Category: Baptism - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Biblical Arguments for Age of Baptism

11/19/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
11/19/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter Seven: Paul and the Primitive Church" In Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 780-86). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

   In this chapter, Aland particularly turns his attention to 1 Corinthians 7 and Paul's suggestion about the holiness of children (Aland 1961, p. 81). The passage makes no statement about baptism of children, let alone of infants. Jeremias takes the passage as an argument of Jewish ritual rather than of Pauline thought. In the passage, the presence of a Christian sanctified the family. Aland notes this concept cannot be identified as any sort of element in Judaism of the time (Aland 1961, p. 82).
   A relevant factor in the argument must be Paul's commitment to the Law. While Paul taught forcefully against trusting in the Mosaic Law, he also asserted the Law as good, paying for a Nazirite vow for four Christians. In Galatians 2 table fellowship seemed expected (Aland 1961, p. 82). These actions suggest to Aland that Paul would not have discouraged circumcision of Jewish children. This could lead to an assumption that Paul would endorse baptism as baptism as an analogous act for infant children of Christians. However, Aland finds no persuasive documentation that circumcision and baptism were found together, or that a culture of circumcision was present in Gentile Christian communities (Aland 1961, p. 83).
   Aland summarizes Jeremias' view of Colossians 2:11 in brief. Jeremias takes it as an unambiguous teaching that baptism serves as the new circumcision (Aland 1961, p. 84). This suggests to Jeremias that 1 Corinthians 7:14 refers to application of baptism to babies. However, Aland does not find Colossians 2:11 to necessarily indicate application to anyone other than adult converts.
   Acts 2:38 is also used to suggest baptism is applied without regard to age (Aland 1961, pp. 84-85). However, Aland understands the original context to have referred specifically to coming generations, indicating baptism at the time of birth. There is a variant reading, with the generations being "of us" or "of you." However, Aland does not consider the variant to suggest a present practice of automatically baptizing babies of Christians (Aland 1961, p. 85). he references to "those who are far" suggests to Aland not a need to baptize infants but a promise that salvation is available to all generations (Aland 1961, p. 86).

Inscriptions Show Little Evidence about the Age at which Baptism Was Administered

11/12/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
11/12/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter Six: The Evidence of Christian Inscriptions." In Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 75-79). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

Aland contends that while Jeremias cites inscriptions as a source of information for infant baptism, they do not date prior to the third century, at which time we know infant baptism was attested (Aland 1961, p. 75). Even the inscriptions cited by Jeremias are not completely clear about the age at which people were baptized. Aland suggests that Jeremias' point of view considers infant baptism "obligatory for children of Christian parents in the third century, as in the second" (Aland 1961, p. 77). Aland provides the texts of a number of tomb inscriptions. He questions whether, as Jeremias contends, the children of pagans had been baptized in emergencies by Christians. However, a review of the actual wording of the inscriptions does not bear this view out (Aland 1961, p. 78).

Conclusive Evidence for Baptismal Ages - not easy to come by

11/5/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
11/5/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter Five: Indirect Testimonies to Infant Baptism in the Second Century?" In Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 70-74). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

Aland reiterates that conclusive evidence for infant baptism is not available prior to the third century (Aland 1961, p. 70). However, he concedes that we lack complete information about practices. It is likely that numerous practices existed without any specific record. Jeremias provides numerous indications which may suggest a practice of infant baptism. For instance, Polycarp and others testify to apparently having served Christ for their entire lives. Yet Aland observes that aged Christians in 1 Clement, written about 96 A.D., were in a place with a church founded between 40 and 50 A.D., therefore being Christians since a young age would probably not indicate infancy (Aland 1961, p. 71). Others, in the Acts of the Martyrs, testify to having been born into Christian families. However, this does not indicate that they were baptized as infants (Aland 1961, p. 72). At issue in Aland's analysis is the distinction between being raised as a Christian and being baptized specifically as an infant (Aland 1961, p. 73).

