Category: Liturgy - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Eastern Liturgies Prior to the 5th Century

3/18/2025

Church History
3/18/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§99. The Oriental Liturgies." (pp. 2259-2263).
   The liturgies for which we have written record, though there are many, in Schaff's opinion fit into five or six families of tradition, stemming from churches in Jerusalem, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). He observes that the east showed a greater tolerance for variety in liturgies than the west.
   A complete service order, probably from the early fourth century, is found in the Apostolic Constitutions book eight, ascribed wrongly to Clement of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). Because of similarities to the liturgies of St. James and Cyril of Jerusalem, Schaff classifies it as a Jerusalem liturgy (Schaff 2014, p. 2260). Schaff describes it in brief, then compares it to the liturgy of St. James.
   This, though it bears the name of a first century apostle, quotes the Nicene Creed from the fourth century. The liturgy is quoted by Cyril of Jerusalem, prior to 386 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff notes a Syriac version of the liturgy of St. James which serves as a sources for numerous Monyphysite liturgies.
   An Alexandrian liturgy is ascribed to the evangelist Mark, though Schaff observes it reproduces the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed dating to 381 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff thinks it more likely stems from Cyril of Alexandria, who died in 444. A Coptic version was used in Egypt until the 12th century.
   Schaff describes a liturgy which is tied to Edessa or Mesopotamia (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). This is sometimes described as a liturgy of "All Apostles" and was used only by Nestorians.
   From Constantinople, Schaff finds a liturgy descended from that of James. This version of the liturgy, in one form or another, is used in Greek and Russian orthodox churches (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). Schaff sees this as a living liturgy which has continued to gain some accretions.

The Liturgy of Life Remains

2/25/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/25/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Appendix." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 346-359). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

In his appendix, Wegman briefly describes what he considers to be a period of stagnation in liturgy, consisting of the period from the 17th century through the first half of the 20th century (Wegman 1985, p. 346). Though Wegman sees many developments in philosophy and in theology, he finds very few substantive changes in liturgical ritual. He does note Enlightenment renewals in French and German practices, in which singing Christian songs and Psalms became more popular (Wegman 1985, pp. 348-349). At the same time, within Lutheran Pietism, liturgical ritual was minimized and sacramental practice decreased (Wegman 1985, p. 350).
The 20th century did see a liturgical movement in which renewal sprang mainly from Roman Catholic sources (Wegman 1985, p. 353). Some of the impetus was gained from scholarly study of the history of liturgy. Interest in liturgical history sparked a similar interest in practice, seen in parishes (Wegman 1985, p. 354). Wegman describes in some detail the slow pace of such renewal movements. They begin with scholarly consideration. This results in conferences which gather such scholars. Eventually the patterns are considered by high church authorities who have power to approve and implement changes, especially in seminaries, thus finally influencing parishes (Wegman 1985, pp. 355ff). Though this is a slow process, it involves numerous safeguards as well as a reliable means of implementation.

Liturgical Fragmentation in the 16th Century Reformation

2/18/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/18/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Six: Gain and Loss: Worship in the Writings of the Reformers and the Counter-Reformation." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 247-345). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman sees the time of the Reformation as a confluence of revolt against historic precedent and of cultural reliance on medieval practices (Wegman 1985, p. 298). The growth of humanism alternatively found literature, philosophy, and theological inquiry as its grounding, and exalted or derided the various disciplines. The papacy increasingly depended on diplomatic negotiations rather than papal decrees to accomplish desires (Wegman 1985, p. 299). Literary and philosophical scholarship grew in popularity and influence.
   In this context, the works of Erasmus show a conflict between humanistic philosophy and popular piety, as Wegman illustrates using a number of quotations from Erasmus (Wegman 1985, pp. 300-302).
   As the Middle Ages declined, the Renaissance, arising especially in Italy, began to dawn (Wegman 1985, p. 302). Wegman describes the times as overlapping, rather than finding a clear end of one and start of the other. The Renaissance is characterized by a view of human primacy in which events and concepts would be re-evaluated by human reason rather than by means of historic practice (Wegman 1985, p. 302-303). The current individual was considered as superior to past culture.
   Wegman considers the Renaissance to have ended in 1527, probably due to the work of Michelangelo, ushering in the Baroque period. At this time nationalist consciousness grew, by which Christianity could be distinguished in one nation as opposed to another (Wegman 1985, p. 303).
   The fervency of the Baroque period can be seen also in the Reformation, as elaborations and even cultural upheavals can be seen in liturgical forms and theological articulations which arise in different regions (Wegman 1985, p. 304). The traditional liturgical figures of Christianity, though they were retained in Roman and Orthodox piety, were largely absent elsewhere.
   Wegman notes that the reformers were initially more interested in reform of the church than in liturgical change (Wegman 1985, p. 306). The adjustments to liturgy reflected theological clarifications which were occurring. Luther attempted to retain traditional forms, as did Calvin, while Zwingli was more open to change. All three were committed to the centrality of preaching and aview of baptism and eucharist tied to biblical preaching.
   Wegman goes on to discuss the alterations which appear in baptismal rituals. It is particularly notable that in Luther's settings, though they are generally similar to the Roman ritual, the vernacular language is used, thus allowing for greater congregational involvement (Wegman 1985, pp. 306-308). Wegman takes much of other Reformational interpretation of baptismal rituals to be based on Luther's two settings. Some, such as Martin Bucer, rejected Luther's historic revisions and took baptism as an opportunity to publicly confess a feeling of faith (Wegman 1985, p. 309). Zwingli and Calvin took baptism as a sign of entry into a congreation and as an element of preaching (Wegman 1985, pp. 310-311).
   The work of the reformers, with its focus on renewing people to a right relationship with God, focused on preaching rather than on ritual liturgical changes (Wegman 1985, p. 311). Reading, teaching, and singing biblical texts and commentaries took pride of place in gatherings. Wegman observes that there had been developments in preaching as far back as the ninth century, with clergy urged to focus on the creed, Lord's prayer, and ten commandments (Wegman 1985, p. 313). Explanation of the faith, rather than a more formal emphasis on the sacramental rituals had tended to move the pulpit and the congregation closer together (Wegman 1985, p. 313). The structure of a praching service came to be relatively stable, with Scripture read in Latin, the read and explained in the vernacular, followed by prayers including "the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the Ave Maria, and the decalogue was read" (Wegman 1985, p. 313). A blessing at the end, and a variety of additional prayers and singing were eventually added by the late Middle Ages. This was easily adapted to serve as the common preaching service in the Reformation (Wegman 1985, p. 314). Because of the focus on preaching, liturgical ritual and the emphasis on sacraments, and a Church calendar declined in the Reformation. Wegman particularly describes the conceptual change which downplayed the reality and centrality of a sacramental view of eucharist. The eucharist came to be recognized as "the Lord's Supper" with less expectation of God's presence and more of an emphasis on the congregation's remembering Jesus (Wegman 1985, p. 315). Sacrificial language disappeared, even in Lutehr's liturgical writings (Wegman 1985, p. 316).
   Wegman reviews Luther's mass settings, observing that Luther insisted on preaching being present in each church service. Sacrificial language was removed form the celebration of the mass (Wegman 1985, p. 317). Luther was more concerned with the content of the theology than with the particular ritual used to express the content. Wegman reviews a number of passages in Luther's works which emphasize this concept (Wegman 1985, pp. 318ff). He includes many specific quotations from liturgies attributed to others within the Lutheran tradition.
   Wegman continues with brief summaries of eucharistic practices within other streams of Reformational thought, centered in different communities (Wegman 1985, pp. 326ff).
   Webman concludes that "the reformers did not simply adapt the Roamn liturgy of their day. They fundamentally altered the service, but in various ways" (Wegman 1985, pp. 334-335). Lutherans retained much traditional material but centered their emphasis on preaching. The Reformed (i.e. Calvinist or Zwinglian focused groups) rejected the external displays and moved fundamentally away from sacramental theology and practice. Wegman sees this as a gain in terms of preaching and a loss in terms of sacramental memory (Wegman 1985, p. 335).
   Turning his attention to the Anglican Reformation, Wegman describes the central place in liturgical development played by the Book of Common Prayer (Wegman 1985, p. 337). The first edition of 1549 shows a strong Lutheran ifnluence from Cologne and Nuremberg, while the second edition of 1552 shows a strong Reformed influence. Editionso f 1559 and 1662 make a variety of compromises. The next revision, in 1928, was not approved by Parliament. A revised service book was released in 1980. Cranmer's emphasis in the sixteenth century was on preaching and teaching, while many rites were preserved in the liturgy. The rubrics generally allowed for services with a more austere, "Reformed" tone or a more elaborate "Catholic" tone (Wegman 1985, p. 338).
   Wegman describes baptism (Wegman 1985, p. 338) and communion (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-341), as well as rites of ordination and orders for daily prayer (Wegman 1985, pp. 341-342) in some detail. Of particular note is Cranmer's adaptation of the Roman Canon o thte Mass, breaking particularly from the Reformed tradition (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-340).
   The Reformation was characterized by a growth of hymnody and singing of Psalms (Wegman 1985, p. 342). This was considered an integral part of the work of teaching and preaching.
   The German Reformation was not without its detractors. Wegman observes that the Baroque emphasis of the Reformatino was countered by a renewed emphasis on the traditional liturgy within the Roman Catholic church (Wegman 1985, p. 343). In effect, Wegman describes a conflict in the Counter-Reformation between the apologetic emphasis of the Reformation and the liturgical culture of Rome (Wegman 1985, p. 344).

Byzantine Liturgy after 610

2/11/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/11/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Five: The Byzantine Synthesis: The Byzantine Liturgy after 610 A.D." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 239-296). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)
   The Byzantine liturgy by the seventh century stood at the forefront of orthodoxy and liturgical practice throughout the churches of the east (Wegman 1985, p. 239). Because of its association with the Byzantine empire, serving as the capitol of the east as Rome was of the west, the churchly developments in the area bear great importance (Wegman 1985, p. 240).
   Wegman essentially divides Byzantine christianity into three historical periods. From 610-711 the dynasty was focused on resisting Persian and Islamic incursions (Wegman 1985, p. 240). From 711 to 843 there was a significant iconoclastic dispute in which the defenders of use of images tended to be in positions of greater authority (Wegman 1985, p. 241). The church in east and west dealt with significant cultural differences as well. Wegman notes that the recognition of Ravenna and the crowning of Charlemagne as emperor placed strong barriers between the two cultures (Wegman 1985, pp. 241-242). From this time the Byzantine empire achieved substantial expansion even against the opposition of Islam and other more nationalist influences.
   The Byzantine rite, full of ceremony, is still a strong liturgical influence (Wegman 1985, p. 243). The authority of the patriarch of Constantinople and his role in defining and defending orthodoxy provided a bulwark against heretical challenges. It also emphasized the division between Constantinople and Rome, as the two seats of authority had less and less to do with one another (Wegman 1985, p. 244). Within the Byzantine culture, monks, rather than priests, came to positions of prominence and strength.
   Wegman describes Byzantine theological interpretation as "defensive and more or less static" in nature (Wegman 1985, p. 247). Theological appeals would be made to church fathers and tradition which had been settled for some time. Yet a mystical spirituality was also robust in Byzantine thought (Wegman 1985, p. 248). The liturgy expected some level of mystic spirituality and the spirituality presupposed a liturgical framework.
   Byzantine culture as a whole in this period was a blend of numerous different elements - Greek, Latin, and the various eastern cultures (Wegman 1985, p. 249).
   Based on this background understanding, Wegman attempts to describe the emergence of the Byzantine liturgy. In contrast to Roman liturgy, the Byzantine rite has a less clearly defined course of development (Wegman 1985, p. 252). Wegman further notes a hiatus in our source material, possibly caused by the conquest of Islam and iconoclastic movements. Though there may have been some development of liturgy, we have no documentation of it.
   When we do see liturgical texts, Wegman observes they have enough differences that a comparison is difficult at best (Wegman 1985, p. 253). The kingdom of heaven is typically visually depicted in terms much like the imperial realm (Wegman 1985, p. 254). Honor and reverence are notable characteristics. The cathedral and churchly rituals developed fixed patterns which involved repeated rituals and extensive use of music. The monastic rites developed their own patterns of more extensive use of the Psalter, shows of contrition, and daily reception of communion (Wegman 1985, p. 255). This led to some level of polarization within Byzantine Christianity. The monastic practices then arose to prominence. Gradually elements were synthesized. Additionally, the rituals of Jerusalem and Constantinople came to be more similar (Wegman 1985, p. 256).
   Wegman notes that not all the source material for Byzantine rites have become available (Wegman 1985, p. 257). There is no comparable book to a Roman missal or breviary. There are separate books intended for use by various officiants. Due to the nature of Byzantine ritual, all are geared toward communal use in liturgy which is normally sung (Wegman 1985, p. 258). There are a number of anthologies of hymnody and other liturgical materials. Yet the arrangement is such that the liturgist selects appropriate elements for use rather than following the one prescriptive liturgical order (Wegman 1985, p. 258). Wegman describes the various anthologies in some detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 259-264). He then provides a glossary of important terms used in the Byzantine rites (Wegman 1985, pp. 264-272). This glossary is relatively long due to the linguistic distance between Greek and English as compared with that between Latin and English.
   Wegman moves on to summarize the structure and content of the principal rites in Byzantine liturgy. He reminds readers that this material can serve as a continuation of material from chapter two (Wegman 1985, p. 272). Monastic hours occurred up to eight times per day. The number of daily gatherings increased over time, developing from a morning and an evening gathering. These normally consisted of psalms, hymns, and prayers. The Sunday worship was much more complex, including extensive use of Psalms, prayers, hymns, and other Scripture readings. The service, called orthros, follows an intricate order of events (Wegman 1985, pp. 273-275). A parallel to the evening service of the hours would be used on Saturday evening in preparation for Sunday's Iorthros. The Saturday service contains more Scriptures and a service of light, as the lamps are lit in anticipation of Sunday's worship (Wegman 1985, p. 276).
   The Byzantine rites, as did the Roman rite, observed a number of festivals throughout the year. As with other liturgical forms in the east, the seasons and festivals are associated with a variety of musical modes, and tend to have events arranged in series of eight (Wegman 1985, p. 277). Periods of fasting and other forms of penitence are strictly observed. Wegman notes particularly that some of the services begin at particular times in the night so as to prepare for upcoming daytime liturgy (Wegman 1985, p. 278). Of special note is the intricate nature of the service beginning on Good Friday and continuing through Easter Sunday (Wegman 1985, pp. 278-279). Wegman goes on to provide an English version of some of the prayer texts used in the lengthy service for Easter (Wegman 1985, pp. 280-281). He then lists in brief a number of feasts which occur on a fixed date. Following this are descriptions, still brief, of Christmas, Theophany, Transfiguration, and various memorials of saints (Wegman 1985, pp. 282-284). Wegman notes the elevated theological and philosophical nature of these feasts, lacking the picturesque sentimentalism which often occurs in the west.
   From a sacramental point of view, in Byzantine practice, baptism includes an anointing with oil, associated in the west with confirmation. The eastern practice sees baptism and anointing as one unit (Wegman 1985, p. 285). The newly baptized person receives the wine of the eucharist in the same service. The catechumens who are to be baptized receive an exorcism and are baptized on Easter. The divine liturgy, including the eucharist, is a highly intricate rite which particularly involves the preparation of the elements behind the iconostasis, prior to consecration (Wegman 1985, p. 289). Wegman provides substantial commentary, describing the liturgical actions in some detail. He finally discusses penance, ordination, and marriage in brief, as he did previously in his review of the western church (Wegman 1985, pp. 294-295).

