Category: Literacy

Transmitting the Jesus Traditions

10/10/2023

10/10/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Seven: Transmitting the Jesus Traditions." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 146-173.

The way in which the Gospel, and other elements of early Christianity are transmitted is important to our understanding of the resulting message (Botha 2013, 145). It is part of understanding the source as a whole. Botha emphasizes that this task is critical in understanding the growth of "the Jesus movement" in all regards. The interplay of orality and literacy serves as a key to understand the nature of the compositions we now have.

Botha sees the developments between the time of Jesus and the publication of the Gospels as an essential part of the equation. For insight, he turns to classic works of form criticism. Bultmann took the period to be one of "informal and uncontrolled oral tradition" (Botha 2013, 147). Botha rightly describes both the terms "informal" and "uncontrolled" as current oral traditional scholars would interpret them.

Bultmann sees the resurrection as the point at which tradition became uncontrolled. Botha, however, thinks the nature of the community would imply a controlled, though possibly informal, spread. The apostolic group was influential in maintaining the message (Botha 2013, 147). There is reason to think the existence of eyewitness testimony would tend to regulate the content presented. Botha notes that the idea of a radical change has been influential in New Testament scholarship. As an example, he adduces the work of Kelber, who, in a rather sophisticated way, shifts the time of change to the time of inscripturation (Botha 2013, 148).

Dibelius, in contrast to Bultmann, takes the process to be controlled. Botha even characterizes it as "static" (Botha 2013, 148). Birger Gerhardsson goes farther than Dibelius by seeing "the primary situation within the community for the transmission of Jesus tradition as tradition itself" (Botha 2013, 148). The acts and words of Jesus were guarded and passed on as a matter of authoritative teaching. Botha finds this as analogous to the rabbinic transmission of oral Torah.

Botha finds a difficulty with these critical views because they fail to explain the variety in the written Gospels and the inconsistencies in identifying Jesus' "ipsissima verba" (Botha 2013, 149). Botha suggests that there is a way forward. He suggests "the possibility of re-applying the concept of informal, evolutionary models in a social-scientifically responsible way to parts (emphasis his) of the tradition process underlying some of the gospel traditions" (Botha 2013, 149).

If I understand Botha rightly, he is suggesting a synthesis of recent insights from the worlds of oral tradition and storytelling with the classic practices of hermeneutics, as an attempt to rightly identify the context in which the message was derived from an initial event to the point it was presented in essentially the written form in which we find it.

Botha moves on to discuss the transmission of the Jesus traditions in terms of rumor and folklore research (Botha 2013, 149). He observes that the nature of rumor suggests unreliable information, which is usually negative in its assessment of the subject (Botha 2013, 150). However, the dynamic may be applied appropriately to positive information. Rumor tends to follow a particular logical pattern based on the credibility of certain fundamental claims. A rumor, by its nature, is not an attempt to create something incredible, but to make sense of (often jumbled and confused) reality (Botha 2013, 151). There is regularly an element of imagination, though some rumors are predominantly constructed from factual information. They always, however, bear some sort of cultural or sociological selectivity (Botha 2013, 152).

Botha moves on to discuss the early research in rumor phenomena, in which details are quickly omitted from a message 152). After a period of reduction of the message, some details receive greater emphasis and elaboration. The elaboration tends to emphasize culturally acceptable standards (Botha 2013, 153). Counter to the experiments, however, oral exchange of rumors is not one-directional. A narrative held in community involves interaction of the community. In essence, there is a communal consensus which governs any developments.

Within the context of the Gospel accounts, there may well have been a particular ritual function (Botha 2013, 154). Within the first century community which gave rise to the canonical Gospels, the disciples who were involved in the fishing industry would have had access to a wide variety of settings in varied social strata, in which oral "news" would have spread readily. The communication by these disciples may well have opened relational doors with people and groups from varied backgrounds (Botha 2013, 155). Botha describes the interactions of these groups. indicating means by which an oral tradition about Jesus could have penetrated to many in the culture. The presence of a number of people who were eyewitnesses to events could tend to control the development of content (Botha 2013, 156).

Botha notes that stressful conditions, such as economic uncertainty or social or religious upheaval, can tend to increase rumor activities (Botha 2013, 157). Uncertainty in terms of health and mortality could be a strong factor in spreading discussions of Jesus' healing and raising the dead. Military conflicts and policies which led to conditions of poverty would only have increased uncertainty (Botha 2013, 158). This would make the message of Jesus increasingly attractive, especially among the extensive peasant population. Economic difficulties in the general population could easily account for a misplacement on the calendar of a census, which may simply have reflected a typical explanation for Joseph and Mary's presence in Bethlehem, or the particular sudden need to move to Egypt. The situation could be very real, even if the provocation was not at the exact time (Botha 2013, 160). Botha suggests that some details which may have been ambiguous could have been asserted as plausible reasons for actions. He goes on to describe a number of concepts, such as the work of the Magi, the penetration of legal imperatives into village life, and the presence or absence of political figures which could certainly influence explanations of the forces impelling actions recorded in the New Testament. What people thought the government was doing or not doing may have been more important influences on real actions than the actual deeds or inaction of governmental officials.