Tertullian and Baptism

10/29/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
10/29/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter Four: Tertullian." Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 61-69). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

   Aland dates Tertullian from about 160 ultil after 220, placing him as a transitional figure from the second to third centuries (Aland 1961, p. 61). Tertullian's work, De Baptismo, describes his opposition to baptizing infants and small children. This implies a setting in which people would baptize the very young, and lays out an argument that baptismal candidates should come when they are older and understand more.
   While Jeremias takes Tertullian to be speaking of children who convert to Christianity, Aland considers his remarks to refer also to the children of converts (Aland 1961, p. 62-63). The dating of Tertullian's comments regarding baptism is a challenge. Tertullian's views may have changed during his adult life (Aland 1961, p. 63). Yet we are not entirely certain of the dates of his written works. Aland does think Tertullian held baptism of adult or fairly mature converts as his basic standard. They confess the faith themselves and act in ways that indicate their own volition rather than that of parents (Aland 1961, p. 64). Aland nots that Jeremias assumes that Tertullian, in De Anima chapters 39-40 assumes and endorses infant baptism. However, Aland does not take this to be the case. Rather, Aland considers the passage of Tertullian to refer to pagan practices with their children (Aland 1961, p. 65). Aland spends considerable effort on exegesis of the concept in Tertullian.
   In the end, Aland considers that Jeremias has misidentified the subject of Tertullian's argument (Aland 1961, p. 67). Tertullian's argument is that repentance should not be delayed, and that baptism follows repentance. Jeremias, on the other hand, concludes Tertullian's point to be that baptism should not be delayed (Aland 1961, p. 68).

Patristic Testimony to Baptism of Children

10/22/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
10/22/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter Three: Patristic Statements concerning Infant Baptism from the Beginning to the End of the Second Century." Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 53-60). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

   Aland previously reviewed testimony about baptism from the third century. In this chapter, he moves back to the second century, looking for the customs which would lead to the third century practice. To evaluate the context, he points out the presence of "the Apostolic Fathers, then the Apologists who overlap them in time, the Irenaeus, and finally Clement of Alexandria, with whom we come almost exactly to the year 200" (Aland 1961, p. 53). Tertullian is to be discussed later, as a bridge into the third century.
   The baptismal instruction described in the Didache is clearly not oriented toward infants or very small children (Aland 1961, p. 53). The Shepherd of Hermas ahd the Letter of Barnabas both presuppose a period of liveinvolving sins which are washed away. Aland takes this to be not applicable to infants (Aland 1961, p. 54).
   Aland moves on to the apologists of the second century, beginning with Justin (Aland 1961, p. 54). His First Aplogy, chapter 61, describes baptism in such a way as to preclude infants. Those to be baptized are to be persuaded of Christianity and working to live a Christian life. The features of the baptismal ritual suggest people who are more mature than infants, though possibly fairly young children (Aland 1961, p. 55).
   Aristides' Apology is considered by Jeremias, with regard to an allusion to baptism found in 15.11 (Aland 1961, p. 55). Apology 17:4 makes an allusion to baptism of a former pagan, who thanks God that his former sins were committed in ignorance. Further references to giving thanks to God suggest to Jeremias a thankfulness that a child died before being held accountable for sin. Aland takes the case to be a signal that baptism had been applied and effectually washed the hcild from sin (Aland 1961, p. 56). Aland notes that Jeremias omits a discussion of Apology 15:6, which speaks of the baptism of children or servants within a Christian household (Aland 1961, p. 57). Though infants are not included, those who have some insight are baptized and accepted as would be any other Christian.
   Irenaeus is claimed by Jeremias as a witness for infant baptism. However, Aland considers Jeremias' study of Against Heresies II.22.4 to have ended prematurely (Aland 1961, p. 58). Lacking context, Irenaeus does seem to refer to baptism of infants. However, in Aland's view, the passage is intended to describe Jesus as living in the different ages of a normal human, thus purchasing salvation for humans at all stages of life (Aland 1961, p. 58).
   Aland notes that Jeremias takes Clement of Alexandria to speak of children drawn from the water as a sign of children in the faith. Aland takes Clement to have no clarity on the matter of children, suggesting either that it doesn't matter to Clement or that it was not an issue at Clement's time (Aland 1961, p. 59). Aland concludes that infants are not discussed as being baptized, though they are discussed as partakers of God's kingdom (Aland 1961, p. 60).

