgical actions. Schaff observes that the use of special priestly garments originated in the Old Testament (Schaff 2014, p. 2267). Various colors developed over time to be appropriate for different seasons or celebrations, though the basic color white remained. Schaff considers that the specific garments for the priesthood probably became common after the sixth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2268).

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Eastern Liturgies Prior to the 5th Century

3/18/2025

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Church History
3/18/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§99. The Oriental Liturgies." (pp. 2259-2263).
    The liturgies for which we have written record, though there are many, in Schaff's opinion fit into five or six families of tradition, stemming from churches in Jerusalem, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). He observes that the east showed a greater tolerance for variety in liturgies than the west.
    A complete service order, probably from the early fourth century, is found in the Apostolic Constitutions book eight, ascribed wrongly to Clement of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). Because of similarities to the liturgies of St. James and Cyril of Jerusalem, Schaff classifies it as a Jerusalem liturgy (Schaff 2014, p. 2260). Schaff describes it in brief, then compares it to the liturgy of St. James.
    This, though it bears the name of a first century apostle, quotes the Nicene Creed from the fourth century. The liturgy is quoted by Cyril of Jerusalem, prior to 386 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff notes a Syriac version of the liturgy of St. James which serves as a sources for numerous Monyphysite liturgies.
    An Alexandrian liturgy is ascribed to the evangelist Mark, though Schaff observes it reproduces the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed dating to 381 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff thinks it more likely stems from Cyril of Alexandria, who died in 444. A Coptic version was used in Egypt until the 12th century.
    Schaff describes a liturgy which is tied to Edessa or Mesopotamia (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). This is sometimes described as a liturgy of "All Apostles" and was used only by Nestorians.
    From Constantinople, Schaff finds a liturgy descended from that of James. This version of the liturgy, in one form or another, is used in Greek and Russian orthodox churches (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). Schaff sees this as a living liturgy which has continued to gain some accretions.

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Liturgies in Jerusalem and other eastern parts

3/18/2025

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Church History
3/18/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§99. The Oriental Liturgies." (pp. 2259-2263).
    The liturgies for which we have written record, though there are many, in Schaff's opinion fit into five or six families of tradition, stemming from churches in Jerusalem, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). He observes that the east showed a greater tolerance for variety in liturgies than the west.
    A complete service order, probably from the early fourth century, is found in the Apostolic Constitutions book eight, ascribed wrongly to Clement of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). Because of similarities to the liturgies of St. James and Cyril of Jerusalem, Schaff classifies it as a Jerusalem liturgy (Schaff 2014, p. 2260). Schaff describes it in brief, then compares it to the liturgy of St. James.
    This, though it bears the name of a first century apostle, quotes the Nicene Creed from the fourth century. The liturgy is quoted by Cyril of Jerusalem, prior to 386 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff notes a Syriac version of the liturgy of St. James which serves as a source for numerous Monyphysite liturgies.
    An Alexandrian liturgy is ascribed to the evangelist Mark, though Schaff observes it reproduces the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed dating to 381 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff thinks it more likely stems from Cyril of Alexandria, who died in 444. A Coptic version was used in Egypt until the 12th century.
    Schaff describes a liturgy which is tied to Edessa or Mesopotamia (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). This is sometimes described as a liturgy of "All Apostles" and was used only by Nestorians.
    From Constantinople, Schaff finds a liturgy descended from that of James. This version of the liturgy, in one form or another, is used in Greek and Russian orthodox churches (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). Schaff sees this as a living liturgy which has continued to gain some accretions.

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Eucharistic Celebrations East and West

3/4/2025

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Church History
3/4/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§97. The Celebration of the Eucharist." (pp. 2246-2151).
    Schaff identifies the Eucharist as the center of public worship. Liturgies in antiquity mainly consisted of the Eucharistic instructions (Schaff 2014, p. 2246). This stands in contrast to what Schaff refers to as "Evangelical" observances, which focus primarily on the sermon. Within the Catholic liturgies the eucharistic prayers tend to be very similar, and the Words of Institution are taken to make the eucharistic elements take on the true body and blood of Christ, creating a new sacrifice (Schaff 2014, p. 2247).
    After the introductory words of the anaphora, the prayer of thanksgiving recognizes God's gifts in creation, leading to the Trisagion ("Holy, Holy, holy") (Schaff 2014, p. 2247). The consecration follows, using the institution narrative, normally followed by an additional prayer of thanksgiving. Schaff provides a number of examples of these prayers (Schaff 2014, pp. 2248-2249). A Kyrie or Gloria normally follows. The celebrant(s) commune first, then the congregations.
    Frequent celebrations of the eucharist were normal, at least every Sunday, and sometimes daily (Schaff 2014, p. 2250). Infant communion was practiced in eastern and north African churches, but not commonly in the Latin church after the ninth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2251).
    Schaff briefly describes the movement for communion in only one kind (bread only0 as a development of the 12th or 13th century, guarding against spilling consecrated elements (Schaff 2014, p. 2251). Greek custom involves dipping the bread in the wine and receiving it from a spoon.