Early Records of Liturgy Center on Baptism and Eucharist

2/11/2025

Church History
3/11/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§98. The Liturgies. Their Origin and Contents." (pp. 2251-2259).
   After providing an extensive bibliography, Schaff defines liturgy as "the order and administration of public worship in general, and the celebration of the Eucharist in particular; then, the book or collection of the prayers used in this celebration" (Schaff 2014, p. 2253). he notes briefly that various religious traditions have collections of prayers and rituals, some written and some preserved through oral tradition. While the New Testament does not provide liturgy or ritual, it provides the elements from which they can be derived.
   Schaff asserts liturgies in the ante-Nicene period as forming gradually and independently of one another, sustained by oral tradition alone prior to the fourth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2254). He views this as the case due to the secrecy with which the Eucharist was viewed (Schaff 2014, p. 2254). From the fourth century onward, many written records of liturgies exist (Schaff 2014, p. 2255). Because the liturgies bear considerable similarities and differences, he considers them to have some original source, such as apostolic teaching. However, the divergences suggest the development from an apostolic root to have been relatively independent (Schaff 2014, p. 2256).
   Schaff observes the centrality of the Eucharist in medieval practice, counter to the sermon's centrality in the Protestant movement (Schaff 2014, p. 2257). He then describes several differences between eastern and western liturgies. Chiefly, the eastern liturgy maintains a sharper distinction between the Service of the Word and the Eucharist. The eastern liturgies also have a clear invocation of the Holy Spirit after the Words of Institution. There is also more variability in western services than in those of the east (Schaff 2014, p. 2255). Symbolic action is more important to the east than to the west.

Roman Liturgical Unification from the 11th to 16th Centuries

2/4/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/4/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). 'Chapter Four: Toward a Uniform Roman Liturgy: From Gregory VII to the Council of Trent (1545-1563)." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 204-238). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman observes that there were significant social and cultural changes in Europe starting roughly in the twelfth century. Along with gains in prosperity, there was increased interest in spiritual and supernatural matters. At the same time, the hierarchical nature of Christianity became more pronounced (Wegman 1985, p. 205). Church leadership became increasingly intertwined with politics. By the fourteenth century, the popes began to try using their authority to defend the work of the church as that which unified society (Wegman 1985, p. 206). Because of the strongly hierarchical patterns of the church, Wegman sees liturgy of this period largely becoming something which was enacted by the clerics and watched like a performance by the faithful. Piety among the laity could thus become separated from the liturgy. Charismatic reform movements became more common, some orthodox, some heretical (Wegman 1985, p. 207).
   The hierarchical nature of church structure of the time developed into highly systematized theological and philosophical patterns. In Wegman's estimation these resisted change and also stifled creativity (Wegman 1985, p. 207).
   During the period we also see a flourishing type of monastic scholarship, which provided counsel for both political and churchly authorities (Wegman 1985, p. 207). A type of scholasticism developed, influencing universities as well as monastic life. Among the scholastic developments, Wegman considers the sacramental theology to have grown in an important way. Rather than the historic understanding of the importance of a sacrament as the repetition of the sign given by Christ, the understanding shifted to the importance of Christ's institution of the ritual. The sacrament becomes a sign given by Christ, rather than a re-enactment of a gracious act (Wegman 1985, pp. 208-209).
   Within the broader culture, Wegman considers a growth of nationalist sentiment to have occurred, thus leading people to consider all other nations inferior to their own (Wegman 1985, p. 209). Around the twelfth century, the contemplative life, especially among monastics, rose to prominence, as did a renewed emphasis on asceticism (Wegman 1985, p. 210). As the Middle Ages moved to a close, Wegman sees both a charismatic and a scholastic movement growing, resulting in a popular piety increasingly contrasted with the hierarchical liturgy (Wegman 1985, p. 211). Schisms and plagues ravaged church and society. This led to a crisis point by the fifteenth century (Wegman 1985, p. 212).
   On the liturgical front, Wegman observes the long standing Roman practice of having the pope lead church services in different churches on predetermined dates (Wegman 1985, p. 213). In the tenth century there were attempts to achieve a more standardized liturgy. By the eleventh century, however, the popes had begun to withdraw from direct pastoral care in Rome and to work within the context of the curia romana, associated more with the universal church than the local church (Wegman 1985, p. 214). This move led in turn to isolation of the pope, resulting in his appearance as an imperial figure with his own court and chapel. The papal chapel came to have its own liturgical forms. As time progressed, by the thirteenth century, these forms began to be propagated by papal decree to other areas of the Roman church.
   Because of the formality of papal liturgies, which did not lend themselves naturally to urban congregations, especially among the poor, followers of Francis of Assisi put simpler forms of liturgy from earlier papal traditions to use (Wegman 1985, p. 215). While the liturgy could be recognized as related to the papal chapel, it was the simplified liturgy which was propagated throughout Europe (Wegman 1985, p. 216).
   Wegman notes that there were a number of reform movements throughout the Middle Ages. While some were charismatic in nature, others attempted to strengthen the hierarchical nature of the Roman church. As the Middle Ages came to a close, the Council of Trent was conceived as an attempt to restore the hierarchy. The controversy at hand was the Reformation's appeal to Scripture and "evangelical freedom over against the traditions of the church" (Wegman 1985, p. 217). Trent, then, strove to deny the legitimacy of all such movements. The Christian life was centered around the legitimacy of the hierarchical clergy structure as expressed in the liturgical forms approved and understood by the hierarchy (Wegman 1985, p. 218).
   Wegman reviews in brief a number of secondary and primary sources of information about liturgy leading up to the time of the Reformation. As in earlier times, missals, pontificales, and rubrical works survive (Wegman 1985, pp. 219-223 passim). By this time we observe that there are numerous extant copies of materials in various editions. Wegman notes that breviaries, disseminated widely, allowed pastors to observe liturgical hours in a brief form and still care for their other pastoral work (Wegman 1985, p. 223). Prayer and meditation on the life and work of Jesus grew among clergy and laity alike. Because of limitations in literacy, availability of biblical texts, and the quality of preaching, there were weaknesses in the theology of some forms of popular piety (Wegman 1985, p. 224).
   Wegman observes that in this period the Christian festival calendar showed little development (Wegman 1985, p. 225). The focus of festivals tended to shift from the features of the gospel as evidenced in the lives of the saints to a focus on what the Christian would like the saint to do.
   Baptismal rituals in the middle ages developed in that the pouring of water and speaking the baptismal formula came to be seen as of primary importance. Infant baptism clearly became the norm, and was practiced as early in life as possible (Wegman 1985, p. 226). The rituals retained the questioning which Wegman considers inappropriate for children, yet which had belonged to the traditions of adult baptism.
   During the middle ages, the practice of confirmation continued to become more clearly articulated (Wegman 1985, p. 227). By the early 13th century it had its own prescribed rite, described in detail by Wegman (Wegman 1985, p. 228).
   Eucharistic theology developed in some significant ways during the middle ages. Because the eucharist came to be celebrated and received primarily by clergy, the altar typically became smaller (Wegman 1985, p. 229). The emphasis was less on Christ's sacrifice for the Christian and more on the repetition of the Last Supper and its symbolism which was fulfilled in the death of Christ. The faithful become spectators rather than participants. With the articulation of transubstantiation the elevation of the host and the chalice took on special significance (Wegman 1985, p. 230). This in turn led to eucharistic processions for adoration of Christ.
   Popular piety was frequently fed by accounts of eucharistic miracles. At the same time, Wegman notes the rise of parodies of the mass, as the general public reflected on the validity of the mass (Wegman 1985, p. 231). A doctrine of the eucharist can be grasped in outline in hymnody. Wegman produces a Latin and English version of St. Thomas Aquinas' hymn Adorate (Wegman 1985, pp. 232-233).
   The practice of confession of sins continued in the middle ages. However, Wegman observes that penance came to involve acts drawn from a known list of exercises of different values (Wegman 1985, p. 233). The appropriate restorative acts could be done or, in some cases, the penitent person could pay the confessor an amount sufficient to evade the penalty.
   Ordination liturgy did develop to some extent during the middle ages. Wegman describes the rites for ordination of priests, which remained relatively stable in the 12th - 16th centuries. In some rituals of ordination, Wegman finds an emphasis on reception into the hierarchical structure rather than on the appointment as a servant. The laity were not afforded participation in ordination rituals (Wegman 1985, p. 235).
   Wegman closes the chapter with a brief survey of prayers for the sick and dying, as well as practices surrounding death (Wegman 1985, pp. 236-237). Human life is fragile, as recognized by medieval people especially. However, along with a frank recognition of death, Wegman sees the rituals surrounding marriage as of long standing elements of society. The church was active in consecrating marriages and recognizing them in its public services (Wegman 1985, p. 237). Though some cultural elements from paganism were retained, they were effectively stripped of their pagan connotations.