Baptism for Children born to Christians vs. Children of New Converts

10/15/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
10/15/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter Two: The First clear Testimonies for the Practice of Infant Baptism in the Third Century." Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 42-52). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

   Aland observes the distinction between baptism of children in a household which converts to Christianity and baptism of children born to those who are already Christians. In Aland's view this is an important distinction (Aland 1961, p. 42). As time went on, he expects the amount of catechetical instruction to have increased. Aland's survey of the Didache reveals no clear timeline for pre-baptismal instruction, though chapters 1-6 provide some detail of the content (Aland 1961, p. 43). Chapter 12 discusses reception of guests in good faith, but also indicates some sort of evaluation when a visitor remains in the community. By the time of Justin's Apologia (I.61) there is an expectation of a probationary period prior to baptism. By the early 3rd century Hippolytus' Church Order (42.1), the probationary period was three years. For this reason Aland takes entry into the Church to be recognized prior to more extensive catechesis, but full recognition to be delayed until after catechesis and baptism (Aland 1961, p. 44). If this is the case with children of Christians, everyone is treated the same. Aland interprets Jeremias as taking this point of view.
   By taking the point of view of Jeremias, that essentially all baptisms were "missionary baptisms," Aland considers there to be inadequate evidence of actual practice (Aland 1961, p. 45). Jeremias takes Easter to be the normal date of baptism except in the case of a need for baptism on a deathbed. The practice thus becomes more confused. Aland further notes that the real debate involves not all children, but specifically infants, as those who cannot purposely receive systematic catechesis (Aland 1961, p. 47).
   Origen's testimony, from Palestine between 231 and 250, suggests a prevailing belief that since infants have not sinned, they do not need baptism. Origen's argument is that even newborns bear the guilt of sin, therefore they need baptism. Aland considers that Origen would not have argued in the way he did if the consistent view from the time of the apostles had been in favor of baptizing infants (Aland 1961, p. 47). Yet Aland also finds Jeremias' view that Origen clearly assumed infant baptism as the norm not to flow by necessity from Origen's argument (Aland 1961, p. 48). The strength of the opposition in Origen's arguments calls for questioning the universal acceptance of infant baptism in Palestine at his time.
   Aland notes some specificity in the so-called Church Order of Hippolytus. Children are to be baptized. Those who cannot speak for themselves should be spoken for by a family member (Aland 1961, p. 49). However, Aland is not certain this church order actually dates to the early third century, and the Greek text is largely lost. Jeremias takes the work to come from Hippolytus and to hearken back to practice of earlier generations. Aland finds this view not necessarily warranted. Aland observes that "a Church Order has the intention of finally establishing the church situation of its time, or the perceptions and demands of its author, by means of an appeal (which is always made) back to the Apostolic age, and thus of securing for itself an anchorage for all the time - until a new Church Order comes along and sets the old one aside and tries to establish something which befits the new time" (Aland 1961, p. 50, emphasis Aland's). The nature of a Church Order is to issue future guidance. This new guidance regularly makes a claim to ancient authority (Aland 1961, p. 51). Aland finds it unclear that the Church Order of Hippolytus refers plainly to the "missionary baptism" model articulated by Jeremias. Children are the first to be baptized in this model. The adults answer for the children. This does not necessarily make sense in the context of parents answering on behalf of their children, when the parents have not yet been baptized (Aland 1961, pp. 51-52). Aland concludes that the children referenced are those of parents who are already Christians.

Weighing the Debate on Infant Baptism

10/8/2024

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
10/8/24

Aland, Kurt. (1961). "Chapter One: Changes." Did the Early Church Baptize Infants? (Translated by G. R. Beasley-Murray). (pages 29-41). Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock. (Personal Library)