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Early Records of Liturgy Center on Baptism and Eucharist

2/11/2025

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Church History
3/11/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§98. The Liturgies. Their Origin and Contents." (pp. 2251-2259).
    After providing an extensive bibliography, Schaff defines liturgy as "the order and administration of public worship in general, and the celebration of the Eucharist in particular; then, the book or collection of the prayers used in this celebration" (Schaff 2014, p. 2253). he notes briefly that various religious traditions have collections of prayers and rituals, some written and some preserved through oral tradition. While the New Testament does not provide liturgy or ritual, it provides the elements from which they can be derived.
    Schaff asserts liturgies in the ante-Nicene period as forming gradually and independently of one another, sustained by oral tradition alone prior to the fourth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2254). He views this as the case due to the secrecy with which the Eucharist was viewed (Schaff 2014, p. 2254). From the fourth century onward, many written records of liturgies exist (Schaff 2014, p. 2255). Because the liturgies bear considerable similarities and differences, he considers them to have some original source, such as apostolic teaching. However, the divergences suggest the development from an apostolic root to have been relatively independent (Schaff 2014, p. 2256).
    Schaff observes the centrality of the Eucharist in medieval practice, counter to the sermon's centrality in the Protestant movement (Schaff 2014, p. 2257). He then describes several differences between eastern and western liturgies. Chiefly, the eastern liturgy maintains a sharper distinction between the Service of the Word and the Eucharist. The eastern liturgies also have a clear invocation of the Holy Spirit after the Words of Institution. There is also more variability in western services than in those of the east (Schaff 2014, p. 2255). Symbolic action is more important to the east than to the west.

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Eucharist as Sacrament and Sacrifice

12/16/2024

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Mondays are for Church History
12/16/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§96. The Sacrifice of the Eucharist." (pp. 2238-2246).
    The concepts of sacrament and sacrifice co-exist in both the Greek and Latin churches, interpreted in a way more similar to the view of Catholicism than to Protestantism (Schaff 2014, p. 2238). Schaff observes the centrality of the sacrificial idea in ancient religions, which, in Christianity, is fulfilled in Jesus' sacrificial death (Schaff 2014, p. 2239). The eucharist, then, as well as being receptive of Christian sacrifice, in accord with its name, is also a giving of thanks, a time when our prayers are heard. The offering, then, is both from God to us and from us to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2239).
    Schaff observes that Greek and Roman traditions were eventually imported into the eucharist, making it a repeated offering of Jesus to God the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2240). In his view, the sacramental aspects are eclipsed by the sacrificial aspect, which then became a materialized ritual (Schaff 2014, p. 2241).
    Schaff does note that in the ante-Nicene period, the eucharist was understood as the congregation's thank offering to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2241). He views the failure to consist of a materialistic conception, as opposed to a symbolic concept. From the start as a material sacrifice, by the end of the sixth century, the eucharist had developed into a repetitive offering of Christ's body to the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2242). The eucharistic offering becomes the fulfillment of the offerings under the Mosaic covenant (Schaff 2014, p. 2243), and it is quite literally seen as Christ offering himself to the Father again through the agency of the priest. Because the eucharist is for all Christians, it becomes a time for the living and the dead to participate together, with prayers being made to and for all those who have come before (Schaff 2014, p. 2244). These prayers may then be seen as aiding those who have come before us and who have not entirely obtained their heavenly reward, but are still in a state of purgatory (Schaff 2014, p. 2245). Again, Schaff observes the loss of the sacramental aspects of the eucharist, largely displaced by the sacrificial aspects.