Overview of Western Liturgical Development in the 7th to 11th Centuries

1/28/2025

Tuesday Lectio
1/28/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). 'Chapter Three: The Roman-Frankish-Germanic Liturgy in the West: From Gregory I (590-604) to Gregory VII (1073-1085)." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 143-203). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman describes the descent of Roman politics through the fifth and sixth centuries in chaotic terms, emphasizing the frequently shifting power structures as various invaders dominated different territories. Such bright spots that emerge include the Carolingians in the 8th century and the work of Boniface in Germany (Wegman 1985, p. 144).
   A eucharistic controversy was present in the church during this period, one which Wegman takes as a defining issue in the subsequent period. About 825, the abbot Radbertus and his monk Ratramnus entered a dispute regarding whether in the eucharist the real presence of Christ was found, or whether it should be understood as a spiritual presence only (Wegman 1985, p. 147). Radbertus asserted the former, while Ratramnus asserted the latter. A difficulty in the dispute is the use of the word veritas to signify a truth from the past versus a present and ongoing reality (Wegman 1985, p. 148).
   Webman takes linguistic and cultural/ethnic issues to be of significance during this period. While Christianity was preserved, the fall of Rome served to decentralize the Church. The cultures of the Germanic and Celtic regions rose in importance (Wegman 1985, p. 148). At the same time, Latin was preserved as the official churchly language, thus making clerics who understood the language to rise in importance (Wegman 1985, p. 149). Monks and priests preserved literature and served as a springboard to reform the Church in Rome and bring Christianity back to Spain and France.
   The fourth and fifth centuries had seen a flowering of liturgy in the West, with what Wegman characterizes as "well-organized" and "local, . . . under the leadership of the bishop" liturgical expressions (Wegman 1985, p. 151). After this period, we find no evidence for new liturgical material. After some time, the Carolingians drew liturgy from Rome into use and suppressed indigenous liturgies. This resulted in a "Frankish liturgy" which was derived from earlier Roman sources (Wegman 1985, p. 151). However, the Roman sources were missing some elements which were considered necessary for the conditions in Aachen. Thus the liturgical framework was expanded based on both German and Frankish sources (Wegman 1985, p. 152).
   Wegman describes the various sources for information on period liturgy. Sacramentaries and Missals are an important source. Wegman reviews a number of sacramentaries, books which provide texts spoken by a liturgist, along with some occasional rubrics (Wegman 1985, p. 153). The Gelasian Sacramentary, dating to the seventh century, gathers Roman and Gallican materials. A number of eighth century works based on it also exist. Wegman goes on to describe a number of others, dating through the start of the ninth century (Wegman 1985, pp. 154-155). The construction of sacramentaries eventually led to the missal, which brought together in one book all the readings, prayers, and other materials needed for the priest to conduct a eucharistic service (Wegman 1985, pp. 154,157).
   Webman further observes that lists of pericopes used for readings in church, or lectionaries which provided the entire text to be used on particular days appeared in the sixth century, though they were known at that time to have existed earlier in some forms (Wegman 1985, p. 157).
   A very useful resource in tracing liturgical development is the collection of ordines, which provide extensive rubrics for use with a sacramentary (Wegman 1985, p. 158). The ordines provide a picture of liturgical practice in a particular time and place, rather than simply providing the texts which would be used. Wegman provides a collated list of which ordines would apply to what liturgical circumstance.
   Another significant source for our understanding of liturgy is the pontificale, which gathers orders of service and "prayers for all the liturgical celebrations except the eucharist" (Wegman 1985, p. 161), thus distinguishing it from a missal. These began to be produced in the ninth century. Because the pontificale described only services led by a bishop, additional books were made for services which could be led by a priest. This book was called the rituale. These appear by the eleventh century (Wegman 1985, p. 163).
   Because the liturgical terms in use in the various recommended sources may be obscure, Wegman provides a brief glossary of terms (Wegman 1985, pp. 164-170).
   Having surveyed individual sources of liturgical information, Wegman synthesizes the data by topic. Daily prayer offices grew up, particularly in monasteries and large cities (Wegman 1985, p. 171). Sunday became a day when particular emphasis would be given to the trinitarian nature of Christianity (Wegman 1985, p. 173). The development of pericopes to be read on all the Sundays and festivals was solidified into a form much like that remaining in the twentieth century (Wegman 1985, p. 173). The sacrament of baptism became more solidified in this period, with many specific references to newborn children. Wegman observes that all new converts were referred to as infantes but that some were parvuli, indicating their youth (Wegman 1985, p. 178). Confirmation subsequent to baptism appears clearly in this time period. While confirmation had earlier been an anointing with oil just after the baptism, it now came to be a laying on of hands at a separate time (Wegman 1985, p. 182).
   The various liturgical works describe the events of the eucharist in detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 183ff). Particularly in the north, due to language barriers, it tended to become a spectator event rather than maintaining active participation on the part of the congregation (Wegman 1985, p. 185). The order of the Mass generated multiple works which reflected practice in different locations (Wegman 1985, pp. 189ff).
   In this time period a custom of private masses was begun, though it developed more fully at a later time (Wegman 1985, p. 192). The private mass was performed with no congregation present. The practice began within monastic orders, as those communities developed priests without congregations. Then people began asking that a mass be read for a particular occasion, with or without their presence (Wegman 1985, p. 193). About this time, we can also see the development of written commentaries describing what happens in the mass. These were intended to train priests (Wegman 1985, p. 195).
   Lesser liturgies may also be described in documents from the sixth century onward. Wegman provides a number of period prayers related to reception, confession, and reconciliation of penitents (Wegman 1985, pp. 196 ff). Practices of penitence were corporate in nature at the start of our period. However, private penance, involving confession, an assigned penance, and reconciliation were transacted between the penitent and his priest (Wegman 1985, pp. 200-201). In closing, Wegman briefly discusses liturgies pertaining to ordination and the end of life (Wegman 1985, pp. 202-203). These are also found detailed in the sources from the sixth century and beyond.

Worship in the Roman Empire 312-600

1/21/2025

Tuesday Lectio
1/21/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). 'Chapter Two: Worship in the Church of the Empire (312-600)." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 52-142). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman in this chapter intends to lay facts from East and West side by side for comparison. He acknowledges the mass of information to be presented, as well as the fact that his evaluation is necessarily incomplete (Wegman 1985, p. 52). With the rise of Constantine in 312 and the Edict of Milan in 313, the church gained a legal recognition and some societal benefits (Wegman 1985, p. 53). Christianity thus took on social roles it had never held before, and drew many people in. At the same time, the nature of the Christian life of many congregants became less distinctively aligned with orthodoxy (Wegman 1985, p. 54).
   The period was characterized by barbarian invasions and assaults, particularly by forces from Mongolia and China (Wegman 1985, p. 55). The eventual Gothic invasions began a wave of additional moves which pushed Romanized people out of Italy, then eventually moved migrations throughout Europe, blending various cultures and leaving Christianity as the sole stable institution (Wegman 1985, p. 56). Webman observes that theological discussion which sought a unified understanding of Christianity became important to attempts at unity, as did the growth of monasticism and rigorous Christian communities (Wegman 1985, p. 56).
   In the eastern Roman empire there was an ongoing struggle to identify the way in which Christianity could be expressed. Wegman briefly describes substantive disputes involving liturgical and cultural differences, many highlighting different assumptions about the meaning of the term "eastern" (Wegman 1985, p. 58). Eventually the Byzantine empire arose to prominence within the region, thanks to wealth, history, and strength of armed forces (Wegman 1985, p. 59). On the theological front, Hellenistic thought patterns were applied to Christianity, resulting in an "accent on contemplation, on theoria, a living vision" (Wegman 1985, p. 61). Eastern monasticism developed a lifestyle of constant prayer and meditation, seeking timeless solitude (Wegman 1985, p. 62).
   Wegman notes the rise of Islam after the birth of Mohammed in 570 provoked a time of conquest which subjugated much of the area which had been Christian, leaving only limited pockets of Christianity (Wegman 1985, p. 63).
   Wegman recognizes the close relationship of Christianity and western civilization from its foundations in the fourth and fifth centuries (Wegman 1985, p. 64). Implicit in the growth of western civilization is a biblical idiom which provides a framework to understand all things. Wegman sees biblical symbolism pervading art, literature, architecture, and, in short, all areas of life. Education shifted from the realm of teachers of philosophy and rhetoric to the domain of monks and clerics (Wegman 1985, p. 65). Latin became the lingua franca, with frequent neologisms from koine Greek, growing into a distinctive liturgical Latin dialect (Wegman 1985, p. 66).
   During this period, Wegman sees a growth of liturgical orders and texts. Judaism continued to influence Christian liturgy, but the forms adapted from Jewish liturgy came to be recognized as simply Christian as opposed to being "Jewish Christian" (Wegman 1985, p. 70). While Wegman considers liturgical development to be extensive, he notes we have "few complete orders of service and actual texts" (Wegman 1985, p. 71). There are, however, comments from Augustine and from numerous councils about multiplication of liturgical forms and prayers. Wegman references many additional sources from the period, but is clear that there are indirect references to liturgical practices (Wegman 1985, pp. 72-74). There are a number of direct sources in the form of Sacramentaria, containing prayers and outlines for various days of the year, as well as several lectionaries (Wegman 1985, pp. 74-76). These are not as complete as we might like, and tend to have greater applicability to local situations than as universal handbooks.
   The liturgy in use in Jerusalem in the fourth and fifth centuries did provide an important model for Christian worship in that there was an organizational pattern for daily prayer, for festivals in the year, and for initiation rituals (Wegman 1985, p. 76-77). Wegman reviews the remains of the ideas and their apparent propagation in turn. Daily prayers centered around singing of Psalms at various hours of the day, as Wegman illustrates using the travels of Egeria as a source (Wegman 1985, pp. 78-79). Egeria's description of annual festivals is in close correspondence with the Armenian Lectionary, which shows a developed pericope system at the start of the 5th century (Wegman 1985, p. 79). Egeria also discusses the pattern of baptism, chrismation, and eucharist as the initiation of Christians (Wegman 1985, p. 80). Wegman describes the pattern in detail, drawing on Egeria and on Cyril of Jerusalem, as well as the anaphora of James (Wegman 1985, pp. 81-85).
   Again, drawing heavily on the testimony of Egeria, Wegman describes monks participating in communal worship, thus not being separated from the assembly of Christians (Wegman 1985, p. 85). This is a natural outgrowth of the fourth century move toward monastic community rather than isolation (Wegman 1985, p. 86). The involvement of monastic communities within local congregations also brought a greater emphasis on personal piety, on preserving times for prayer, and on more repeated use of Scripture in worship (Wegman 1985, p. 87).
   During this period from about 300-600 AD, Wegman observes a gradual distinction growing between eastern and western churches, at the same time that practices within the regions tended to regularize (Wegman 1985, p. 88). Habits and customs in the East took on a particular pattern, as did those in the West. East and West could generally be identified as such. While the East could be identified as associated with the various patriarchates, the West was associated with Rome as the pre-eminent see (Wegman 1985, p. 91).
   Wegman briefly describes the actual church buildings which we start to see in the fifth century (Wegman 1985, p. 94). While relatively plain from the outside, the basilicas were richly ornamented inside, generally with a longitudinal orientation rather than the later rotundas.
   Daily prayer normally centered around morning and evening prayers, in which there was a broad expectation of participation. Preferably people would gather to pray in the church building, though some would worship at home (Wegman 1985, p. 95). Routines grew, generally around psalms, prayers of intercession, and the Lord's prayer. Accretions such as singing hymns and reading other texts grew gradually. Monastic orders typically added other gatherings, eventually becoming the daily offices now known (Wegman 1985, p. 96). The structures and growth were similar in East and West. However, in the West the monastic orders tended to separate from the congregations more than in the East.
   Wegman describes the ongoing growth of the church year, beginning from observation of the first day of the week as the day of resurrection (Wegman 1985, p. 98). The passion celebration (Easter) typically held to the earlier emphasis on Jesus' move through death into his glorification (Wegman 1985, p. 99). Preparation for Easter, in the time of Lent, grew in length and prominence. The growth to forty days excluding some particular days appeared, though it was developed differently in the East than it was in the West (Wegman 1985, p. 102). At this time in Rome the custom of recognizing "stations of the cross" developed, creating a gradual procession to the time of Easter.
   The development of Christmas and Epiphany as separate celebrations, preceded by Advent, grew during this time period as well. December 25 was recognized as the birth of Christ by the year 330 (Wegman 1985, p. 103). Wegman does observe the very early question whether December 25 or January 6 was the proper day to recognize Jesus' birth (Wegman 1985, p. 104).
   Recognition of the dead became an increasingly prominent theme during this period. Wegman notes that Christianity adopted numerous pagan customs such as decorating tombs with flowers, having open air meals in honor of the dead, and inscribing memorial stones (Wegman 1985, pp. 105-106). A purely Christian custom was to remember a person on the anniversary of his death, rather than of his birth (Wegman 1985, p. 106). Calendars of the death dates of martyrs developed, as memorials moved beyond the locale of the martyrs' deaths (Wegman 1985, p. 107).
   Between 300 and 600 AD, baptism and confirmation took on a broader cultural significance. Not only was it recognized as initiation into the Church, but also as a means of recognition in society (Wegman 1985, p. 107). Wegman observes that this process was often interrupted, as people would associate with Christianity but only to the extent which would make them socially acceptable (Wegman 1985, p. 108). Some would convert outright, be examined in the faith, and follow through with a Christian life, while others would not. The ritual surrounding baptism became more extensive and complex, as witnessed by a number of authors in their mystagogical lectures (Wegman 1985, pp. 110-111).
   Wegman observes that the eucharistic celebration grew in intricacy between 300 and 600 AD. The outline of events is recorded in a variety of places and times. The prayers in use at different times and places also reveal significant details about the understanding of the eucharist (Wegman 1985, pp. 112-120). The various actions and words used in the eucharist point increasingly directly at the sacrificial work of Jesus on behalf of his people. The central structure remained consistent.
   In a eucharistic service, Wegman notes the presence of biblical readings, often including an Old Testament passage, and always including two New
testament passages, one of which is from a gospel reading (Wegman 1985, p. 121). A homily would be presented after the gospel reading. Lectio continua would be normal at regular prayer services, but eucharistic services seem to have a system of pericopes, which tended to regularize across congregations, but followed different patterns in East and West.
   The eucharistic prayer itself called an "anaphora" in the East, developed in different forms in the East and the West. Wegman describes essential elements of the prayers in detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 125ff). Prominent in Wegman's summary is a reconstruction of what became the official Roman canon, in parallel Latin and English columns (Wegman 1985, pp. 133-136). The concepts of Christ as the offering who provides forgiveness and reconciliation are prominent in these anaphoras (Wegman 1985, p. 136).
   Reconciliation in the form of a return to a life of repentance after falling into sin was a significant issue in this time period. Wegman notes it was considered as something which could be done only once in life, so was often put off as long as possible. The process of demonstrating penitence was lengthy and difficult (Wegman 1985, pp. 137-138).
   Ordination as clergy in about 300-600 AD took on very recognizable ritual forms, with a formal imposition of hands and prayer (Wegman 1985, p. 138). The consecration was performed by one or more bishops, who would set the man apart for ministry. Prayers would be used to place the ordinand into the intended ministry post, regularly in a particular hierarchical position (Wegman 1985, p. 140).
   Wegman finally notes briefly that the 4th to 7th centuries also saw the rise of particular rites for Christian marriage (Wegman 1985, p. 142). These regularly included some ritual elements known to the pagan society, but applied to the Christian as well.