Aland begins his work with a review of the thought of the generation before his as to the practice of infant baptism. He takes Harnack's summary as a helpful starting point, when he referenced infant baptism as verifiable after the end of the second century but not verifiable earlier (Aland 1961, p. 29). Other scholars with less liberal views likewise say that there is no clear evidence for a usual custom of infant baptism at an early date. In 1931, Ethelbert Stauffer conceded that there is no mention of infant baptism in the New Testament (Aland 1961, p. 30). Aland then references "the work of Joachim Jeremians, Infant Baptism in the first Four Centuries, published in German in 1958 and in English in 1960" (Aland 1961, p. 30. The 1960 edition of Jeremias was published by SCM Press). The preface of this volume indicates that it self-consciously serves as a counter-argument to Jeremias' work. Aland will work with Jeremias' arguments, particularly drawing on the English edition, as it is of a more recent date.
   Aland reports that Jeremias "makes a point of distinction between 'the baptism of children joining the Church' and 'the baptism of children born to Christian parents'" (Aland 1961, p. 31, cf. the first and second chapter titles in Jeremias 1960). Because of the missionary nature of the first century Church, adult converts are at the center of the picture. However, as families would convert to Christianity the accounts are made in terms of households. When these families included children, it is natural to assume the children were baptized along with the parents. It would be expected that if some were omitted, there would be some mention of the fact. Aland walks through Jeremias' argument of this point in detail, with specific references to the location of the different elements of the argument in Jeremias.
   A persuasive element of Jeremias' argument as described by Aland is that of Jewish baptism of proselytes. Children who were already born at the time of the family's conversion were circumcised (male) or baptized (female). If children were born after the family, they were treated exactly as other Israelites (Aland 1961, p. 32-33). It is reasonable to assume a similar pattern for Christian family conversions.
   If baptism is a Christian version of circumcision (Colossians 2:11), and Christians rejected circumcision, it is valid to ask whether baptism was applied to children or not (Aland 1961, p. 33). Jeremiahs, in his 1958 edition, finds a change of baptismal practice in the mid fifties (Aland 1961, p. 33-34). Before this time, the consensus was to not baptize children.
   Jeremias' 1960 edition did not identify baptism, but rather the descent of children from a Christian parent was taken to place people into the protection of God.
   Jeremias takes there to be an abrupt change in A.D. 55. Before that time he finds less evidence for infant baptism, but after then there is a greater bulk of information about the makeup of families who convert to Christianity.
   From the middle of the first century to the end of the third century, there is considerably more evidence for baptism, though not in all regions (Aland 1961, p. 37). Origen's report, which may be influenced by the testimony of his grandfather and father, suggests a habit of baptizing infants at an early time in the Christian period (Aland 1961, p. 38). The second century testimony of Tertullian is more difficult, as it makes arguments for cases in which a delay of baptism would be appropriate (Aland 1961, p. 40).

Instruction and Baptism in Matthew, James, and the Didache

8/29/2023

8/29/23
Scholarly Reflections
Stewart-Sykes, Alistair. "Chapter Fifteen: Ἀποκύησις λόγῳ ἀληθείας: Paraenesis and Baptism in Matthew, James, and the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 341-359.

Stewart-Sykes considers the paraenetic content of Matthew, James, and the Didache as regards baptism (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 341). He is particularly interested in the specific pre-baptismal instruction specified in the Didache. Following Pseudo-Isocrates (Ad Demonicum), Stewart-Sykes suggests a distinction between paraenesis, or ethical advice, and exhortation (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 342). There is certainly an element of exhortation, but the primary goal is giving advice. Stewart-Sykes goes on to cite a variety of scholarly opinions further identifying what would be meant by paraenesis (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 343-345).

The Two Ways material in the Didache, taken in context, is ethical instruction intended to prepare one for baptism (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 345). Matthew 5-7 is another example of paraenesis. Stewart- Sykes considers that, in light of the command to baptize and teach, from Matthew 28, that the instruction in chapters 5-7 should be viewed in light of pre-baptismal instruction (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 345-346). James, as a whole, can readily be understood as paraenetic in nature (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 346). It is marked by extensive ethical content. The context, however, is not that of prebaptismal instruction.

Stewart-Sykes begins an analysis of the meaning of baptism with James, who views baptism as the point of rebirth, a gift of God (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 348). This is accompanied by a "word of truth," which would likely be either words spoken at the baptism or as teaching beforehand. Matthew's Gospel ties baptism to an eschatological hope. The baptized person has an immediate hope in Christ as well as a hope at the end of the world (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 349).