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An Overview of the Eucharist in the Middle Ages

12/9/2024

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Mondays are for Church History
12/9/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§95. The Sacrament of the Eucharist." (pp. 2228-2238).
    Schaff describes the Eucharist as "both a sacrament wherein God conveys to us a certain blessing, and a sacrifice which man offers to God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2229). He describes both of these aspects in turn prior to attending to the ritual development.
    The disputes over the doctrine of the sacrament arose first in the ninth century, with Paschasius Radbertus. They have continued to this day. In Schaff's estimation, the controversy has continued due to the lack of an early Christian definitive statement as we have, for instance, in the areas of the Trinity, the nature of Christ, and an Augustinian view of soteriology (Schaff 2014, p. 2229). Schaff describes the controversy using intriguing language. "Christ may be conceived as really present either in and with the elements (consubstantiation, impanation), or under the illusive appearance of the changed elements (transubstantiation), or only dynamically and spiritually" (Schaff 2014, p. 2230). These views may have grown from earlier mystical, symbolic, or allegorical views of the sacrament. Schaff describes these views and their early proponents in turn. The various fathers make explanations, but there is no wide-ranging consensus.
    Unfortunately, Schaff's description is lacking in examples of the period's developments. Rather, he dwells on views articulated in the fifth century and before. Additionally, he wrongly describes Lutheran thought as embracing consubstantiation (Schaff 2014, p. 2235).
    Schaff notes that ancient liturgies "presuppose the actual presence of Christ in the Supper, but speak throughout in the stately language of sentiment, and nowhere attempt an explanation of the nature and mode of this presence, and of its relation to the still visible forms of bread and wine" (Schaff 2014, p. 2237). This is actually the stance which historic Lutheran piety has taken as well.

​
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Baptism, Confirmation, and Ordination in the Fourth Century

12/2/2024

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Mondays are for Church History
12/2/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§92. Baptism." (pp. 2218-2225).
    In the fourth century and beyond, Schaff considers the descriptions of baptism to have been "copiously embellished in rhetorical style" (Schaff 2014, p. 2218). A number of treatises were composed. Schaff notes the patristic understanding of baptism and conversion differs from much of the Protestant world's understanding "in that it signifies not so much a subjective change of heart, which is more properly called conversion, but a change in the objective condition and relation of the sinner, namely, his translation from the kingdom of Satan into the kingdom of Christ" (Schaff 2014, p. 2218).
    The discussion of baptism brought out a distinction between Eastern and Western Christianity. Schaff quotes Chrysostom as holding that children do not bear the stain of sin, but Augustine as taking baptism to be necessary because everyone bears guilt of original sin (Schaff 2014, p. 2219). This view was also stated in the second canon of the council of Carthage (318). Baptism forgives original sin, whether or not the person has personally had the opportunity to sin. Baptism also comes with an obligation to be educated as a Christian (Schaff 2014, p. 2220). Because of the significance of baptism, infant baptism was seen as the norm in this time period. Yet Schaff considers "forced baptism" to be unknown at this time (Schaff 2014, p. 2221).
    Baptism performed in heretical circumstances, so long as it was trinitarian, was generally accepted throughout the Church (Schaff 2014, p. 2222). The efficacy was based on the sacrament itself. Augustine articulated the view of the minister acting as an authorized agent of Christ, but the efficacy of baptism to be dependent on Christ himself. Those who were baptized as heretics then converted were received by laying on of hands, though in some circles there was a requirement of "rebaptism." Baptism of adults was normally on Easter or Pentecost, after instruction in the faith. Children were baptized soon after they were born (Schaff 2014, p. 2223). Schaff describes the ritual actions in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 2224).

"§93. Confirmation." (pp. 2225-2226).
    Schaff considers confirmation to have begun as a completion of baptism, particularly when adults were baptized (Schaff 2014, p. 2225). As baptism of infants became a common practice, confirmation was separated from baptism, as a seal of the earlier action, taken on by someone who can affirm the Christian faith. The ritual involved an anointing with oil which had been consecrated, then an imposition of hands on the confirmand (Schaff 2014, p. 226). There was considerable variability in the timing of confirmation in antiquity.

"§94. Ordination." (pp. 2226-2228).
    About the fourth or fifth century, ordination began to be referred to among the sacraments (Schaff 2014, p. 2226). Augustine comments that it had been recognized as such throughout the church. In ordination, a person is consecrated for a special priesthood, with responsibilities of governing the church and administering sacraments (Schaff 2014, p. 2227). While the Church considered ordination to create an indelible mark on the cleric, there was a broad understanding that some would hold the office in a disobedient manner and could be excluded. Schaff observes that installation into an office was considered separately from ordination. Whenever a minister transferred, installation would be repeated. Ordination was regularly performed by bishops, and would feature a laying on of hands.

