Category: Bardy-1938

Persecution On and Off

7/6/2022

7/6/22
Scholarly Reflections

Bardy, G. (Trans. P.W. Singleton). "Chapter Six: Christianity and the Roman Empire at the End of the First Century." The Church at the End of the First Century. London: Sands & Co. 1938, 124-138.

The Roman Empire at first had no opinion specific to Christianity, but considered it as a sect of Judaism (Bardy 1938, 124). As late as about 51 or 52, Christianity was considered equivalent to Judaism (Acts 18:14-15). However, with the fire at Rome in July of 64, the Christians, not the Jews, were accused of starting the damage (Bardy 1938, 125). The extent of the Neronian persecution was long remembered as a great martyrdom for Christians. Bardy cites Clement's description of it, some thirty years after the fact (Bardy 1938, 126).

The Neronian persecution, though it didn't last long, betrays a philosophical concept of great importance. "Christianity was irreconcilable with contemporary ideas to as great an extent as it was with Roman legislation on religious matters. The ancient world admitted neither freedom of worship nor atheism" (Bardy 1938, 128). This prevented any accommodation. In Bardy's opinion, this problem is exemplified best by the evidence of Pliny's letter to Trajan, and by Trajan's answer (Bardy 1938, 130). Those who were accused and convicted were to be punished, but they should not be sought out. Tertullian understood this to be self-contradictory, as all other types of criminals are sought out (Bardy 1938, 131).

Between Nero and Trajan, we know of a persecution under Domitian, in which even some members of the imperial family were removed from society, along with the consul Clement in 95 (Bardy 1938, 132). John's Apocalypse, written about the same time, describes times of persecution and martyrdom (Bardy 1938, 133).

By the time of Trajan, Bardy finds there to be some relief from persecution. As evidence of this, he observes that Ignatius, rather than being summarily executed in Antioch, was transported to Rome (Bardy 1938, 136). In many areas there was relative peace.

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Even in Diversity, Christian Orthodoxy Has Always Been Recognized

7/5/2022

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7/5/22
Scholarly Reflections

Bardy, G. (Trans. P.W. Singleton). "Chapter Five: Heresy at the End of the First Century." The Church at the End of the First Century. London: Sands & Co. 1938, 109-123.

Bardy views Christianity as having a defined orthodoxy from the start. Guarding and spreading orthodox belief and the resulting practices was a central concern in the spread of Christianity (Bardy 1938, 109). Departure from the orthodox tenets was warned against, not only in the gospels, but especially in Colossians and the Pastoral Epistles. Hence, Bardy observes, Paul is not surprised by the heretical views and abusive practices which would arise (Bardy 1938, 110-111).

The letters at the start of Revelation speak plainly about heresies which had already arisen in Asia Minor prior to the close of the first century (Bardy 1938, 111). Bardy sees the region as a historical home of various types of syncretism and innovation. Among others, the Nicolaitans alternatively practiced a strict asceticism or abused themselves with immoral behavior (Bardy 1938, 113). Cerinthus, a contemporary of John in Ephesus, taught an early form of gnosticism, where the supreme God is not the one who created the world, and where Jesus was merely man before the supreme God came to him at his baptism.

Bardy notes that Ignatius, in his letters, speaks against the various heretical doctrines (Bardy 1938, 115). In particular, Ignatius speaks of heretics who admit the Scripture but interpret it differently. Bardy cites as an example those who said Christ only took a symbol of a body, not a real one, and did not actually suffer for sin (Bardy 1938, 116). Imposition of Mosaic law on Christians is another issue of significance to Ignatius. Bardy observes that Ignatius had very little respect for those who departed from orthodoxy (Bardy 1938, 118).

Bardy further adduces the example of Simon, who is not attested in detail by his contemporaries but for wom we have some later narratives. Simon, around 33-36, attempted to buy the power of imparting the Holy Spirit (Acts 8). He is later said to have been recognized as the mighty power of God around Samaria (Bardy 1938, 119).

Bardy concludes that there were certainly other heretical views by the end of the first century, but that many were forgotten or combined with others (Bardy 1938, 122). Pursuit of doctrinal orthodoxy would remain a challenge to Christianity.

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Distinctions among Christians in the First Century

7/4/2022

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7/4/22
Scholarly Reflections

Bardy, G. (Trans. P.W. Singleton). "Chapter Four: The Judaeo-Christians at the End of the First Century." The Church at the End of the First Century. London: Sands & Co. 1938, 91-108.