Stewart-Sykes discusses the understanding of baptism as either in the name of the Trinity (Matthew and Didache) or in the name of Jesus (James) (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 350ff). By the early third century we have more extensive baptismal rites, though without a specific formula spoken. There are some assumptions that a development in thought occurred, resulting in a clear Trinitarian confession and act, but this is nowhere clearly stated in antiquity (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 351).

Stewart-Sykes returns to the question of pre-baptismal instruction in James. The concept is not stated clearly in James, but there may be allusions to it (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 353). He finds this to be the case in James 1:19-21, where there is exhortation, apparently repeated for those who have already been taught, to pursue life consistent with that in Matthew 5:21-23 and in the Didache's Way of Life (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 354). Stewart-Sykes goes on to identify a number of instances where James calls readers to a life consistent with the Didache's Way of Life.

In conclusion, Stewart-Sykes finds the three documents all speak to the reality of pre-baptismal instruction, and that those instructions guide the candidate for baptism into a particular mode of life which also includes an eschatological hope (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 356-357).

Baptismal Anointing Prayer

1/20/2023

1/20/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 1: On the Rite of Baptism." "Chapter Four: Prehistory of the Ointment Prayer." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 51-60.

In this chapter Voöbus asks whether it is possible to trace an older form of the ointment prayer in the Coptic fragment of the Didache. E. Peterson proposed a reconstruction, strongly influenced by the Apostolic Constitutions. Voöbus considers the dependence proposed by Peterson to be too great Voöbus51). The Coptic papyrus itself is deserving of consideration. Voöbus thinks the recension of the Apostolic Constitutions represents an explication of the Coptic prayer (Voöbus 1968, 52). Yet this does not necessarily confirm that the Coptic version is the original. Nor does it confirm that the prayer was originally part of the Didache.

If the ointment prayer is an original part of the Didache, Voöbus considers how it would fit in (Voöbus 1968, 54). The form is very like a eucharistic prayer. Omission itself seems surprising. Some have suggested it was antiquated and no longer served a liturgical purpose. This could result in its suppression (Voöbus 1968, 55). Yet it would have made more sense for a redactor to simply edit the prayer to be in harmony with current practice.

Voöbus notesthat the prayer is introduced with, "thus as we say" (Voöbus 1968, 56). This suggests the prayer, already in existence, was inserted here. The wording of the prayer is relatively awkward. Yet in its words it clearly states the availability of a number of sacramental gifts. These gifts are given to the people of early Christianity as something precious (Voöbus 1968, 57). The prayer is located in a group of topically related prayers identified as eucharistia (Voöbus 1968, 58). This, to Voöbus, does not seem entirely consistent with the pattern of the rest of the Didache. He considers it may not have been original, or that it could have been moved for some reason in the editorial process. This process is largely invisible to us. However, Voöbus considers the various statements about baptism, from chapter seven, to be evidence of layers of editorial work (Voöbus 1968, 59). In Voöbus' view, as the rituals grew and changed, statements which acknowledged those practices were added. He sees this as following different patterns in different locations (Voöbus 1968, 60).

Prayer for Baptismal Anointing

1/19/2023

1/19/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 1: On the Rite of Baptism." "Chapter Three: The Ointment Prayer." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 41-50.

Voöbus observes that, in conjunction with the baptismal ritual, an anointing with oil appears in the Apostolic Constitutions (Voöbus 1968, 41). This is also reflected in a Coptic papyrus fragment of the Didache, where a prayer for anointing appears appended to chapters 9-10. In both instances the prayer is associated with allowing prophets to pray as they wish.

The prayer is associated with an aromatic ointment or a perfume (Voöbus 1968, 42). The interpretation is not clear, according to Voöbus, expect that the text of the Apostolic Constitutions identifies it as a prayer associated with the aroma. The question of what specific use of ointment is meant is more difficult (Voöbus 1968, 43). Voöbus discusses the common use of anointing and praying for the sick. This would not intuitively be connected with the Eucharist, where the passage appears. However, ointment was also associated with baptism. Voöbus finds such an association in Jewish baptismal practice, as well as in Jewish ceremonial meal practices (Voöbus 1968, 44). Unfortunately, this fails to create clarity in the view.