​
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Worship and Sacrament

11/25/2024

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Mondays are for Church History
11/25/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§90. Public Worship of the Lord's Day. Scripture-Reading and Preaching." (pp. 2208-2213).
    In the fifth century and beyond, Schaff observes that the general order of public worship services remained as it was in earlier times. However, the distinction between the service for catechumens and for the faithful decreased as there was a presumption of cultural Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2209). Readings were to be from recognized canonical books, though a system of pericopes was not yet broadly recognized. Lectio continua was a fairly common practice to the fifth century. A system of pericopes appears in the Latin church in the fifth century, and in the eighth century in the Greek church (Schaff 2014, p. 2210).
    Church fathers, particularly Chrysostom, urged extensive Bible reading not only by clergy and monks, but by everyone (Schaff 2014, p. 2211). However, due to limited access to copies of the Bible and limited literacy, readings in the congregation remained very important. In public worship sermons or homilies would normally explain one of the readings selected for the day. There remain extensive collections of sermons by prominent bishops (Schaff 2014, p. 2212).

"§91. The Sacraments in General." (pp. 2213-2217).
    The term "sacrament" was applied to a wide variety of things in early Christianity, including anything with mystical or mysterious elements (Schaff 2014, p. 2213). However, the term specialized after the fifth century, coming to refer to particular forms of worship given by Christ and which apply God's blessing to men (Schaff 2014, p. 2213). Definitions of sacraments thus tend to appear beginning at the time of Augustine (Schaff 2014, p. 2214). Of special note is Augustine's view of baptism and ordination applying a character indelebilis to the Chrsitian, thus being sacraments which cannot be repeated (Schaff 2014, p. 2215). For much of our time period, baptism and eucharist were considered either the only two sacraments or the two most important (Schaff 2014, p. 2216). Schaff does note that Augustine would also include confirmation, marriage, and ordination. A number of others identified up to six sacraments, though they are not always the same as each other. The historic Church in both East and West eventually settled on seven as a symbolically important number (Schaff 2014, p. 2217). 

​
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Relics, Miracles, and Festivals

11/18/2024

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Mondays are for Church History
11/18/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§87. Worship of Relics. Dogma of the Resurrection. Miracles of Relics." (pp. 2191-2200).
    Veneration of saints eventually was extended not only to their memory, but also to earthly mementos in the form of portions of their bodies or artifacts associated with them (Schaff 2014, p. 2192). After Ambrose's time, the cross of Christ, its nails, and other items received special reverence. While Schaff acknowledges the roots of such veneration came from reasonable reverence and love, the outgrowth became superstition and idolatry.
    Counter to the views of paganism, the Christian understanding of the body is favorable. It is included in Christ's redemption and is not something to be escaped (Schaff 2014, p. 2193). Though most Christian practice did not involve extensive embalming, it also avoided cremation. Rather, Christians adopted the Jewish custom of a respectful burial, to await the hope of resurrection. Because martyrs and respective saints left remains, some people would expect those remains to have a special spiritual power (Schaff 2014, p. 2194). Beginning in the second century with Ignatius and Polycarp, mortal remains were taken to be a treasure (Schaff 2014, p. 2195). By the middle of the fourth century, these remains and artifacts can be seen to be treated in a superstitious manner (Schaff 2014, p. 2195). The veneration came to be expressed in processions, use of relics in amulets, and a multiplication of alleged pieces of artifacts. As an example, Schaff references "countless splinters of the pretended cross of Christ from Jerusalem, while the cross itself is said to have remained, by a continued miracle, undiminished" (Schaff 2014, p. 2196). Though worship of relics was condemned by numerous bishops and councils, the practice grew. Schaff references a number of period statements on the use of relics (Schaff 2014, pp. 2196ff).

"§88. Observations on the Miracles of the Nicene Age." (pp. 2200-2204).
    Scahff observes that some of the witnesses to miracles associated with relics are highly credible, including bishops such as Augustine and Ambrose (Schaff 2014, p. 2201). However, he urges caution in accepting or rejecting their testimony wholesale. A belief in the God described in the Bible is also a belief that God can do miracles (Schaff 2014, p. 2202). However, Schaff does observe that the later miracles described do not bear the same moral tone as those in the Bible. They tend to urge asceticism rather than the Christian life in general. They become more numerous as paganism dies, though one would expect the opposite (Schaff 2014, p. 2203). Schaff further considers the church fathers to be predisposed to believe and even take advantage of miracle stories, and the stories themselves did have some level of doubt and internal contradiction. While Schaff does not reject the possibility of miracles occurring, he advises caution and discernment (Schaff 2014, p. 2204).
    