Roots of Liturgy Prior to 312

1/14/2025

Tuesday Lectio
1/14/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). Chapter One: The First Signs: The Period before the Peace of the Church in 312 A.D." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 1-51). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman briefly sets the stage for the birth of Christianity by describing extensive growth of the Roman empire after about 300 B.C. The nature of the expansive territory and its government tended to allow for considerable freedom in terms of trade and thought, though not so much in the nature of civil law. However, Christianity was fairly free to spread barring tumultuous violations of civil law (Wegman 1985, p. 2). Though he admits the specific evidence to be scant, there are indications of the spread of Christianity to a broad spectrum of cities, particularly where soldiers were garrisoned, in the second century. Wegman notes that hostile witnesses repeating rumors about the secretive practices of Christians can be identified easily (Wegman 1985, p. 3). While Christianity was not specifically against any laws until the mid second century, there were periodic persecutions based on a variety of practices, such as refusal to make offerings according to the imperial cult (Wegman 1985, p. 4).
   Wegman notes the early links between Judaism and Christianity, as well as the later, growing, tendency to find tension and separation between Christians of a Jewish versus a Gentile background (Wegman 1985, p. 5).
   Wegman moves on to a brief summary of major cultural influences on early Christianity. He ascribes a concept of humanism to Greek influence, using a lengthy quotation from the Atlas of Western Civilization (2nd rev. ed., pp. 11, 16, F. van der Meer, London & New York, 1960) (Wegman 1985, p. 6-7). Rome brought materialism and an energetic form of law and government to the table (Wegman 1985, p. ). The influence of Israelite culture and heritage on Christianity is undeniable. Wegman notes the difficulty inherent in actually defining a "Jewish Christian" and observes influences of Hellenism, various types of heterodoxy, and Gnosticism as influences on Judaism and thus Christianity (Wegman 1985, p. 8). The influence on liturgy was probably quite profound.
   Orders of services and liturgical texts are a challenge in the primitive Church. Wegman reviews the difficulty posed by the nature of the New Testament, which provides information about the life of the earliest Christians and includes some hymn fragments (Wegman 1985, p. 11). However, while there is teaching about the significance of rites such as baptism and the eucharist, there is little to indicate the actual procedure of the rituals. The liturgy is not clearly spelled out (Wegman 1985, p. 12).
   Wegman finds that rituals are spelled out in more detail, though not exhaustively, in passages of other early Christian writings. He provides Greek and English in parallel columns for Didache chapter 10 with its eucharistic prayers (Wegman 1985, pp. 13-14). Additionally, he provides material from Clement of Rome (1 Clement, portions of chapters 59-61) (Wegman 1985, pp. 14-17), and references a number of other authors in much less detail. Whether or not he provides the actual text, Wegman does provide bibliographic references to authoritative editions of the texts.
   Having introduced the sources of information, Wegman moves on to a synthesis of the data by topic. He considers Christian worship to have important roots in the Jewish Berakoth prayers, expressing remembrance and praise of God (Wegman 1985, p. 21). There is regularly a doxology at the end, which in Christian tradition is specifically trinitarian in nature (Wegman 1985, p. 22). Such prayers pervade the Jewish and Christian traditions.
   Jewish custom has morning and evening prayers, corresponding to the morning and evening sacrifices in the temple. Wegman sees an additional time of prayer in the afternoon which anticipated the evening prayers. Christians adopted the more corporate prayers and tended to add individual prayers midmorning, noon, and midafternoon, then before bed and when waking during the night (Wegman 1985, p. 23).
   Festivals developed throughout the year in the first three centuries of the Christian period. Wegman notes that many Christians would recognize the Jewish sabbath, along with its anticipation of the Day of the Lord (Wegman 1985, p. 25). Christians recognized that their eschatological hope was fulfilled in Jesus' resurrection. The first day of the week therefore became a celebration (Wegman 1985, p. 26). The eucharistic meal was celebrated on the "Lord's Day," which was the first day of the week. Wegman notes that within Roman and Greek culture this was an ordinary work day (Wegman 1985, p. 27). Because of eventual prohibitions of gatherings for the evening meal, the meal was shifted to the morning, outside of the regular work hours, by the year 150. Wednesday and Friday became days of fasting.
   Easter, or the paschal feast, is difficult to interpret. Wegman notes that while the New Testament describes the significance of the Jewish pascha, it is silent as to observance of the feast (Wegman 1985, p. 28). He notes several early authors who make some comments, then quotes from Eusebius' Hist. Eccl. V,23-24 extensively (Wegman 1985, pp. 28-31). Both the proper date for celebrating the pascha and the significance of it were matters of serious dispute. Wegman summarizes the content of the disputes in some detail. They center around the alignment of the resurrection and the first day of the week, as well as the significance in terms of the atoning death of Christ and the victorious resurrection. At some point, the days of the Easter celebration came to be associated with baptism of converts.
   Wegman notes that baptism and some form of laying on of hands or chrismation are not described in full until after the Didache, which provides a very brief description (Wegman 1985, p. 34). By the time of Hippolytus, we have an extensive process of catechesis and evaluation leading up to the actual rite of baptism. Wegman describes and quotes Hippolytus at some length (Wegman 1985, p. 34-38). Of note is the confession of faith at the time of baptism, as, if some cannot speak for themselves, their parents or other family members may do so (Wegman 1985, p. 36). The confession of faith given by Hippolytus is strikingly similar to the Apostles' Creed. Wegman observes similarities in Tertullian as well as in brief references from Eastern Christianity (Wegman 1985, pp. 38-40).
   Wegman observes that some form of the eucharistic institution narrative is present by the time of 1 Corinthians 11, and that there are connections of a meal with the concepts of betrayal, the broken body of Christ, and his being poured out (Wegman 1985, p. 41). The way in which the eucharist is celebrated is not described in detail in the New Testament. The first description Wegman finds is in Justin's 1 Apology 65 and 67 (Wegman 1985, p. 41). Wegman describes this in detail. He then observes that Tertullian, Cyprian, and Hippolytus provide accounts which confirm the practices described by Justin (Wegman 1985, p. 42). While Wegman takes the New Testament pattern to be that of a full meal, within a few decades he notes it is a ceremonial representative portion of a meal. The blessings remained, though much of the meal did not. Instead, the readings from Scripture took priority (Wegman 1985, p. 43). The gathering on the Lord's day was thus divided between what we might call the service of the word and the eucharist. The eucharist is a berakah, a prayer of remembrance (anamnesis), as described early in this chapter. Wegman provides several examples from antiquity, all following similar patterns (Wegman 1985, pp. 44-46).
   The concept of reconciliation also emerges as prominent in this period. This is one of the ways in which the early Christians could pursue holiness (Wegman 1985, p. 47). As baptism was a time of reconciliation, Christians would repeatedly seek reconciliation due to their ongoing tendency to sin. While some authors held to the existence of unforgivable sins, others considered penance and reconciliation as a possibility in all cases of sin.
   Wegman finally observes that some sort of hierarchical ministry developed quite early (Wegman 1985, p. 48). The existence of bishops, presbyters, and deacons emerges gradually, with an increasing recognition of different roles. Wegman provides a prayer for consecration of a bishop from Hippolytus, which has remained in use since the third century (Wegman 1985, pp. 49-50.

Liturgy in the Didache

8/30/2024

Friday Scholarly Notes
8/30/24

Wilhite, Shawn J. (2019). "II: Didache 6.3-10.7." In The Didache: A Commentary. (195-229). Eugene, OR: Cascade Books. (Personal Library).