Another important feature of rumor is the use of counter-rumors, those intended to disarm harmful rumors. Botha sees evidence, in Matthew 28:11-15, of an official report of some sort with verses 1-10 and 16-20 constituting a Christian response to the report (Botha 2013, 164). This concept may explain many of the polemical statements recorded in the Gospels.

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What Is Authorship?

10/9/2023

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10/9/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Six: Authorship in Historical Perspective." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 126-144.

Botha observes that not only the concept of composition, but also the definition of authorship is easily treated anachronistically by modern scholarship (Botha 2013, 126). When considering authorship, we rightly consider what an author was thought to be in the time and place of the composition of the work in question. Following Foucault, Botha takes the author prior to the Enlightenment (and, for that matter, after it) not to be the sole magisterial creator of a work. There are always other forces at work, a cultural and sociological context, for instance, which take a hand in governing creative work. Botha describes this in some detail, then briefly discusses how the author's name recognition became an important data point only in the Enlightenment (Botha 2013, 128).

The terminology of authorship did not exist in Greco-Roman antiquity, nor did the concept. It was not until the Renaissance that people began to be thought of in terms of materials they wrote, though previously the individual might be recognized as someone whose ideas could be used in arguments. It was not until the Enlightenment that "literary property properly emerged" (Botha 2013, 129). Botha therefore briefly reviews some elements of the conceptual and practical elements of authorship in antiquity (Botha 2013, 130). Pliny the elder, a very prolific (and therefore unusual) author, spent extensive time in research, being read to and dictating notes and extracts. Lucian recommended extensive gathering of notes, then some process of organization. Apparently notebooks of some sort were kept, at least by some (Botha 2013, 131). Eventually, a text would be dictated for transcription on a scroll. A text would be revised, sometimes multiple times, before it was considered a finished work (Botha 2013, 132). Because of the nature of dictation, in some instances it would result in notes which would be filled in later by the scribe (Botha 2013, 133).

Publication, or really, release of a literary work, was often done either without the name of an author, or under some other name (Botha 2013, 133). A dedication of a work is often made to someone. This serves as an indicator that the work is finished, and also associates the author in some way with a more prominent individual. It further implies that a copy of the work has been furnished to the person to whom it is dedicated, hence the work is published (Botha 2013, 134). Some publishers are known to have existed, receiving texts and arranging for copies to be made and distributed. It was through public reading that the work would become known.

Distribution of books occurred normally not initially by making copies, but by oral presentation in public and by lending a book to a friend (Botha 2013, 136). Any additional copies were normally made by a private copyist, and could be subject to revision, emendation and error.

Authors, so as to establish their identity, tended to insert statements which could serve as personal markers (Botha 2013, 137). This could assist a reader in knowing the actual source of a work.

Botha concludes that a concept of the author as understood in antiquity is necessary to properly interpret works (Botha 2013, 137). The author in that world is not the same as an author in our world. Further, the communal nature of presentation influenced the content. An awareness of the traditions and expectations of the setting is crucial (Botha 2013, 138). The work of composition, also communal in nature, would influence what would appear. The way material would be included or excluded at all stages of the composition process and the way a listener would gather information would all be influenced by other social contexts.

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Memory, Performance, and Reading

10/6/2023

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10/6/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Five: Memory, Performance, and Reading Practices." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 102-143.

Botha describes differences between our modern Western engagement with reading and that in Greco-Roman antiquity (Botha 2013, 102). In a time when most activities were communal in nature, before easily obtained lighting and corrective eyewear, reading and studying would be quite different activities than most of us in the Western world would imagine. The mode of engagement with texts naturally results in different ways of processing the content.

Reading would have been done aloud, usually by someone performing the work for others, from a text often at least mostly memorized, and including some types of physical motion (Botha 2013, 103). It was considered perfectly normal to read by means of listening. While silent reading was known and practiced, in general reading aloud and in public was considered as the norm.

The form of written materials may be of assistance in understanding the work of reading and writing (Botha 2013, 106). Typographical conventions have given us a presupposition that books are generally compact units and that all the copies will be identical. Reference to and comparison of manuscript books on scrolls is cumbersome at best. Each one is at least a little different (Botha 2013, 107). Though the codex was known in one form or another at an early date, scrolls remained the preferred medium until the seventh century C.E. Botha suggests that "ancient readers did not imagine their texts to be easily accessible and manageable, nor to be diverse sources of information" (Botha 2013, 107). People who had some books normally had only a few, which were read repeatedly and in groups of people.