Although Christianity had Judean roots, Bardy notes it was more broadly accepted outside of Jerusalem than there, and more so as it left Palestine (Bardy 1938, 91). The forms of Christianity which did take root in Jerusalem typically did not depart from Moses, and particularly from circumcision (Bardy 1938, 92). This held true to some extend among Jews of the Diaspora as well, though we know relatively little about them as opposed to Gentile converts. Ignatius speaks of persistent challenges of Jewish Christians who wish to hold themselves and others to Mosaic practices (Bardy 1938, 93). The Epistle of Barnabas, with its emphasis on an allegorical interpretation of Moses, may well be a reaction against the move to hold to Mosaic practices (Bardy 1938, 94). While the Christian writings we have allow for Jewish Christains to hold to their cultural practices such as circumcision and dietary habits, they would not allow these customs to be pressed on Gentile Christians. It is also clear from Justin's writing, around the middle of the second century, that Jewish Christians needed to believe that Jesus was not only the Messiah but also divine (Bardy 1938, 96).

In Jerusalem, James "the just, brother of the Lord" served as leader of the church until he was executed by the Jews in 62 (Bardy 1938, 97). In the next few years the stage was set for a civil war and the Romans' seige of Jerusalem. Many Christians left Jerusalem before the war and the fall of the city, accurding to Eusebius (H.E. iii.5,3) (Bardy 1938, 100). Bardy suggests this departure of Christians created an intensely antagonistic relationship between Jews and Christians in Jerusalem after the fall of the city. Christians tended to pull away from the Judaic patterns and consider Jerusalem less seriously as the center of their religious observance (Bardy 1938, 101).

Pella, the city to which the Jerusalem Christians had escaped, became known as the city where the family of Jesus, i.e., his brothers, cousins, and their descendants, lived (Bardy 1938, 102).

The Jewish Christians were distinguished in Christianity as the only group which used the Gospel according to the Hebrews (Bardy 1938, 104). The Jerusalem Christians endured battles with heresy, with a large amount of sectarian belief and practice emerging even by the start of the second century (Bardy 1938, 105). The philosophical landscape was fragmented and complex.

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A Local Church and a Universal Church

7/1/2022

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7/1/22
Scholarly Reflections

Bardy, G. (Trans. P.W. Singleton). "Chapter Three: The Church and the Churches: The Hierarchy." The Church at the End of the First Century. London: Sands & Co. 1938, 69-90.

Within Christianity at the end of the first century, Bardy observes that the Christian had an identity as part of a local church, and that normally there was one church per city (Bardy 1938, 69). This was a departure from Jewish practice, where the different social classes would attend different synagogues. Though the church congregations were self-sufficient, it may be significant that Ignatius refers to himself as Bishop of Syria, rather than of Antioch, suggesting that the bishop and church of a larger community may beel some responsibility for those in smaller, surrounding communities (Bardy 1938, 70).

Bardy sees the interconnectedness of local churches as indicative of an understanding that there is one overarching Church, wherever Christians are found (Bardy 1938, 70).

Clement, in particular, spoke of a hierarchical structure in the local congregation. It is clear from 1 Clement 37-38 that his concern is for order, rather than to raise some to leadership and isolate others (Bardy 1938, 72). The leaders in the hierarchy are those appointed by the apostles as bishops, and those who received leadership responsibilities in a direct line from those (Bardy 1938, 73). These bishops, as well as deacons , were the officers recognized in the canonical Scriptures, in the Didache, and in Clement. There may be several in the community, recognized by the congregation as a whole (Bardy 1938, 74). In particular, Ignatius speaks of the responsibility of the congregation to heed the bishops (Bardy 1938, 75-76). Additionally, Bardy observes that Ignatius makes a distinction in his description of leaders. He recognizes presbyters as distinct from bishops, who guide the presbyters as they leade their local congregations. The bishop guides a number of presbyters (Bardy 1938, 77). Bardy considers that Ignatius seems to understand this as a well established pattern which needs no discussion.

Wandering preachers are discussed at some length in the Didache. Bardy observes that they were not part of the recognized hierarchy and that thtye were treated with some level of suspicion (Bardy 1938, 81). Bardy considers the Didache reference to the preachers and to prophets as a reference to the same group of people. They were not to be provided for very generously, and were not to stay long, but were welcome to teach and pray (Bardy 1938, 82). The topic of Christian unity would have been important, especially as the apostles were no longer available for consultation. Bardy notes that the idead of the local churches as part of one overarching Church would serve to hold them together. Travel and letters were common (Bardy 1938, 85). Bardy observes that the letter of Isgnatius to Rome suggests that the church at Rome was emerging as a leader in his time. This is evidenced by the more eloquent greeting at the head of his letter (Bardy 1938, 86). This may have been due to their reputation for charity or it may have been related to the status of Rome itself as the seat of a major international power. Bardy considers the reason inconclusive (Bardy 1938, 87). Nevertheless, not only does Ignatius speak deferentially of Rome, but we can also note thtat Clement of Rome speaks with an expectation of influence on other churches. It seems Rome is becoming a leader (Bardy 1938, 89).

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Yes, We Do Know Something of Christian Life around A.D. 100!