Wilhite notes as a matter of housekeeping that he finds a formulaic indication of structure in this portion of the Didache. The significant segments are delineated with the use of δέ followed by a prepositional phrase, or alternatively περί δέ or μετά followed by an infinitive. He provides a list of occurrences of this indicator (Wilhite 2019, p. 195). He notes that there is a serialization indicated as well, with the subsections indicated by the transitional language.
   In regards to Didache 6.3, Wilhite notes that different communities had different customs of food (Colossians 2:16), as did the community of the Didache (Wilhite 2019, p. 196). There was apparently some freedom, however, eating meat offered to idols was prohibited. Wilhite notes that the ethic is not provided. He does suggest "the actions may hint towards religious identity" (Wilhite 2019, p. 196). There is a reference to "dead gods," which suggests that a reason to avoid that meat would be to remain distant from the idea of making a meat sacrifice to God, but from a pagan point of view. The instruction bears a strong similarity to material in Acts 15 (Wilhite 2019, p. 197). However, Wilhite does not pursue this similarity except to identify it. He makes no suggestion of a dependence of the topic either on the part of the Didache or on the part of Acts.
   Didache chapter seven moves on to discuss baptism. Wilhite sees this as a natural progression of thought, from catechesis to "model scenarios" (Wilhite 2019, p. 197). The Two Ways material is to be reviewed with the person who is to be baptized. While this may not have been a universal use of the Two Ways, it is the way indicated by the Didachist (Wilhite 2019, p. 198). Wilhite considers briefly whether the instructions pertaining to food in 6.3 are among the things to be reviewed or not. His conclusion is that the material reviewed ends at 6.2, primarily based on the markers described on p. 195. The review of the Two Ways he considers not to be a matter of the catechumen memorizing it, but being able to recall it for purposes of repentance and confession (cf. 10:6) (Wilhite 2019, p. 198). Wilhite takes this to be the case, in part, because the contents of the Two Ways are primarily ethical, not doctrinal in nature. This suggests use for consideration in preparation for confession. Second, the teaching is proverbial in nature, and creates a scenario of a parent and child. The instructor seems to be the one who baptizes, so would know the position of the catechumen. Third, the mentorship would often seem to indicate adult relationships, in which Wilhite considers a recitation would be possible, but not necessarily done in practice (Wilhite 2019, p. 199). Finally, if baptism is seen as a symbolic washing which confirms identification with the community, the recitation is not as important as the baptism itself.
   Wilhite notes that the process of baptism itself is described in some detail. In Didache 7.1 there is a trinitarian statement similar to that in Matthew 28:19 (Wilhite 2019, p. 199). Wilhite notes that this writing precedes the trinitarian debates found in the third and fourth centuries (Wilhite 2019, p. 200). The types of water to be used are ranked from best to worst, from cold running water to water for pouring. Wilhite notes that the trinitarian statement from 7.1 is also present in 7.3b. This indicates to me that we would expect the trinitarian pattern to be included in all the different forms. In all cases we observe that the text makes no indication of a reason for the preference of use of cold running water. The thrust of the passage is that the washing is necessary as the entryway to community life and inclusion in the various "sacred practices" (Did. 9.5) (Wilhite 2019, p. 200). The lack of a specific reason for the ritual indicates to Wilhite that some sort of reason was commonly known and did not need to be made clear. Wilhite notes that the fasting instructions in Didache 8.1 likewise are not accompanied by a reason. There is a presupposition that fasting is a normal practice. It could well be that participation in the fast by others in the community "possibly aided the acceptance of the catechumen into the community" (Wilhite 2019, p. 200). The period may also have been an occasion for the recitation of the Two Ways material, further serving to create a sense of community.
   Baptism is accompanied by fasting and prayer, which serve as the topic for chapter eight. As he has noted before, Wilhite finds the transitional statement including δέ at 8.1 (Wilhite 2019, p. 201). The Didachist prescribes fasting on Wednesday and Friday, rather than on Monday and Thursday, as was the practice of the "hypocrites." Wilhite notes that while Matthew 6:16-17 and 7:16-17 focus on the appearance of fasting people, the Didachist focuses on the schedule of fasting. This demonstrates a concern for the identity of the community and its distinctive society (Wilhite 2019, p. 202). The differences prescribed raise three questions in Wilhite's mind. "First, who are the hypocrites? . . . from whom does the community separate? Second, what remains particularly unique about Monday, . . . and Thursday? . . . and, third, what remains particularly unique about the two new days for the Didache's Christian community -Wednesday . . . and Friday?" (Wilhite 2019, p. 202). Based on the Matthean tendency to equate hypocrisy with scribes and Pharisees, along with Herodians, Wilhite takes those people to be the likely group identified as "hypocrites." Wilhite further finds Mishnaic tradition that Monday and Thursday were the prescribed days of fasting. Therefore, he considers the reference may be to Judaism which receives rabbinic counsel (Wilhite 2019, p. 203). Wednesday and Friday may additionally be symbolically important days, with Wednesday marking Jesus' betrayal and Friday his day of death.
   Didache 8.2-3 presents the Lord's prayer Wilhite observes that not only does the community not fast as the hypocrites do, but they also pray differently (Wilhite 2019, p. 203). Wilhite's observation about the prayer is that it "is the one explicit section where I remain a bit more persuaded of an existing Matthean text to construct this Didache practice" (Wilhite 2019, p. 204) since it is done "just as the Lord commanded in his Gospel" (ὡς ἐκέλευσεν ὁ κύριος ἐν τῷ ἐυαγγελίῳ αὐτοῦ). The term "Gospel" was appended as an identification of the works which were later recognized as the canonical Gospels relatively early. This prayer, as we easily observe, is virtually identical to the form found in Matthew's Gospel. Wilhite does concede that the prayer, as a liturgical element used on a daily basis, may well be resident in the community's memory. Wilhite continues by comparing the text from the Didache and Matthew (Wilhite 2019, pp. 204-205). He particularly notes that the Didache uses two different doxologies, a longer (8.2; 9.4; 10.5) and a shorter one (9.2, 3; 10.2, 4) at the closing of pieces of liturgy (Wilhite 2019, p. 205).
   The Eucharist is the topic for Didache 9.1-10.7. Wilhite observes that these liturgies "possess more theological reflection than any other literary section in the Didache" (Wilhite 2019, p. 206). After listing a number of themes, he goes on to say, "With a possible exception in Did. 16, the Didachist deeply and theologically reflects more in these two chapters than anywhere else in the book" (Wilhite 2019, p. 206). A prime difficulty is how one views the material in chapters nine and ten. Wilhite is not strongly convinced of any of the conclusions we may reach. However, he is inclined to take the descriptions as referring to a meal which includes a celebration of the Eucharist. There is a clear use of bread and wine, as seen in Matthew 26:26-29; Mark 14:22-25; and Luke 22:17-20. There is a formal giving of thanks, along with liturgical prayers. There is a satisfying meal (Did. 10.1). There is further a particular order, which breaks from some of the tradition known, as it begins with the cup (Wilhite 2019, p. 207).
   There are both fixed and variable elements in the liturgical material. Wilhite notes "four fixed liturgical features appear: (1) a verbal clause "we thank you, Father"; (2) relative clauses "which you made known to us . . . "' (3) a petition to "gather"; and (4) shorter and longer doxologies" (Wilhite 2019, p. 207, citing Schwiebert, Knowledge and the Coming Kingdom, 78).
The initial thanksgiving in the first "cup" liturgy offers thanks to the Father. "To offer thanks to the Father implies a form of worship to one member of the Trinity. Yet the use of "Father" theologically implies a Son and also conveys, at the least, an incipient form of binitarianism" (Wilhite 2019, p. 207). Oddly, the reason for the thanksgiving is "on behalf of the holy vine of David" yet "Jesus undergirds the means through which they express thanksgiving" (Wilhite 2019, p. 207). The theological logic is therefore unusual, as the thanksgiving is both on behalf of and through Jesus. For this reason, Wilhite considers that "the holy vine of David" is a symbolic reference to something other than Jesus.   Wilhite notes that Niederwimmer views this as an eschatological element, which Wilhite takes to be "a form of eschatological presence" (Wilhite 2019, p. 208, emphasis his). His inclination is that this, then, is a reference to the wine in the cup, possibly reminiscent of Amos 9:11-15). "The wine in the chalice symbolically refers to the Davidic kingdom of God that is now made manifest in the person of Jesus, which is revealed in and through the chalice" (Wilhite 2019, p. 208). I observe that Wilhite, coming from a baptistic background, would be unlikely to make the connection which I would make from a Lutheran point of view, that the reference could be to the real presence of Jesus' blood in the wine found in the chalice.
   The thanksgiving for the bread is similar to that for the cup. Here we find "life and knowledge," while in Didache 10.2 "knowledge, faith, and immortality have been made known through Jesus" (Wilhite 2019, p. 209). Wilhite sees possible relations to the way of life in Didache 1-4, as well as a possible connection with the travelers' realization of Christ in Luke 24:30-31. Again, as with the liturgy of the cup, Wilhite sees at least a binitarian relationship, with the Father revealing life through Jesus. He takes παῖς as a reference to "servant," but to speak of Jesus as well as David (Did. 9.2) (Wilhite 2019, p. 209). The idea of Jesus' suffering is not present in the passage. However, the term παῖς is used in numerous places within the New Testament to refer to Christ as the servant of the Father. The breaking of the bread in Didache 9.4 refers specifically to the gathering of the church, as the grain used in the bread was gathered. This may easily be seen as an eschatological image, as the church is gathered into the kingdom. Wilhite notes the eschatological image is more clear in Didache 10.5, where the Lord is asked to remember and deliver the church (Wilhite 2019, p. 210).
   Wilhite observes that the Didache does not mention a new covenant, the death or blood of Jesus, language of inauguration or remembrance, soteriology, or a relationship of the bread to the body of Jesus (Wilhite 2019, p. 211).
   Didache 9.5 speaks to how the Eucharist is administered and for whom. It is not part of the liturgy, but is set apart from it, as a community instruction. The use of the markers περί plus the genitive and the doxologies at the ends of segments creates a sense of the overall outline of the liturgy (Wilhite 2019, p. 211). Only those who have been baptized are partakers of the Eucharist. Therefore, Wilhite sees a connection between Didache 7.1-4 and Didache 9.1-4. Ritual cleansing is essential for reception of the Eucharist (Wilhite 2019, p. 211). Here, in Didche 9.5b, the Eucharist is seen as a holy thing which is not to be given to dogs. Wilhite sees the clear reference to Matthew 7:6. However, in Matthew 7, as well as Matthew 15:26-27, "dogs" refer to gentiles. Here the "dogs" are people who have not been baptized, and the "holy things" are the Eucharistic elements (Wilhite 2019, p. 212). In each instance, there is a reference to an inside and an outside group. The application to the Eucharist indicates that it is necessary to be a holy person so as to receive a holy thing. Wilhite, considering the parallel expression in Didache 10.6, sees repentance and baptism as the prerequisites (Wilhite 2019, p. 212).
   Didache 10 provides more liturgical material. Wilhite takes the material to be reconstructed in "the following order: (1) initial or opening Eucharist remarks; (2) immediately followed by or accompanied with the cup and broken bread; (3) followed by or accompanied with a corporate meal; (4) upon finishing the meal, closing Eucharist comments; (5) a concluding corporate liturgy with Μαραναθά. Ἀμήν" (Wilhite 2019, p. 213). As in other transitions, Wilhite sees a literary marker, this time μετά plus an infinitive. There has been a meal along with the chalice and bread. Now the community gives thanks. Here the adjective "holy" is used with the Father. Wilhite takes this to convey the trinitarian concept used in Didache 7.1, 3; 9.5 (Wilhite 2019, p. 213). There is further a concept of either the Name or the Triune God dwelling "within those partaking the Eucharist" (Wilhite 2019, p. 214). Wilhite considers whether this may "be incipient theosis and Johannine union with God" (Wilhite 2019, p. 214). It is not entirely clear in his mind, yet there is an element of being baptized "into the name of God" and there does appear to be a transformation, preparing the people to receive the Eucharist. Here in chapter 10, knowledge, faith, and immortality are interconnected with the Eucharist. Yet Wilhite questions whether it is safe to assume that immortality is applied only to those in the way of life, but not to the way of death (Wilhite 2019, p. 214). Wilhite notes that in the second century Ignatius (Eph. 20.2) and Acts of John (109) refer to the bread of the Eucharist with immortality (Wilhite 2019, p. 215).
   In Didache 10.3-4 God is addressed as the creator. Wilhite sees this as a means of indicating that God is the one who can provide for all humans (Wilhite 2019. p. 216). Because this obligates all people to give thanks to God, those on the way of death, though they are provided for, do not give thanks to God. They receive food, "but the spiritual food is given to those partaking hte Eucharist (Did. 10.3)" (Wilhite 2019. p. 216, emphasis his). The identity of the participants of the Eucharist is separated from that of those who do not partake. Didache 10.5 then asks God to remember and gather his church. This is a form of rescue, akin to the Lord's Prayer's plea for deliverance from evil. Wilhite observes that this pray references the theme of "perfection" from Didache 6.2, an eschatological outlook (Wilhite 2019. p. 217).
   Wilhite finds Didache 10.6-7 to make an odd ending to the liturgies. Verse 6 calls for grace to come and for the world to end. The use of "Hosanna" here calls out praise to God (Wilhite 2019. p. 218). There is additionally a call to repentance. The Eucharist has already been established as a celebration of the holy ones, but here some are presented as holy and some may not be. It therefore seems out of place in the Eucharistic liturgy. Verse seven then moves abruptly to prophets, granting them "to partake of the Eucharist in any way they deem necessary" (Wilhite 2019. p. 218). This is sharply different from the patterns established previously.
   Wilhite moves on to discuss the Coptic Addition to the Didache, dealing with ointment. Wilhite observes that this passage, not found in the Jerusalem manuscript, has been reconstructed and is identified in Didache 10.8 and 16.9-12 (Wilhite 2019. p. 219). 10.8 appears in the Apostolic Constitutions (VII, 27, 1-2). The Coptic papyrus includes 10.3b-12.2a (Wilhite 2019. p. 219). Wilhite is noncommittal about inclusion of the text, but in general sides with Jefford and Niederwimmer, who take the ointment prayer as an interpolation near the end of the 2nd century or beginning of the 3rd century (Wilhite 2019. p. 220). A salient question is why, if it was interpolated in the second century, was it not included in an eleventh century manuscript, and why that eleventh century manuscript would be understood as more reliable. The material is coherent with other parts of the eucharistic liturgy in both its content and the structure with section markers including a short doxology (Wilhite 2019. p. 221). An anointing with oil is frequently seen as an adjunct to prayers for the sick, and is also seen as a figure of Christ, perfectly consistent with and often used in conjunction with baptism. Wilhite leaves this as a question that is best to be discussed in other studies.

20th Century Liturgical Reunification

2/9/2024

2/9/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Eighteen: Liturgical Revision and Renewal." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 637-692.

Senn concludes that toward the end of the 20th century (note the copyright in 1997) forms of liturgy stabilized somewhat across denominational lines, showing similar patterns in eucharistic theology, the use of a calendar and a lectionary, along with increasing similarity in hymnody (Senn 1997, 637). He reviews a number of worship books published since the late 1960s. Senn notes that the publication of trial editions of liturgy has shed a good deal of light on projects of liturgical development (Senn 1997, 639). The liturgical developments spurred, among other things, a commission which saw cooperation between the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod and the Lutheran Church in America to develop a new pan-Lutheran hymnal (Senn 1997, 640ff). In 1978 the Lutheran Book of Worship was released, even as the Missouri Synod withdrew from the process and released their Lutheran Worship in 1982. Methodist and Presbyterian groups have made similar efforts to test, approve, and release liturgical materials (Senn 1997, 643ff).

In Senn's opinion, many of the liturgies published in the late 20th century are similar in shape and use very similar texts (Senn 1997, 645). The shape essentially gathers the people, delivers the word, then the sacrament, then dismisses the people. Senn continues with a chart comparing the service in Roman, Lutheran, Anglican, Methodist, and Presbyterian customs (Senn 1997, 646-647). While the elements are not identical across the spectrum, and while different bodies allow for different insertions or omissions, the worship elements do build a similar service. Senn discusses a few of the distinctive features briefly.

Senn further describes a convergence in eucharistic theology across denominational lines. He goes on to describe "conclusions reached in the Anglican-Roman Catholic and Lutheran-Roman Catholic dialogues, in the historic Leuenberg Concordat between the German Lutheran and REformed churches, and to the World Council of Churches Faith and Order Commission document, 'Baptism, Eucharist, and Ministry' (BEM), which has been in the process of 'reception' by the churches of the world" (Senn 1997, 651). The example Senn goes on to discuss involves a definition of "personal presence" of Christ in the Eucharist which is sufficiently vague to allow for nearly any interpretation (Senn 1997, 652ff). Discussion is ongoing about the nature of the communion elements, the role of the officiant, and the relationship between pastor/priest and congregants.

The development and adoption of some form of the three year common lectionary signals to Senn a substantial basis for fellowship and cooperation (Senn 1997, 657). The similarity of readings may lead to a greater similarity of priorities in the life of the Church. Senn provides details about the overall construction of the cycles (Senn 1997, 657ff).

Ecumenical discussion of baptism has been another area of concern in the late 20th century, particularly due to issues surrounding missionary work (Senn 1997, 661ff). Both Christian initiation of children and of adults are concerns in these discussions. Senn describes in some detail the process defined in Vatican II known as RCIA, the Rite of the Christian Initiation of Adults, which tries to build a process based on early Christian descriptions (Senn 1997, 662ff). The process was slow to be adopted in Roman Catholic circles and has seen more resistance outside of the Roman Catholic Church. Where a more standard process has emerged it has mostly been between the Episcopal Church and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.

Baptism and confirmation, generally understood as initiatory rites, are not the only occasions when liturgy marks a milestone. Senn observes a number of other times are typically accompanied by rituals. Marriage ceremonies are very important from a social and religious standpoint. The challenges of an expectation that secular and ecumenical customs will be brought into a wedding service are very real, and are a matter of some delicacy in pastoral care (Senn 1997, 666).

Rites for ordination within the Roman Catholic Church are very clearly defined (Senn 1997, 667). Senn describes these ceremonies in some detail. The Episcopal rite is relatively similar to that of the Roman Catholic Church (Senn 1997, 668). In contrast, since Lutherans do not normally understand the functions of bishops, pastors, and deaconesses in the same way, these ordination rites follow different patterns. Methodist ordination tends to be similar to that in the Episcopal tradition.

Penance, or reconciliation, is now often treated as a rite of restoration, rather than as an element of church discipline (Senn 1997, 669). Vatican II treated it also as a rite to gather people who had resolved a conflict against one another. The social relationship between Christians has a greater focus than does the confession of sin before God (Senn 1997, 670). Lutherans typically use a brief order of public confession and absolution as a prelude to a Divine Service in which communion will be celebrated.