Paragraphing, spacing, and other formatting conventions we tend to consider standard were far from standardized in antiquity (Botha 2013, 108). It was the responsibility of the reader, not the author or copyist, to make interpretive decisions. Divisions and punctuation are simply not a priority in a written text. The oral communication was clear. The written version did not normally assist in making the decisions inherent in the oral event.

Botha compares reading aloud in antiquity to our tendency to play a piece of music on an instrument. While it is quite possible to look at musical notation and silently recreate the tune, it is more normal to turn the notation into something audible. This was the conventional way of dealing with written words in antiquity (Botha 2013, 111).

Related at least in part to the nonstandard production of writing, Botha notes that making citations and reference to works was not practiced with regularity until the 13th century (Botha 2013, 112). Rather, references would be made generally by memory based on extensive familiarity with wording which had been heard repeatedly.

Ancient reading entailed extensive memorization as well. Botha notes Quintilian's counsel to read aloud, murmuring, to avoid distractions (Botha 2013, 113). This, of course, adds to both muscle memory (not mentioned by Botha), and auditory memory.

Botha further notes the assumption that reading and listening were interactive. As noted by Pliny (Ep. 6.17) it was very rude not to respond and interact when listening (Botha 2013, 114). Because of these interactive dynamics, composition, normally done orally, would naturally be oriented toward the patterns used in performance. It was purposely tailored for its function (Botha 2013, 115). A composition event would have its roots in extensive mental preparation. This goes almost without saying in the case of (oral) poetry. Yet it was also applied by Quintilian and others to prose composition (Botha 2013, 116). Botha further references Pliny and Plotinus as examples of authors who clearly composed mentally.

Botha notes a tacit assumption made by modern readers, that readers and writers in antiquity would focus largely on structures dictated by modern textual methods (Botha 2013, 118). He urges that we find the more appropriate emphases for the original setting, based on orality and memory. This extends not only to our understanding of compositional tactics, but also to the way we attempt to grasp the composition itself (Botha 2013, 118).

Based on his previous argument, Botha suggests we should take a very different approach "to the synoptic problem and the Q hypothesis" (Botha 2013, 119). In its simplest terms, assuming orality fundamentally changes our view to literary criticism, and may well compel us to reject many of the presuppositions of textual and form criticism.

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Writing in the First Century

10/5/2023

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10/5/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Four: Writing in the First Century." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 75-101.

Botha evaluates the actual physical process of writing in the first century as a means to approach understanding the move of a message from oral to written form (Botha 2013, 75). Writing at a table or a desk, as we might picture today, was unknown. Rather, the illustrations and descriptions we have indicate either making a brief note on writing material while standing or doing more extensive writing either seated on the ground, a stool, or a bench, balancing the writing material on the thighs or knees (Botha 2013, 76). Ink would be in a container either set on the ground or held in the hand. This would have been difficult at best. Botha notes the column width roughly corresponded with the width of a human thigh and that writing tends to be larger at the bottom of a column. Depictions of writing desks appear in the eighth century and multiply thereafter (Botha 2013, 77).

Of importance to our understanding is the fact that reading and writing were considered labor, which would not necessarily be engaged in by those who held wealth and status (Botha 2013, 78). The lack of ability or practice in reading or writing was not seen as a hindrance. At this point, I feel compelled to observe that the inability to read was cited in chapter three as a means by which government and powerful people could oppress others. Yet here it does not serve in that way.

The use of a scribe was a common practice. Botha notes that reading and the physical act of writing were not closely associated among Greco-Roman societies as in ours (Botha 2013, 79). I observe that the ability to write with a regular and clear hand remains elusive to many in my society, which has made extensive use of typographical tools. In antiquity, penmanship was considered far less important, and a completely different skill than the ability to create intelligent arguments. Writing the argument was the work of a scribe. Botha observes that this was a practice recognized adequately well, that laws were promulgated stating minimum allowed prices to be charged to military personnel in exchange for writing (Botha 2013, 80).

Botha calculates the price of various copies of New Testament and early Christian documents. While not extremely expensive, compared to a laborer's wage it would be costly to purchase a copy of a Gospel (Botha 2013, 84). Methods of speedwriting and abbreviation were known. This would enable a secretary to take notes or transcripts in real time, then go back to make a clean and generally legible copy (Botha 2013, 85). The creation of an early Christian text, such as a Gospel, would have required several days' work of dictation, copying, editing, and preparation of a final version. "Whatever the case may have been, the creation of most early Christian documents reflects dedication and commitment. Though nothing wildly exorbitant, we are once again reminded of a fairly serious investment of resources" (Botha 2013, 88).