A search for the function of the anointing is not immediately rewarding. Voöbus finds that the Apostolic Constitutions makes mention of "the immortal eon" (Voöbus 1968, 45). This does suggest the dichotomy between the present, fallen age and that of immortality. From this foundation, Voöbus is able to move to the concept of baptism, where one moves from the former to the latter (Voöbus 1968, 46). When asking about a reason for the choice of a word related to fragrance, Voöbus finds more associations. A Syriac version of Acts describes a fragrance along with the coming of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost (Voöbus 1968, 46). Paradise is regularly described in terms of aromatic plants. Voöbus thus finds good smells as related to moving into the heavenly realms as one does in baptism (Voöbus 1968, 47). Fragrance therefore can be well seen as a concomitant with baptism. Voöbus notes that the ointment prayer was grouped with various prayers of thanksgiving, the meaning of εὐχαριστία (Voöbus 1968, 49). When used in later documents, "oil of the eucharistia" is descriptive of anointing at baptism.

Baptismal Ritual

1/18/2023

1/18/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 1: On the Rite of Baptism." "Chapter Two: Prehistory of the Tradition." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 29-39.

Voöbus opens this chapter with the question of a Jewish origin for Didache chapter seven. He calls in the view of E. Peterson, who "contends that the discussion on various kinds of water has nothing to do with baptism at all but with the washings for purification" (Voöbus 1968, 29). It is possible that the formulaic patterns for ceremonial washings could be borrowed from Judaism. The case may further be made for a relationship to Jewish baptism of proselytes (Voöbus 1968, 30). On the other hand, Voöbus does suggest that making the compiler of the Didache dependent on sources for all his specific wording is an insult to his abilities as an author.

Peterson had further suggested that Didache chapter seven was a revision instilling a particular dogmatic change, by which an anointing with oil was removed from the chapter (Voöbus 1968, 31). Voöbus observes that Peterson considered the concession of baptism by affusion to be introduced in an illogical way. In comparison with the Apostolic Constitutions, we see the Constitutions speaking of two different ointments. This is in contrast to the Didache's use of two types of water for baptism. Yet Voöbus does not consider it necessary to make a claim that Apostolic Constitutions contains everything that the Didache once held (Voöbus 1968, 32). The simple fact is that we don't have adequate information to make such a claim.

Because redaction history is arelatively controversial topic, Voöbus proposes further study, but in the realm of comparative analysis of the process in similar documents for which some of the redactional details can be identified (Voöbus 1968, 33). This would allow scholars to evaluate existing texts without calling them into undue question. In particular, Voöbus considers it unlikely that additions or omissions would be carried on in a haphazard manner. Redactors should be assumed to be competent and thoughtful.

Even as we question the type of redaction which may have taken place, it is necessary to recognize that the very nature of a liturgical manual suggests redaction. Voöbus does not in any way suggest the materials were invented for use in the Didache (Voöbus 1968, 34). The problem he sees is application of adequate tools to identify various layers. The concession of baptism by affusion may or may no tbe a later interpolation.

The Trinitarian formula of baptism may shed light on the redaction history. Voöbus note that outside of Matthew's Gospel, the New Testament does not reflect a specific instance of the Trinitarian formula in use for baptism (Voöbus 1968, 35). Evidence of the Didache's dependence on Matthew for the formula is inconclusive. Voöbus would prefer to view the record in the Didache as influenced by actual ritual practice rather than Scriptural statements (Voöbus 1968, 36). Underlying the formulaic wording Voöbus finds an alternate wording which is well represented in Scripture. Didache 9.5 identifies people as "baptized into the name of the Lord" (Voöbus 1968, 38). Voöbus recognizes that the statement of 9.5 is likely older and is certainly simpler. It describes the exact same action. Further, it appears in Paul and in Acts. The Lord is identified clearly with Jesus, and, provided the understanding of a Trinity is present, the natural conclusion one would make is that the referent is identical (Voöbus 1968, 39). This fits with our understanding of the liturgucal practice and the theology it represents. An addition of a Trinitarian statement would represent a clarification, not a theological change.

Baptismal Tradition and the Didache

1/17/2023

1/17/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 1: On the Rite of Baptism." "Chapter One: Tradition Regarding Baptism." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 17-27.