A ritual for anointing the sick and praying for healing has been a typical feature of Chrsitian practice. Protestants who practice these rituals must overcome a bias against "extreme unction" while Roman Catholics must overcome a history of holding off on anointing with oil until the deathbed (Senn 1997, 671).

Funeral practices remain a significant element in rites of passage, though the reality of death has been tempered by medical and funeral home practices (Senn 1997, 671). Senn observes that this can be overcome by use of historic funeral liturgies which are full of Chrsitian symbolism (Senn 1997, 672).

The growth of an emphasis on liturgy has influenced the sense of Christian community and has even resulted in some changes of architectural patterns as the spaces used for worship are designed to reflect current emphases (Senn 1997, 672-673). Senn describes some of the building designs that emphasize either a liturgical or a non-liturgical viewpoint.

Senn closes this chapter with a lengthy discussion of liturgical challenges. First, as liturgy lives within culture, it is always influenced in some way by local cultural expression (Senn 1997, 676). The attitude within Roman Catholic circles has increasingly accepted a multicultural view of the Church (Senn 1997, 677). It is not altogether clear whether Senn approves of this or not. He does describe Lutheran studies which consider whether the liturgy should be contextualized. In general, Lutherans have spoken about the need for the Gospel to have some contrast with the culture (Senn 1997, 678). However, Senn goes on to discuss adaptation of cultural ritual into Christianity as a matter of pastoral discretion. He appears open to a wide array of rituals which do not have roots in Christian practice (Senn 1997, 679). The world of musical composition has seen both moves toward and away from historic liturgical usage of music (Senn 1997, 680-681). Senn notes that in much of African American piety there are practices which, though they are from white Western culture, have become thoroughly adapted and now appear characteristic of an African-American culture. This begs the question of to whom the liturgy "belongs" (Senn 1997, 682). A similar question of cultural accommodation is the recognition of holidays, when a secular calendar observes a number which have roots in Christian piety, but has re-invented some of those holidays. Senn speaks about the challenge to Christianity as it seeks to retain its own calendar (Senn 1997, 683).

Senn devotes considerable space to the critiques lodged by feminists against the liturgy. It is important for understanding this portion of the book to recall its publication in 1997. Liturgical reforms of the 1960s and beyond had focused on use of "gender-inclusive" language (Senn 1997, 684). At this time in history, the term implied an acceptance that male and female terminology could normally be used interchangeably. The concept of gender fluidity was not widely known. Senn notes the difficulties already inherent in the 20th century attempts to create gender-neutral language (Senn 1997, 684-685).

The church growth movement is another source of challenges to the liturgy which Senn identifies. Its open advocacy of having no liturgy and its rejection of historic forms of church practice creates an environment which is very hostile to any codified liturgical worship (Senn 1997, 687). Senn identifies the practices of this movement as directly related to the revivalist frontier Christianity of the 19th century (Senn 1997, 688). Senn provides a summary of a typical service from a megachurch in Arizona. In my experience, things have changed a great deal since the late 1990s. The materials from the church in Arizona seem very orthodox compared to much practice some 25 years later.

Senn concludes briefly that, in the face of various types of opposition, it is necessary for churches to emphasize the richness of their liturgical heritage (Senn 1997, 691-692).

Modernism in Liturgy

2/2/2024

2/2/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Seventeen: The Modern Liturgical Movement." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 609-636.

Senn notes that after World War I there was a development of Modernity concurrent with the survival of Romanticism in various realms of thought and culture (Senn 1997, 609). The modernist deconstruction efforts may be seen in the theological moves of historical-critical study and the demythologizing work of many scholars (Senn 1997, 610). Neo-orthodox theologians pursued their own efforts at deconstruction as they attempted to reach a form of orthodoxy which may have existed prior to Romanticism. Senn observes that the work of Gregory Dix to recover the significance of ritual actions argued for a meaningful sequence of activities which could be used to recover apostolic practice and hence its meaning (Senn 1997, 610).

Senn considers the liturgical renewal work of monastic schools to be of importance in the development of a conception "of the corporate character of the liturgy as 'the work of the people'" (Senn 1997, 612). Mucho f this work occurred among Benedictine monasteries, numerous of which are considered in turn by Senn. The liturgical considerations took on a theme of discussion of "mystery" (Senn 1997, 614) which I observe is based on the Greek word μυστήριον, frequently appearing as the Latin sacramentum.

Senn finds in the modern liturgical renewal a focus on the eucharist and the element of mystery which serves to tie all the aspects together (Senn 1997, 615). He describes in brief the application of mystery to thanksgiving, to fellowship, to commemoration, and to sacrifice. It has historically been through a confession of the mystery of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist that people have recognized its power (Senn 1997, 616). The mystery is also intimately related with symbolic actions and pieces of artwork. The things present or done in worship point to a greater reality (Senn 1997, 617). Much doctrinal study focused on the concept of re-prasentatio - what "representation" actually implies (Senn 1997, 618).

The 20th century liturgical renewal was disseminated through conferences and publications which reached to parishes through clergy (Senn 1997, 620). Senn notes that the movement was more successful "in Belgium, Germany, Austria, and France" (Senn 1997, 620). In Britain he identifies a resistance to what is perceived as Roman Catholic. Studies in America were primarily developed within Roman Catholic piety, though the programs have been available to Protestants as well (Senn 1997, 621-622). The movement has seen some success among Lutherans, especially of German extraction (Senn 1997, 623), not only in Germany, but spreading to Scandinavia and to several Lutheran church bodies in the United States (Senn 1997, 624).

Senn notes that the North American Common Service, in use in numerous Lutheran church bodies, was revised with the intent of developing a common liturgy. The effort did not gain the participation of the Missouri Synod, but did have broad support, resulting in the Service Book and Hymnal of 1958 (Senn 1997, 626). Senn describes the revisions in some detail.

The Vatican II discussions, lasting from 1962-1965, represent a substantial liturgical evolution of the 20th century, particularly as they involved many representatives from Protestant Christianity as well as Roman representatives (Senn 1997, 629). Revisions to the liturgy were the first and possibly most obvious decisions. Senn describes the principles in some detail. The intention of the revisions was to involve the entire congregation in the liturgy while avoiding any departures from historic forms and patterns within the liturgy (Senn 1997, 630). Senn considers a weakness to be the relative lack of concentration on sacred art and music, which could have elevated the outcomes in the opinion of the participants in liturgy.

The 20th century saw a strong movement of ecumenical involvement in social service projects, especially after Vatican II (Senn 1997, 632). These activities normally included elements of anti-discrimination politics and of rediscovery of one's own ethnic and cultural heritage (Senn 1997, 633). Senn observes this interfered with moves to publish worship materials which would be accepted by divergent people groups. Hymnody was studied, resulting in collations of most widely accepted hymns. A three-year lectionary was also developed and adopted by a broad spectrum of users (Senn 1997, 634).

Liturgy in the Age of Romanticism

1/26/2024

1/26/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Sixteen: Liturgy in the Age of Romanticism." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 568-608.

Senn considers both the French and American Revolutions to be rooted in the ideals of the Enlightenment, and to have served in part to validate Enlightenment values, ushering in a move which became Romanticism (Senn 1997, 568). Of the two revolutions, he acknowledges the French as the more forceful. Senn observes, "Romanticism is an effort to bring one age to the rescue of another, which means that the leading romantics were also critics of their own age and culture" (Senn 1997, 569). A rise of ethnic identity came about, possibly as a form of nostalgia. Senn observes the parallel increased interest in historical liturgy and ritual as indicative of the same nostalgia (Senn 1997, 570).

After the French Revolution, the new government established new national holidays to replace church observances, as well as removing the bulk of Roman Catholic priests from office (Senn 1997, 571). Governmental approval was required for any religious meetings or ceremonies. After the fall of Napoleon in 1815, a form of Romantic Catholicism came into being (Senn 1997, 572). In Russian Christianity, marriage between Orthodox and Lutherans was permitted so as to stimulate immigration into mining communities. The worship and culture took on a more cosmopolitan tone (Senn 1997, 573). Concurrent with these events, in Britain the Industrial Revolution introduced dramatic social changes (Senn 1997, 574). This revolution created a distance between people and the Church by its geographical and occupational upheaval. Senn observes that Britain saw significant debate about the nature of ecclesial authority during this period (Senn 1997, 575). Germany's geography was impacted by the fall of Napoleon (Senn 1997, 577). The newly enlarged kingdom of Prussia considered whether unity between all Protestants could be pursued effectively (Senn 1997, 578). At the same time, a confessional revival was under way, which reacted strongly against the Prussian Union. Until 1840, not only were churches required to be part of the Prussian Union, but also emigration was not allowed. When it was allowed in 1840, a wave of confessional Lutherans came to the United States (Senn 1997, 579). Where the Prussian Union did not exist, a "high church Lutheranism" grew. These movements were considered extreme by the more unionistic groups (Senn 1997, 580). Among the Reformed and Lutherans in North America, articulation of doctrinal stances led to deep divisions, including divisions between the North American and European versions of the same church bodies (Senn 1997, 581). In Scandinavia, after the fall of Napoleon, Norway was ceded to Sweden some years after Finland was taken by Russia. Denmark had accepted much of the Enlightenment philosophy (Senn 1997, 582). This led to a Rationalistic bias along with a rise of Pietism.

Among the Lutherans in North America, Senn observes a desire for "intersynodical cooperation on the basis of confessional ties" around the mid 1800s (Senn 1997, 585). Debate on matters including slavery and the right interpretation of biblical authority were significant causes of dissent, as were debates regarding confessional subscription and church fellowship. In the later part of the 19th century the development of a common worship book and liturgy which would be acceptable to the broadest possible spectrum of Lutherans was pursued (Senn 1997, 586). The resulting order of service was based on 16th century Lutheran liturgies. Many of the prayers and other liturgical wording were based on the English Book of Common Prayer and were justified by the fact that Cranmer had drawn on German Lutheran material (Senn 1997, 588). Intonations based on plainchant or based on Anglican or German Lutheran tunes were generally adopted for use (Senn 1997, 589). Several ancillary resources were published by the early 20th century. Senn observes that these publications did tend to bring some Lutheran church bodies together.

Senn notes that church music was at a low point in the early 1800s. Congregations were not generally singing responsories, organ accompaniment was not emphasized, and hymnody was largely neglected (Senn 1997, 592). A revival of Reformation hymnody took place, including publication of a number of German hymnals in the 1850s. New composition was generally neglected amid debates about the appropriateness of Christian art music, including the works of Bach being used rather than solely 16th century hymnody (Senn 1997, 593-594). Toward the close of the 19th century, a number of organ composers rose to prominence in Europe (Senn 1997, 594-595). However, for the most part, 19th century hymnody and choral writing throughout Europe is considered lackluster (Senn 1997, 597). Senn does detail a movement of composers who would adapt tunes of more famous secular composers to serve as hymn tunes (Senn 1997, 598-599). American hymnody based on folk tunes became more popular, though among Lutherans in America much of the hymnody was based on music imported from the church's nation of origin (Senn 1997, 600-601).

Senn observes that in America during the 19th century there was a tendency for the more simple, revivalist churches to develop the arrangement of a concert all, with the choir and preacher on a stage, but for the building to become more ornate as time passed (Senn 1997, 602). At the same time, there was a revival of Gothic architecture which resulted in buildings with a more Medieval European appearance. Senn observes that both designs suffer from a failure to emphasize the corporate nature of participation in worship as a body, rather than as a spectator (Senn 1997, 604).

Senn does note the strength, especially of the neo-Gothic churches, to provide a place for individual meditation and prayer (Senn 1997, 604). The buildings do successfully provide public gathering places and secluded areas.

The function of church buildings prompts Senn to discuss the use of art and vestments (Senn 1997, 605). Art can be seen as serving a teaching purpose or as an aid to devotion and prayer. The purposes of the art is a subject of debate, as is the matter of its appropriateness in liturgy as opposed to in religious encouragement (Senn 1997, 606). Along with an acknowledgement of liturgical art as something which should be as timeless and powerful as the liturgy, Senn recognizes that non-liturgical art may be more contextual in nature. Along with a revival in interest in art and architecture, the 19th century saw a revival of interest in the garments and textile features of the church (Senn 1997, 606-607). Traditional liturgical colors took on a more standardized appearance, with the "correct" color for the season or occasion being observed. Senn includes a listing of the typical colors (Senn 1997, 607).

Liturgy in the Age of Reason

1/19/2024

1/19/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Fifteen: Liturgy in the Age of Reason." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 538-567.

Toward the end of the 17th century, Christian Orthodoxy was challenged on the one side by pietism (see ch. 14) and on the other side by the Enlightenment and its emphasis on Rationalism (Senn 1997, 538). Thinkers tended to see a conflict "between reason and biblical revelation" (Senn 1997, 539). This led to challenges against the validity of an orthodox understanding of Scripture. Rather than pursuit of a religion based on Scripture, the emphasis became that of a natural religion based on moral and ethical behavior (Senn 1997, 540). Senn considers some of this shift as a reaction to Pietism and some as a natural outgrowth of Pietism's rejection of traditional rites and practices.