"§89. Processions and Pilgrimages." (pp. 2204-2208).
    In the growing freedom of the Christianity of the fourth century, public demonstrations such as gatherings for thanksgiving or processions became common. Schaff notes that a procession would have a customary order of participants and would include spoken or sung "prayers, psalms, and litanies" (Schaff 2014, p. 2206).
    Pilgrimages, or visits of the faithful to important locations, also grew in popularity (Schaff 2014, p. 2206). These may be found in a variety of religious customs, including Christianity. Many Christian pilgrims would also seek out relics as they visited celebrated locations. Though Christian leaders would normally endorse pilgrimages, they also taught that God is present to his people equally everywhere in the world (Schaff 2014, p. 2207).

​
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Growth of Worship of Martyrs and Saints

11/11/2024

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Mondays are for Church History
11/11/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§84. The Worship of Martyrs and Saints" (pp. 2172-2185).
    Schaff acknowledges that worship of martyrs and saints is closely related to worship of Mary, discussed previously. Such practices are not found in the New Testament, which treats all Christians equally (Schaff 2014, p. 2172). Over time, Christians came to be divided into classes based on the way they lived out their piety. The more radical one's departure was from society, the more notable the reputation could become (Schaff 2014, p. 2173). Schaff attempts to describe the levels of distinction which could be assigned to various people (Schaff 2014, p. 2174). In general, the more one denied himself, the greater would be his virtue.
    Schaff also describes the assignment of different saints to watch over various needs (Schaff 2014, p. 2174). The saints would care for different cities, occupations, or maladies under this model. While the customs were originally rooted in an acknowledgment of dedication to Christ and a care for others, Schaff sees the focus on departed saints to have been amplified inappropriately (Schaff 2014, p. 2175). He describes the  excess in reverence which then turned to worship, using numerous examples (Schaff 2014, pp. 2176ff). The logical difficulty of prayers to saints was conceded as problematic by theologians such as Augustine and Jerome (Schaff 2014, p. 2178). Further, the reverence shown to martyrs was strikingly similar to that shown to heroes within pagan society. In this, Schaff sees a strong tendency of Christianity to capitulate to paganism and heretical sects (Schaff 2014, p. 2179).
    Schaff observes further that within the traditional stories of Christian martyrs many elements of mythic hero stories were incorporated (Schaff 2014, p. 2180). Thus, the martyrologies become a mix of fact and fiction. A similar sort of elaboration arose within the monastic movement, thus creating parallel streams of worship of people whose lives had taken on mythic proportions (Schaff 2014, p. 2181). To document the tendency, Schaff quotes from a number of Church Fathers (Schaff 2014, pp. 2182ff).

"§85. Festivals of the Saints." (pp. 2185-2188).
    It was normal for observance of saints to take place specifically on the person's death day, as that was considered a heavenly birthday (Schaff 2014, p. 2185). There would regularly be a gathering for worship but often additional "unrestrained amusements" would take place (Schaff 2014, p. 2186).
    Schaff details the most important feast days in order: Peter and Paul (June 29), Peter alone as bishop of Rome (February 22), and of Antioch (January 18), John the apostle (December 27), Stephen (December 26), John the Baptist's Birth (June 24), and his death (August 29), then the collected All Saints' Day (Sunday after Pentecost or November 1), and the feast of Michael the archangel (September 29) (Schaff 2014, pp. 2186-2188).

"§86. The Christian Calendar, the Legends of the Saints. The Acta Sanctorum." (pp. 2188-2191).
    Schaff observes that while the content of the Christian calendar begins to appear starting about the fourth century, the form is similar to numerous earlier Roman calendars, which showed astronomical events, civil or religious events, and sports. By 354 they have a Chrsitian week beginning on Sunday, along with Roman pagan structures of the month (Schaff 2014, p. 2188). Different communities would have their own calendars, with their own noteworthy people. In liturgical use, the calendar would serve to remember different people in prayer on appropriate days (Schaff 2014, p. 2189). Acts of the martyrs were gradually added to the calendars, as it was appropriate to read a selection on the pertinent day. The various martyrologies, at times controversial due to spurious elements, were published and spread widely (Schaff 2014, p. 2190).

​
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