Voöbus notes that the Didache's chapter pertaining to baptism (chapter seven) is relatively short, and, further, it gives relatively little indication of the nature of catechesis preparatory for baptism (Voöbus 1968, 17). While there is a statement about speaking the materials from chapters 1-6, it is unclear whether that is a part of the baptismal ceremony or an outline for prior catechesis. Voöbus takes the command as an indication of catechetical instruction (Voöbus 1968, 18). This would be consistent with what we know from other sources about catechesis in Jewish proselyte baptism or Jewish Christianity. Of note to Voöbus is that the material content of the catechesis is moral in nature, not dealing with Christ and the atonement or other highly theological elements (Voöbus 1968, 19).

The purpose of a fast prior to baptism is not made clear, but the duration of one or two days is, as well as the call for as many involved in the baptism as can participate in the fast. This is more clear guidance than is found in other sources(Voöbus 1968, 20-21).

In the baptism itself, the candidate is baptized "into the name" of the Lord. Voöbus sees this as indicating a transfer into the service of the Lord (Voöbus 1968, 21). If possible, the baptism is to use "living water." Voöbus interprets this as being either water from a stream or from a well (Voöbus 1968, 22). If living water is not available, it is possible to use other water, whether cold or warm. Voöbus notes that some scholarship suggests it is warmed for children or the sick (Voöbus 1968, 23). However, he finds a prevailing pattern within Judaism to refer to water which has lost its original temperature as "warm." This would apply to water in a reservoir or a cistern (Voöbus 1968, 24). A mode of baptism, such as immersion, is not specified. However, if no adequate supply of water is present, water may be poured over the head three times (Voöbus 1968, 26).

Voöbus observes that we are not told who would perform a baptism, or whether there was a consecration of the water (Voöbus 1968, 26). We are also not told what to expect as far as the meaning of baptism. Though it is a prerequisite for communion, we are not given any additional expectations (Voöbus 1968, 27).

Baptism as Entry into God's Kingdom

10/18/2021

10/18/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Two: The Baptismal Rite." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 35-53.

Daniélou observe that the catechetical preparation, though very important, is done for those who are still outside the Church. It is not until the baptism itself that the person actually enters the church body (Daniélou 1956, 35). Cyril of Jerusalem described it as an entrance from the vestibule into the king's palace (Procatechesis XXXIII, 333A). Daniélou notes that we have at least one third century baptistry which features artistic depictions of the Fall on one side and Christ welcoming his people on the other side (Daniélou 1956, 36). The shape was often an octagon, with the number eight serving as a symbol of the resurrection (Daniélou 1956, 37).

The candidate, led into the baptistry, is stripped of his clothing, symbolic of taking off the old man (Daniélou 1956, 37). It may also serve as a symbolic identification with Christ, who was stripped before being crucified. Both symbols are used by Cyril (Daniélou 1956, 38). Gregory of Nyssa compares the stripping to the covering given to Adam, garments of skin, which required death. Again, it is a return to the nakedness of creation (Daniélou 1956, 39). Theodore of Mopsuestia further compares it to a removal of the fig leaves which Adam and Eve used to cover themselves.

Following the removal of the clothes, there is anointing with oil, symbolic of the richness of God and the power of Christ's purity (Daniélou 1956, 40). It is also considered a sign of God's healing and strengthening power. The metaphor of struggle and battle is carried out through the Easter vigil, as it has been in progress throughout Lent (Daniélou 1956, 41).

In some places, the water used for the baptism itself would be blessed, indicating that water by itself would not cleanse from sin (Daniélou 1956, 42). The old man would enter the water and the new man would emerge. Again, Cyril finds a parallel to Christ, this time in his death and resurrection (Daniélou 1956, 43). The theme of death, burial, and resurrection is very common in early Christian understanding of baptism. Daniélou discusses and illustrates this at some length.

An additional piece of symbolism in baptism is that of birth. Daniélou notes that this theme, of the Church as mother giving birth to children, was most likely developed in African thought (Daniélou 1956, 47-48).

After the baptism, the believer is clothed with a pure white garment (Daniélou 1956, 49). This symbolizes the new, the pure, and God's grace. Again we see echoes of Adam's purity having been stripped away and then his being clothed by God's hand. The clothing is seen as a robe of glory, provided by God (Daniélou 1956, 51).