Senn begins his analysis of the situation and developments by considering the breakdown of liturgical order as seen in the use of music (Senn 1997, 541). The Enlightenment viewed the intellectual development of people as of prime importance. Liturgy could easily be seen as speaking to "humanity's sensual, or nonintellectual, nature" (Senn 1997, 541). Liturgical music became simpler and more sentimental in nature. The sermon became the most important part of the gathering. Senn describes the codified orders of worship in some detail. The materials tend to paraphrase ritual speech, including the Lord's Prayer and institution narratives around the eucharist, making substantive alterations in meaning as well as wording (Senn 1997, 542-543). Senn observes that in areas influenced by Lutheran traditions the alterations to liturgy were generally less radical, due to a consensus that Lutherans would hold in some way to Lutheran traditions (Senn 1997, 544). However, at least in North America, they tended to become highly politically active (Senn 1997, 546). By the late 1700s and early 1800s, especially in attempts at English language liturgy, more flexibility in wording became the norm in North America. Senn observes that the liturgies became increasingly Rationalist in their outlook (Senn 1997, 547).

The move toward Rationalism was not unified. Senn notes that the Second Great Awakening, a predominantly Wesleyan movement, departed from the contemporary Rationalistic tendencies (Senn 1997, 548). The Methodist piety was outside of the mainstream of Christianity at its time. Senn notes it was at one and the same time enthusiastic in nature and sacramental, with an emphasis on "baptism, the Lord's Supper, and prayer" (Senn 1997, 549). Wesley created an amended version of the Book of Common Prayer for use in American congregations, generally making the service shorter so as to allow for frequent communion. At the other end of the spectrum of formality, Senn describes a party of high-church, traditional Anglicans who participated in the founding of the Episcopal church in North America (Senn 1997, 5541). This in turn led to significant disputes over ordination and revisions to the Book of Common Prayer, particularly in regard to its language affirming the English monarch (Senn 1997, 552). Senn describes these liturgical developments in some detail.

Enlightenment ideals tended to decrease the role of music, particularly of choir schools associated with Latin schools, in public life. Senn notes the practices of the choirs "were all considered unseemly by enlightened citizens" (Senn 1997, 556). Secular concerts and opera productions gained a more prominent place in society. The Romantic idea of art for art's sake was becoming established in the early 1800s. Senn describes in brief the work of numerous composers in the generation after J.S. Bach. While church music declined in Lutheran circles, the Reformed churches relaxed some of their musical principles, resulting in a growth of inventive hymnody (Senn 1997, 558).

The Enlightenment desire for a virtuous society led to an increased concern for the rite of confirmation (Senn 1997, 559). Within Lutheran circles, some groups had rejected confirmation as a nonessential rite, while others placed a high value on it. For communities which practiced confirmation, the methods of examining and the rites of confirmation showed considerable variation (Senn 1997, 560-561).

Senn observes that Rationalism, like Revivalism, sought an emotional response to the Christian message, thus placing rationalism and revivalism in close fellowship with each other (Senn 1997, 562). Revivalist camp meetings would gather people around the Scripture, prayer, and observance of the Lord's Supper (Senn 1997, 563). The revivalist movement typically abandoned historic forms of worship and replaced it with a strongly emotive liturgy. The pragmatic views of Charles Finney, among others, have shaped American Christianity up to the present (Senn 1997, 564).

Senn reflects that the role of emotion in worship is challenging. "Preaching and church music will appeal to the emotions" (Senn 1997, 565). The difficulty is in deciding how worship should be designed, and whether its purpose is to inspire emotions. Authentic worship, to Senn, is "not human design but the presence of Christ in the proclamation of the gospel and in the celebration of the sacraments, whose Spirit works through these means to create, sustain, and awaken faith" (Senn 1997, 565). The things we do have an impact. It is not always clear if that impact is the appropriate response. We are simply more complex than we often think.

Liturgy in the Age of Certainty

1/12/2024

1/12/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Fourteen: Liturgy in the Age of Certainty." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 483-537.

Senn considers the 17th century as difficult to categorize, as there were multiple developments theologically and culturally, as well as in art, music, and architecture. He settles on "the age of certainty" due to Descartes' conclusion that there is being related to thought (Senn 1997, 484). The certainty may well have been evidenced in communities of faith which pursued a theological conformity so as to unify the people of their area (Senn 1997, 485). Senn observes that this included Prussian prohibitions against Lutheran practices such as use of "candles, copes, chasubles, Latin hymns, and the sign of the cross" (Senn 1997, 485). The concern was for true doctrine, but the understanding of what constituted true doctrine varied from place to place (Senn 1997, 486).

Senn begins his review of the age of orthodoxy by considering developments in the Eastern Church, as the center shifted in the 16th century toward Russia (Senn 1997, 486). As Rome declined in authority, then Constantinople fell, the guardians of Orthodoxy remained in Moscow (Senn 1997, 487). During this time period, there were moves to revise liturgy in the East so as to create consistency among the ethnic Syrians, Greeks, Ukranians, and Russians. This endeavor was fraught with difficulty, largely due to the static nature of the oral traditional liturgy, which resisted change (Senn 1997, 488).

Meanwhile, in the West, after the Council of Trent, Rome tended to centralize their hierarchy (Senn 1997, 489). Senn notes that while in the Lutheran tradition congregational hymns formed part of the liturgy, in Roman practice there were hymns which the congregation could sing during the celebration of the mass, although they were to "stop during the reading of the gospel, at the elevation, and at the final blessing" (Senn 1997, 490). Choral singing was also an element, unrelated to the actual progression of the liturgy. The mass and actual reception of communion were also separate from one another (Senn 1997, 490-491).

About the same time, in Gaul, the Jansenist movement reacted against external religiosity in favor of a more internal piety (Senn 1997, 491). The conflict which arose, especially between the Jansenists and the Jesuits, led to controversies regarding the frequency of reception of communion, as well as regarding publication of various liturgical manuals (Senn 1997, 492). The Council of Trent had specifically allowed for liturgical usage which was at least 200 years old. The Jansenist movement spurred historical research into, and recovery of, older Gallican liturgical elements (Senn 1997, 493).

The period of Lutheran orthodoxy from about 1580 to 1750 was not highly creative in terms of liturgical orders (Senn 1997, 494). The changes which came about, in Senn's opinion, were largely motivated by Lutheran leaders not pursuing an ascetic agenda which would make a strong show of Christian commitment. The Thirty Years' War in the early 1600s was also closely related to moves of the Reformation as understood by various groups of people (Senn 1997, 495). It resulted in a mixing of civil and religious life, with legal requirements to gain catechesis and attend church (Senn 1997, 496). This made outward change but failed to produce a moral commitment in the general public. In reaction to what some considered practice without faith, there were moves to recover hymnody and Christian spiritual traditions.

Articulations of Lutheran Pietism arose in the second half of the 17th century (Senn 1997, 497). The Pietists, who were seen as separatists, were driven out of some areas, but gathered in others, thriving in some communities by the early 18th century (Senn 1997, 498). Among noteworthy Pietists was Count Nicholas von Zinzendorf, whose estate became a refuge to "Lutherans, Reformed, Brethren, Separatists, and even Roman Catholics. Zinzendorf became the de facto bishop of the community and eventually led the Moravians to North America" (Senn 1997, 498). While the movement does not show many marks in liturgical development, there is a marked emphasis on subjective experience and especially on the experience and personality of the minister who would conduct services.

In contrast to the Pietistic movement, the region of Saxony, and particularly the city of Leipzig, flourished in the early 18th century as a place of orthodoxy in which the Christian faith was very evidently alive (Senn 1997, 499). Senn describes the church life in some detail, drawing on descriptions made by the sexton of St. Thomas Church from 1716-1739, while J.S. Bach was the cantor.

Lutheran orthodoxy came to North America, established initially on the Delaware River in New Sweden (Senn 1997, 502). Though the area was subsequently colonized by the Dutch, then the British, Lutheran worship continued in the area. As time progressed and Swedish immigration and use of the Swedish language declined, Senn observes the Lutherans tended to join with the Anglicans in opposition to the growing Pietism of the Quaker movement, thus resulting in an absorption of Lutheranism into Anglicanism (Senn 1997, 502). The two church bodies had a high degree of agreement in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Senn 1997, 503). Under the leadership of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, the Pennsylvania Ministerium was founded in 1748, and shortly developed a liturgy which would be acceptable to the congregants, mostly from Germany, rather than Sweden.

During the age of orthodoxy the Anglican church was driven by a need to create "comprehension" in the sense of unifying those with Catholic and Puritan sentiments in one church body (Senn 1997, 505). Despite Puritan sentiment opposed to ceremonies and ornamentation, the 1604 Prayer Book and Canons retained at least some ceremony. The advocates of High Church polity objected to the Prayer Book for reasons essentially opposite to those of the Puritans. Seeking rapprochement with the Scottish bishops, a Prayer Book was updated, with some rites and language intended to be more similar to Scottish idioms and to English liturgical patterns (Senn 1997, 506). Though introduced in 1537, the riots inspired led to the Civil War and to the book remaining out of use until the 18th century.

Senn returns to describe the English 1662 Book of Common Prayer, which bore a significant similarity to several earlier versions. Adjustments in the liturgy, focused on a greater role of the people as opposed to "specialists," were also reflected in a simplification of architecture, best illustrated by Sir Christopher Wren (Senn 1997, 507). This version of the Prayer Book was in use until the late 20th century, though a revision was proposed in 1928. Senn discusses the elements and order of worship in some detail (Senn 1997, 508ff).

The Puritan movement, in the early 17th century, showed a strong biblicism and was marked by a rejection of extrabiblical liturgical practices, particularly those seen as imposed by an outside authority (Senn 1997, 510). Senn notes that there was a strong commitment to local authority. The response of the British Parliament included an analysis of the Book of Common Prayer, concluding in 1583 with a formal statement that it "containeth nothing in it contrary to the Word of God" (Senn 1997, 512). The Puritans continued their dissent, particularly rejecting imposed liturgical actions. One practice Senn notes specifically is the creation in 1944 of a Directory for the Publique Worship of God, which provided instructions for each step of a worship service, but phrased so as to serve as a prompt for prayer (Senn 1997, 514-515). Puritanism in North America led to acceptance of local distinctions. Because of the emphasis on personal, rather than ecclesial, interpretation of Scripture, the movement tended to fragment into small splinter groups (Senn 1997, 516).

Senn observes that this same period saw a significant shift in the style of music used in liturgy. The Council of Trent limited the complexity of church music. The resulting style of singing hymns and Psalms gave birth to a different style of polyphony which grew into common use in the European Baroque period (Senn 1997, 517-518). Church cantatas, similar in form to opera, but based on biblical texts, were regularly used during Lutheran services (Senn 1997, 519). On the other hand, this practice was tempered in British usage. The strict Calvinism was not held in Britain, but cantatas were normally present only in the cathedrals. Much of the music in use was associated with the canticles for Morning Prayer and Evening Prayer (Senn 1997, 520).

Within Reformed and Puritan traditions, singing was largely that of metrical Psalms (Senn 1997, 521). The development of hymnody was mostly carried on in Lutheran circles. Senn considers the Thirty Years' War as a significant stimulus for hymnody (Senn 1997, 521-522). Especially inLutheran practice, hymnody reflective of God's grace appeared frequently. In musical developments, the use of figured bass and organ settings increased (Senn 1997, 524).

Senn observes that J.S. Bach's church music brought liturgical music to a pinnacle, though scholars in secular circles tend to read Enlightenment values into his work, ignoring the importance of the liturgical elements visible in his music written for use in the Church (Senn 1997, 525). In fact, there is evidence that Bach deliberately attempted to place himself in situations where he could develop the musical and liturgical life of the Church in terms of Lutheran orthodoxy, rather than pietism.

With the Reformation's emphasis on the church as a congregation, architectural features of church buildings required reconsideration. Senn observes that during the medieval period churches tended to be divided into a series of areas where different groups could function at the same time (Senn 1997, 529). With the renewed emphasis on preaching and teaching, both in Reformational and Roman circles, there developed an interest in bringing the whole congregation together. Senn describes some of the typical renovations which would make this more practicable.

Due to destruction of buildings during the Thirty Years' War, and from fire or due to population shifts at any time, some church buildings needed to be constructed. "Lutherans readily adopted the new Baroque forms, but also arranged their buildings to reflect and expedite the requirements of evangelical worship that had not been possible with a mere adaptation of existing medieval buildings" (Senn 1997, 530). Senn notes that in Lutheran architecture the pulpit and altar were in close proximity to one another. In Reformed buildings the altar was often absent, as the service centered around preaching (Senn 1997, 531). Christopher Wren's work after the London fire of 1666 was definitive in establishing patterns for churches from his time forward (Senn 1997, 532).

Senn observes that in the age of orthodoxy liturgy was understood as a regulated practice which reflected pre-existing truth (Senn 1997, 533). lex orandi and lex credendi were to remain consistent with one another and historic faith and practice. As Senn puts it, "Liturgy proclaims God, not ideas about God: and the God who is encountered in the liturgy is the God revealed in Christ who comes to us concretely through the means of grace" (Senn 1997, 534). This confession of Christ in the liturgy may be seen as early as Irenaeus, who viewed creeds as a "rule of faith" and in Hippolytus, who reports an embryonic form of the Apostles' Creed (Senn 1997, 535). Senn reviews in brief the function of the liturgical elements of the Divine Service to proclaim Christ to the congregation.