It is important to consider the role of the scribe. Botha notes that, as far as we can tell, the scribe was rarely a mere copyist, but also normally played a role in gathering information and editing (Botha 2013, 90). The role of the secretary would vary depending on the level of collaboration or edition desired. Botha notes that this causes difficulty in our attempts to ascribe communication to a named author or that person's assistant (Botha 2013, 91).

Botha moves on to describe the assistant in terms of someone who was societally servile and who was forced into a subservient role, even reflected in the typical posture used for writing (Botha 2013, 92). He emphasizes the domination of the named master in the writing project. The ideas were considered worthy of merit and were expressed orally by those who had attained a high level of education and standing. The writing was considered the work of a laborer and would receive little or no credit (Botha 2013, 93).

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Growth and Use of Writing

10/4/2023

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10/4/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Three: Greco-Roman Literacy and the New Testament Writings." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 52-74.

Botha evaluates the concept of increased literacy in the early Christian period. At issue, in his opinion, is whether modern authors who make claims about literacy conceive of it in the same way as people in the early Christian period would (Botha 2013, 52). A second, more challenging question is how the author's work governs the reader's response.

In addressing the alleged breadth of a reading public, Botha observes that almost all widely distributed texts in antiquity were Homer and Euripides, with other pieces of literature in very limited circulation. He also finds little evidence of a book selling industry, let alone publishing (Botha 2013, 53). In the empire as a whole, while it certainly would have been possible to make many copies of a wide variety of works, and while alphabetic languages are relatively easy to read, in fact we don't find it happening widely. The usage was, rather, fairly limited, including noteworthy inscriptions (Botha 2013, 54).

Among the difficulties inherent in studies of literacy are different definitions. Botha notes while some equate it with reading, others equate it with writing, competencies which require very specific skills and admit of varied levels of proficiency (Botha 2013, 55). Further, orality and literacy only very rarely could be considered to exist entirely apart from each other. In the presence of literacy there is necessarily an oral element. Botha additionally observes that inscriptions may well have been seen merely as part of the decoration of a monument. Graffiti, though apparently plentiful, does not tend to show a high level of literacy and may have been engaged in by a relatively small group of people (Botha 2013, 57).

For literacy to become widespread, access to schooling is required (Botha 2013, 59). Botha asserts public funding as necessary for building literacy, and the lack of such public funding in small communities to have severely limited literacy throughout the Roman empire. Elementary schooling was available to the wealthy, both free children and some slaves of wealthy people (Botha 2013, 60).

Botha turns to Roman Egypt for evidence of education, finding that extensive finds of papyrus have yielded some documentation of life (Botha 2013, 61). Both school exercises and evidence from homes indicate Homer as the primary literary figure. Schoolwork done on pieces of papyrus suggest a prosperous economy. Literacy seems widespread among the wealthy. In less prosperous villages there are fewer signs of literacy. Though writings of a more technical nature can be found, Botha considers them to be highly theoretical or technical, not useful for a general purpose (Botha 2013, 62). This emphasizes the utility of oral tradition as a means of imparting practical learning. Orality remained the default means of spreading information (Botha 2013, 63).

Because of the usefulness of orality, Botha observes that many in antiquity would have had little use for writing. It would not be the first means of communication for most purposes (Botha 2013, 64). Literacy would, however, have purposes. Botha cites Levi-Strauss, as well as Graff, following Gramsci, who takes literacy as a primary means to keep secrets, thus exercising oppressive power over others (Botha 2013, 64). Governmental use of writing could therefore be a tool of power, thus discouraging the desire to spread literacy (Botha 2013, 65). Letters might be written, but often simply to introduce a messenger. Many religious practices did not require literacy either (Botha 2013, 66). Religious writings were generally intended to be read aloud so as to be received by others.

Because of the cultural context of orality, Botha extrapolates, "Early Christian writings must be seen in their historical environment" (Botha 2013, 67). Citing Ong, Nelson, and Lord, Botha describes early Chrsitian literature as not having the structural and rhetorical features which have frequently been assumed of literature (Botha 2013, 68). Botha's argument suggests that the way we interpret the Gospels is through the lens of redaction criticism, as the work of self-conscious editors using pieces of other works. Likewise, with Paul, if we assume a listening audience rather than a reading audience, some methods of text dissection can be seen as irrelevant.

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Transmitting the Jesus Traditions

What Is Authorship?

Memory, Performance, and Reading

Writing in the First Century

Growth and Use of Writing

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Transmitting the Jesus Traditions

What Is Authorship?

Memory, Performance, and Reading

Writing in the First Century

Growth and Use of Writing

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About Throwing Inkwells

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Help Fuel This Ministry by Clicking Here!