6/30/2022

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6/30/22
Scholarly Reflections

Bardy, G. (Trans. P.W. Singleton). "Chapter Two: Christian Life at the End of the First Century." The Church at the End of the First Century. London: Sands & Co. 1938, 39-68.

Bardy cites the letter of Pliny the Younger to Trajan, between 111 and 113, as of great value in descriging the Christian life at the start of the second century. He quotes the letter in its entirety (Bardy 1938, 39-41). The Christians, in Pliny's understanding, acted like atheists by not offering sacrifice or worshipping images, including that of the emperor (Bardy 1938, 41). This was in stark contrast to the public religious practices of the Romans. They were a newly founded religion and were at enmity with the Jews, worshiping Christ as god (Bardy 1938, 42). They gathered in worship and song at daybreak, then later at some time for a meal, actions which did not appear threatening to society. Bardy assumes from Pliny's letter that he must have investigated the meal and concluded that it was not a human sacrifice or other harmful celebration as rumor could suggest (Bardy 1938, 43). There is no mention of a heirarchical structure.

Bardy draws from period Christian testimony that most Christians of the time were converts, though some were born into Christian families (Bardy 1938, 44). At the time, there was significant growth in the eastern mystery cults, which made substantial promises and significant demands. It seems Chrsitianity, with even greater promises and demands, was even more attractive.

Catechesis of converts, or prospective converts, had become a regular feature of Christianity. This was a departure from the model described in Acts, but has very early evidence in the Two Ways teaching of the Didache (Bardy 1938, 46). The catechesis is fairly extensive and takes place prior to baptism.

Bardy further notes that acceptance of some type of creed was a normal expectation of the new Chrsitian. Ignatius describes the Christians in terms of the second article of the Apostles' Creed (Bardy 1938, 48). Clement of Rome makes trinitarian statements as an example of what all Christians believed. In the Didache it was required that communicants be baptized (Bardy 1938, 49).

Catechesis and acceptance of a creed was naturally followed by baptism. The Didache does not state who would baptize, but Ignatius said it was the role of the bishop, as was administration of the Eucharist (Bardy 1938, 51). The normal practice appears to be baptism by immersion.

The Eucharist serves as a participation in the body and blood of the Lord. Bardy quotes Ignatius in some detail, describing it as receiving the flesh of Jesus who suffered for sin (Bardy 1938, 52). The celebration recognized the unity of all the Christians. The Didache describes the Eucharist in less clear terms. It is a breaking of bread on the Lord's Day, for reconciliation (Bardy 1938, 53). Bardy quotes Didache 9-10 in full, concluding that there are numerous details which are left vague. It is not entirely clear whether the prayers were applied to different meal ceremonies, or whether they actually served as actual liturgical prayers (Bardy 1938, 55ff). In contrast, the descriptions of Justin and Tertullian are quite clear.

In contrast to the eucharist, we have a fairly clear example of liturgical prayer at the end of hte first century, contained in 1 Clement 59.2-61.3 (Bardy 1938, 60ff). Bardy reprints the prayer in its entirety. While he notes the transcendent calm and reverence shown even in a time of persecution (Bardy 1938, 52), my observation is that the prayer is strikingly similar to modern liturgical prayers of the Church.

Finally, Bardy speaks of the habits of the Christian life at the end of the first century. He cites records of habits of prayer in deaily life, of an eternal hope in times of illness and death, and an overall orientation toward heavenly things (Bardy 1938, 65). He quotes at length from the Epistle to Diognetus, which describes the Christian attitude toward nationality, family, the law, and earthly possessions (Bardy 1938, 65-67). The letter describes a striking sense of fellowship, mutual assistance, dedication, and hope in all things.

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How Do We Know about Christianity around A.D. 100?

6/29/2022

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6/29/22
Scholarly Reflections

Bardy, G. (Trans. P.W. Singleton). "Chapter One: The Writings." The Church at the End of the First Century. London: Sands & Co. 1938, 5-38.

In the beginning of his attempt to draw a picture of Christianity at the end of the first century, Bardy reviews a number of writings. He observes that these works, in general, are contemporary witnesses to the events and settings they describe (Bardy 1938, 5).

By the year 150, Papias had written a five book Exegesis of the Discourses of the Lord. Bardy provides the prologue, as preserved by Eusebius (Bardy 1938, 5-6). The text refers to ta desire to recall what the Lord had said, based on eyewitness accounts. The rest of the Exegesis is lost apart from some brief quotations in Irenaeus and Eusebius (Bardy 1938, 6).

Hegesippus, before 180, wrote a book of Commentaries, describing the succession of leadership in different churches (Bardy 1938, 6). His intention was to establish how and where sound, apostolic doctrine was preserved. Some fragments have been preserved by Eusebius, particularly pertaining to the Christian communities in Palestine (Bardy 1938, 7).