Ritual and Liturgy

10/24/2023

10/24/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Two: The Incarnational Reality of Christian Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 30-49.

Senn observes that religious rites contain symbols which connect the rite with deeply human ways of knowing and experiencing ideas (Senn 1997, 30). Christianity uses a great number of these ritual symbols. Augustine referred to the sacrament as a visible word created by God's word coming to a visible element, and would use the word "sacrament" of many actions (Senn 1997, 31).

Theological distinctions between sacrament and sacrifice have long been recognized. Senn is clear that here, "sacrifice" does not mean that which atones for sin but rather that which the Christian does in thanksgiving to God. The "sacrament," on the contrary, is what God provides for the good of His people (Senn 1997, 32). Senn does note that many actions in Christian practice have elements both of sacrament and sacrifice. They cannot be separated entirely (Senn 1997, 34). Chrsit routinely acts by means of words in our mortal mouth and actions performed by our hands.

In Christian piety, Christ plays a central role in sacramental encounters (Senn 1997, 36). Christ as the mediator between God and man not only receives human prayers and other sacrificial works on behalf of God, but delivers the sacramental blessings from God to humans. Senn traces this to very early in Christianity. He further considers that the language was clarified in the fact of heresy, not because the orthodox understanding changed, but because a clearer articulation was needed (Senn 1997, 37).

Because ritual and liturgy include both the actions of God and the actions of humans, Senn proposes that a study of liturgy must include theology and various human social sciences such as "anthropology, comparative religion, psychology, and sociology" (Senn 1997, 40). An understanding of both God and man is essential. There is an additional element dealing with the historical and theological use of symbolic elements (Senn 1997, 41), though I personally would classify this as history or anthropology. Senn's point, however, is helpful. Elements of liturgical ritual have a tendency to change slowly or even stop changing even when their original significance is no longer valid. Liturgy is static in nature, rather than being innovative. Senn finds that in a way liturgy is canonical in nature. It remains as presented (Senn 1997, 43).

Senn reminds the reader that liturgy serves the Gospel. In this it participates in the freedom which Christians have ascribed to the Gospel, as well as providing necessary structure in the life of the Church (Senn 1997, 43-44). Christian worship has been remarkably constant over the course of approximately 2,000 years. The constancy Senn considers to be catholicity. It is applied to the whole church over time (Senn 1997, 45). At the same time, the essential elements of the liturgy proclaim the unchanging message of the Gospel - Christ overcoming death for sinners, gathering them as the people of God. This is the evangelical, or gospel-centered, aspect of the liturgy.

Myth, Ritual, and a Priesthood

10/23/2023

10/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter One: The Repertoire of Rites." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 3-29.

Senn opens by discussing worship as less than liturgy due to its relative lack of ritual, but more than liturgy by its lack of spatial and temporal boundaries (Senn 1997, 3). While ritual may be looked down on by some rationalists, Senn finds it has a close relation to important social, psychological, and even biological developments. Liturgy of one sort or another is universal to Christianity. Senn also finds this the case in other religions and ordered societies, where people engage in a variety of rituals which can often identify the group (Senn 1997, 4).

Senn distinguishes between a sign and a symbol where a sign indicates something outside itself and a symbol has to do with participation in the symbol itself (Senn 1997, 5). For this reason, Senn understands "only a symbol" to be fallacious. By its nature, a symbol is never "only" or "merely."

While symbolic actions easily lead to allegorical interpretations, Senn observes that allegory has often been used in inadequate ways. He prefers the liturgical use of typology, which "suggests that there is a pattern in God's redemptive activity" (Senn 1997, 6).

Ritual plays an important role in society and particularly in the Church. Senn finds it both preserves the past and that it changes the way we look at the future (Senn 1997, 8). Senn classifies rites as those which sanctify life (baptism, marriage, burial, etc.), those which sanctify time (daily, weekly, or special occasional services), and those which sanctify space (consecration or blessing of a building, anniversaries, etc.). Though many rituals maintain strong meaning and function, some lose their power over time, leading to the idea that rituals are unimportant or even negative (Senn 1997, 9).

Senn points out that many rituals are rites of passage, crossing various thresholds, including that of death (Senn 1997, 9). These rites of passage mark steps in a greater process. As an example, baptism, whether it signifies death with Christ, washing, or adoption, still demonstrates a passing from the old life to the new (Senn 1997, 10). Senn discusses the symbolism of the washing in some detail. The question Senn would have us ask in regard to a sacrament or any other ritual is not what is minimally required for the ritual to be valid but rather what the full meaning and purpose of the ritual is (Senn 1997, 12). This leads to a greater appreciation for the act and its underlying meaning.

Senn sees myth as belonging with ritual, though the way they are related has historically been unclear (Senn 1997, 13). Myth has historically been understood as an explanation of something which is indisputably true, at least in its native culture. By this definition, "the Christian gospel serves the function of myth in that it relates a story that is regarded as absolutely true and that is intended to provide a pattern of behavior in those who hear it" (Senn 1997, 14). The Bible, further, takes mythic ideas and recasts them in such a way that the worldly myth is subservient to God. For instance, Senn notes that Genesis 1 describes the heavenly bodies, often an object of worship, as being put in place by God (Senn 1997, 15). Liturgy further takes on mythic ideas and uses the images and stories in Christian worship to God.

Another important element is ritual chanting and singing. Senn observes that it not only serves a mnemonic purpose, but can build cohesion in a group recitation and urge thoughtful meditation on a text (Senn 1997, 16). Use of music in Christian worship has a long and significant history.

Sacred meals are very important rites, especially within Christianity (Senn 1997, 17). Senn recalls that the Eucharist has sacrificial connotations within the ritual meal. He further provides a summary list from R.F. Yerkes of ways in which ancient concepts of sacrifice differ from modern concepts. In particular, the sacrifice had no secular meaning, was a joyful occasion offered specifically to a god, with an emphasis on thanksgiving and on giving something away (Senn 1997, 18).

Ritual celebrations often are observed at particular times in the solar or lunar calendar. Senn observes that if an event meets with God, the source of life, it should not be surprising that it happen regularly (Senn 1997, 19). Senn sees even the Sabbath as something derived from Babylonian religion and intended to provide for rest at an appropriate time which could be favored (Senn 1997, 20). Likewise, Senn thinks that various rituals, such as the Jewish feasts, had been gradually adapted from other observances (Senn 1997, 21).

Historically rituals are associated with particular sacred spaces. Senn notes the development of sacred space in Israel from altars set up by the patriarchs, to Sinai, the Ark of the Covenant, and eventually the temple (Senn 1997, 23). The temple provided a permanent place for sacrifice, though it was subsequently destroyed, being replaced, in Christian thought, with the Church, a living temple. The church buildings which were eventually built came to be seen as sacred spaces, but because of the Eucharistic celebrations which took place there (Senn 1997, 24).

Within Israel, and in other cultures, a priesthood holds sacred authority. Senn observes that, while in most cultures a monarch would exceed the priesthood in that authority, in Israel the prophets and priests represented God's sacred nature (Senn 1997, 24). The characterization of Israel as a priestly kingdom (Ex. 19:6) implies that the people were rooted in liturgy rather than the acts of a king (Senn 1997, 25). The people of Israel, though they didn't always succeed in practice, saw themselves as people who were set apart from surrounding foreign cultures as a people of God with a distinct culture. As the Christian period began, it was only the sect of Pharisaic Judaism and the Christians, identified as people who took the Torah as the important unifying element, who flourished. Those who depended on temple observances or a culture rather than definitive teaching, failed (Senn 1997, 27).

Didache 9-10 and Christian Liturgy

9/26/2023

9/26/23
Scholarly Reflections
Rouwhorst, Gerard. "Chapter Eight: Didache 9-10: A Litmus Test for the Research on Early Christian Liturgy Eucharist." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 143-156.

Rouwhorst notes the challenge Didache 6-10 presents to scholars. While it speaks in clear terms about liturgy, it is difficult to reconcile its description with the picture we normally have of liturgical development (Rouwhorst 2005, 143). Recent scholarship regarding baptismal formulas and prayer practices has largely resolved these challenges. However, Didache 9-10 and the Eucharist is a greater challenge (Rouwhorst 2005, 144). At its heart, Rouwhorst finds a question of the nature, source, and significance of the meal ritual or rituals which, with adaptation, make up the Eucharist.

When considering the celebration which underlies the current text of the Didache, Rouwhorst considers it important that we identify whether the Didache is intended as a comprehensive church order or as a document which selectively addressed issues which were pressing at the time (Rouwhorst 2005, 145). If it is the latter, there may we ll be elements of the Eucharist which we consider essential but were not mentioned because they were consdiered non-controversial. This allows for a variety of interpretations, including the presence of a large communal meal or an adaptation of a Hellenistic symposium (Rouwhorst 2005, 146). Rouwhorst considers the "missing" elements to be a relatively small problem, as other early Christian documents tend to give what we might consider to be incomplete descriptions of liturgical acts (Rouwhorst 2005, 147). However, the ritual as described in the Didache does make logical sense and may be understood as complete.

The source from which the meal is derived posts a second important question. Rouwhorst takes the prayers in Didache 9-10 to have Jewish origins into which Christian elements were incorporated (Rouwhorst 2005, 149). While there are suggestions that Hellenistic prayer texts could explain some of the differences between known Jewish prayers and those of the Didache, Rouwhorst notes we do not know of any such texts which do so (Rouwhorst 2005, 150). The oral traditional nature of some prayer rituals adds a complication to the question.

Rouwhorst's third question, which he considers the most important, is how Didache 9-10 fits into the development of the celebration of the Eucharist, along with other meal traditions (Rouwhorst 2005, 152). This question is further defined in terms of how we should understand the text, whether as an actual description of the rite at a particular time and place, or as an apologetic or etiological narrative. Rouwhorst evaluates various ways of interpreting the passage in the Didache, then concludes that there are elements of an etiological narrative but that the description, without the institution narrative, reflected actual practice, and that the institution narrative and self-conscious imitation of the Last Supper grew gradually, not becoming complete until the third or fourth century (Rouwhorst 2005, 154).

Development within "Handed-down" Traditions

3/10/2023

3/10/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Seven: Thematic Developments in the Eucharistic Liturgy." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 75-92.

Mazza evaluates ways in which eucharistic concepts may have developed as evidenced in various documents. He begins with the thanksgivings in Didache 9 and 10. In chapter nine, the typical Jewish thanksgiving for the "fruit of the vine" is expanded to the vine of David (Mazza 1999, 75). Mazza doesn't find a definite reference to Jesus' presence here. It may speak rather of the history of salvation made available in Israel's history (Mazza 1999, 76). Here, the stated "object of the thanksgiving is the 'holy Name' of God which he has 'made to dwell in our hearts;" (Mazza 1999, 77). Mazza considers that this may refer to God's presence in His people, but here not in the temple but in some other way (Mazza 1999, 78). God is present in the hearts of His people.

The thanksgiving in Didache 10.5 contains a petition which Mazza considers similar to the Birkat ha-Mazon. In the Jewish prayer the thanksgiving is for Israel, while the form in the Didache is focused on the Church (Mazza 1999, 78). While the content differs, Mazza sees a conceptual similarity, as the prayers both give thanks to God for the places and people central to the context of worship. There is also a prominent theme of a gathering, which Mazza finds also in Sirach 36:10-14 (Mazza 1999, 79).

Mazza goes on to describe Paul's use of eucharistic liturgy as evidenced in 1 Corinthians 10-11. "Paul conceives of the Eucharist as a sacrament of unity" (Mazza 1999, 81). This, as well as the concept of God's people being scattered, then gathered, may well be derived from Old Testament passages such as Jeremiah 37-38, where bad shepherds scatter God's sheep (Mazza 1999, 81). In passages such as Ezekiel 34, Isaiah 60, Isaiah 66, and Isaiah 27 God gathers his people together. They are brought firmly into an internal covenant in Jeremiah 39 (Mazza 1999, 82). The gathering of God's people is, therefore, an important Old Testament concept. Paul's development, which Mazza considers the last of important developments in the eucharist, is that "unity is connected with the sacramental nature and the efficacy of the Eucharist" (Mazza 1999, 83-84). God's people, gathered as one body, eat one bread. The eucharistic celebration actually serves to create unity, not merely to symbolize it (Mazza 1999, 85).

Mazza observes a connection between Didache 9-10 and John's Gospel though he freely admits there is no evidence to show the Didache as dependent on John (Mazza 1999, 86). Both come from a similar early Christian tradition. Mazza considers the theme of God drawing people into unity as the link between the two works (Mazza 1999, 87).

The "Mystical Eucharist" from book seven of Apostolic Constitutions shows a strong correspondence to the eucharist as described in the Didache (Mazza 1999, 88). Mazza considers the few distinctions between the two texts as important, so he addresses them in turn. The prayer for unity takes on what Mazza considers a Pauline emphasis on "us" rather than on "the Church" (Mazza 1999, 89). Christ is seen as a mediator of salvation, sent by the Father. The Words of Institution are also present, though absent from the Didache (Mazza 1999, 90). This signals an awareness of a sacramental function of the material, purposely handed down as a typological event.