Bardy considers the canonical writings attributed to St. John to be part of the testimony pertaining to the end of the first century, as they were written later than the other New Testament writings (Bardy 1938, 8). The apocalypse, likely written during the reign of Domitian, followed patterns which were in common use at the time (Bardy 1938, 9). Apocalyptic writings both encouraged those enduring troubles and warned against coming judgment. Bardy places the writing of John's Gospel after that of Revelation, after the end of Domitian's reign and the release of prisoners from Patmos (Bardy 1938, 11). John's Gospel takes a purposely spiritual and historic tone, demonstrating that Jesus is the truly incarnate Son of God. Bardy dates the Johanine Epistles to the same period as the Gospel. He takes the first to be the mst important due to its emphasis on the divinity and Messiahship of Jesus (Bardy 1938, 13).

The letter of St. Clement to the Corinthians is "the oldest Chrsitian document, which can be definitively dated, outside the writings of the New Testament" (Bardy 1938, 15). Though the letter is formally from the church at Rome, it is unanimously ascribed to Clement, the third successor of Peter as bishop in Rome. The letter not only speaks to the schisms and dissension in Corinth, but it aso indicates the close relationship between the two communities (Bardy 1938, 16).

Ignatius, likely the third bishop of Antioch (Bardy 1938, 17) in a time of persecution early in the second century was condemned to be taken to Rome and be executed (Bardy 1938, 18). Bardy notes the letters of Ignatius were written as Ignatius was en route to Rome. He expresses willingness, even eagerness, to die as a Christian (Bardy 1938, 19). It is clear from his letters that there is a liturgy in place, that orthodoxy and heresy are known, and that bishops are recognized as those who govern the church in all places (Bardy 1938, 20).

Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, was visited by ignatius as he passed through. He wrote an account of Ignatius' letters and some general advice based on a request by some Christians in Philippi (Bardy 1938, 20). Polycarp was a disciple of John, had been made bishop of Smyrna at a young age, and continued in that role until his death in 155 or 156. Irenaeus was a disciple of Polycarp (Bardy 1938, 21). His letter to the Philippians is a wealth of information about community organization around A.D. 100.

In contrast to the works cited earlier, little is known about the date or composition of the Didache (Bardy 1938, 21). It was early treated not as Scripture, but as suitable for reading and instruction. Around the fourth century it largely fell out of use. It was lost until the late 19th century (Bardy 1938, 22). Bardy describes the content in some deatil. He notes the archaic nature and the Jewish rootes of the eucharistic prayers, though he does not elaborate on them in detail (Bardy 1938, 22-23).

Bardy notes the Epistle of Barnabas also contains a teaching of the ways of life and death, similar to that of the Didache (Bardy 1938, 24). The epistle takes an allegorical approach to God's Law, saying that the reason Jews had been rejected by God was due to their failure to interpret Scripture as an allegory (Bardy 1938, 26). Deating of the letter is challenging. However, Bardy notes the sixth chapter speaks of the temple. This indicates to him a time of reconstruction and re-assertion of Jewish independence, possibly in the time of Hadrian (Bardy 1938, 27).

Bardy goes on to speak of a number of apocryphal Gospels (Bardy 1938, 28ff). The Gospel according to the Hebrews probably dates to the end of the first century. Though Jerome claims to have translated it from Aramaic into both Greek and Latin, it is known only by small, fragmentary quotes. The Gospel according to the Egyptians may be slightly more recent than the former. It takes a strongly ascetic view, as far as we can tell from the few fragments we have (Bardy 1938, 31). Finally, the Gospel of Peter, of which we have approximately sixty verses, was probably written prior to 13-140 (Bardy 1938, 32). It has an interest in defending the power of Jesus, even by introducing new and supernatural details into the account of the resurrection.

Bardy concludes the chapter with an account of the Odes of Solomon, which were known in a Gnostic work and then Lactantius, and then were rediscovered in 1909 (Bardy 1938, 33). The work most likely dates from the last quarter of the 1st century. Bardy finds a Johanine spirit in the work, which he quotes at some length (Bardy 1938, 33-35).

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Persecution On and Off

Even in Diversity, Christian Orthodoxy Has Always Been Recognized

Distinctions among Christians in the First Century

A Local Church and a Universal Church

Yes, We Do Know Something of Christian Life around A.D. 100!

How Do We Know about Christianity around A.D. 100?

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Persecution On and Off

Even in Diversity, Christian Orthodoxy Has Always Been Recognized

Distinctions among Christians in the First Century

A Local Church and a Universal Church

Yes, We Do Know Something of Christian Life around A.D. 100!

How Do We Know about Christianity around A.D. 100?

​Help Fuel This Ministry by Clicking Here!

About Throwing Inkwells

Blog Feeds

Categories

Help Fuel This Ministry by Clicking Here!