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Matthew, Didache, and Ignatius of Antioch

9/18/2023

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9/18/23
Scholarly Reflections

Jefford, Clayton N. "Chapter Two: The Milieu of Matthew, the Didache, and Ignatius of Antioch: Agreements and Differences." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 35-47.

Jefford holds a position that Matthew, the Didache, and the genuine letters of Ignatius all have an Antiochian provenance, though he admits that the evidence for Antioch is tenuous for Matthew and the Didache (Jefford 2005, 36).The texts show signs of access to the same underlying resources, and Ignatius, though he doesn't use Matthew extensively, seems more influenced by Matthew than by the other canonical gospels. While the evidence remains tenuous, Jefford thinks one can make a reasoned conclusion that the same community exercised a strong ifnluence on the three works.

Jefford briefly considers arguments for Egypt as the provenance, observing all are inconclusive (Jefford 2005, 37). British scholarship has historically suggested Palestine as the provenance for the Didache. However, recent scholarship has tended to move at least the final stages of development of the Didache "away from Palestine toward Syria" (Jefford 2005, 38). He also finds some strength in arguments that Matthew may reflect a Syrian context.

The work of Jonathan Draper has recently made some credible suggestions that the Didache depends on a Q tradition which may have accumulated material as the community moved from Palestine to Syria (Jefford 2005, 39). Jefford considers Matthew to show many signs of influence from a Q community as well. The interplay of an established community and influences from outside the community is, in his opinion, an important similarity between Matthew and the Didache. The similarity in concepts but not in wording suggests dependence on similar oral sources, rather than a written source (Jefford 2005, 40). A challenge with this interpretation is presented by the actual use of the materials. Jefford observes that the same idea may be presented in very different contexts in Matthew and the Didache (Jefford 2005, 41). This could easily be taken to show the two texts have different provenance. Yet Jefford takes it as evidence that different authors applied the relevant ideas to different situations.

Jefford reminds his readers that we understand there to be, by necessity, a Jewish background to early Christianity. The influence of Paul was significant to the development of Christianity as well (Jefford 2005, 42). While Pauline theology is not clear in the Didache, we can see that Paul attests to communities in which there are elements both of Jewish and non-Jewish Chrsitianity. We know tha Antioch had both elements, as evidenced by remains in Antioch and by Acts 15 and Galatians 2 (Jefford 2005, 42). The Pauline influence in Antioch is clear, particularly as we consider the concerns which Ignatius shares in his letters (Jefford 2005, 43). Jefford notes the emphasis on heirarchy in Ignatius. Later bishops also show signs of dealing with Jewish factions in Christianity. This suggests there were Pauline and Petrine emphases in the same city.

Jefford considers it important to his inquiry that we attempt to identify the gospel text (or texts) which Ignatius would have taken as authoritative. This is a challenge, since Ignatius only clearly uses a handful of Old Testament writings (Jefford 2005, 44). There are no appeals to Mark, and only perhaps one allusion to Luke. While Jefford finds evidence of John's world of thought there are no quotations. Pauline interpretation seems clear. And the scholarly community largely agrees that Ignatius not only knew and used Matthew, but that he expected his readers to know Matthew as well (Jefford 2005, 45). Jefford therefore concludes that Antioch is a likely provenance for Matthew, and that the apparent parallels in the contexts of Matthew and the Didache suggest the same provenance for the Diache (Jefford 2005, 46). The confluence of evidence suggests to Jefford that Antioch is the most likely large city to serve, primarily due to the fact that Ignatius is clearly associated with that community.
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Matthew and Ignatius of Antioch

9/12/2023

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9/12/23
Scholarly Observations

Sim, David C. "Chapter Eight: Matthew and Ignatius of Antioch." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 139-154.

Sim observes that both Matthew and Ignatius can be placed in Antioch in Syria, within about 20 years of each other. This should suggest great similarity, but Sim notes striking contrasts. "Matthew belonged to the Law-observant strain of the Christian tradition that had not broken with Judaism and which opposed the Law-free Pauline tradition, while Ignatius represented the Pauline version of the Christian message and saw no compatibility whatsoever between the Christian tradition and the practice of Judaism" (Sim 2008, 139). Sim adds to this philosophical difference a suggestion that the two factions had been in conflict by the time of Ignatius.

Sim assigns the Gospel of Matthew to someone who was not a disciple of Jesus, but doesn't provide reasons, simply affirming the author is unknown (Sim 2008, 140). In contrast to Matthew's identity, Sim is confident that we know a good deal about Ignatius from his letters, that he was Bishop of Antioch and that he was transported to Rome for execution. On the way he wrote letters which tell the theological orientation held by himself and his church.

Matthew can be dated, in Sim's opinion, to 85-95. He places it in Antioch, though he admits to some scholarship suggesting Galilee. The evidence against Galilee is mainly based on the composition in Greek and the lack of discussion of the Jewish war (Sim 2008, 141). Ignatius' letters identify the author as Bishop of Syria, who resided in Antioch (Sim 2008, 142). The date during the reign of Trajan (98-117) is fairly certain, and most will assign the events to a date of 107 or after.

In their theological orientation, Sim sees a substantial difference between Matthew and Ignatius. Matthew fits into a pattern Sim calls "Christian Judaism," characterized by a high level of continuity of thought with the Old Testament and traditional Judaism (Sim 2008, 143). The practices of Jewish life were continued, and Christian theology and practice were additional layers of their lives. Sim details elements of Matthew which show Jesus clearly as the Messiah as well as elements which affirm Jewish traditional practices (Sim 2008, 144-147). Sim suggests that the apparent dispute with Formative Judaism after 70 AD may have indicated a schism within Judaism or that the Matthean community was already separated from Judaism (Sim 2008, 147). Sim is fairly certain that Matthew had a strongly negative attitude toward Paul (Sim 2008, 148).

Counter to Matthew, Ignatius shows a heavy influence of Pauline thought (Sim 2008, 148). Ignatius makes many references to Paul's thought and refers to Paul in the context of his letter to the Ephesians (Ignatius thinks it was written by Paul, though Sim does not). Sim assumes that at the time of Ignatius there would be no concept of Paul being considered authoritative Scripture and that Ignaitus, as a prisoner, would not have access to reference sources so would depend on his memory (Sim 2008, 149). Sim does think Ignatius was very familiar with a good number of Paul's letters. His concept of the Law is remarkably similar to that of Paul, who directs people to live acording to faith, not the Law (Sim 2008, 150).

Sim compares the views of Matthew and Ignatius, noting they would have been in sharp opposition at their time, and speculating that Matthew either would write as a corrective to Paul's influence or possibly as a corrective to the growing community which Ignatius would lead (Sim 2008, 151). Ignatius warns about opponents within Christianity. These warnings may be against two different factions or one, including elements of Judaizing behavior and docetism (Sim 2008, 152). Ignatius, while he doesn't adopt Matthew's theology, does use Matthean language to describe the Judaizing tendencies of his detractors (Sim 2008, 153). This suggests a broad knowledge of Matthew but a rejection of the Jewish tendencies of his Gospel.

​
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Eucharist in Ignatius

2/27/2023

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2/27/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Ten: One Flesh, One Cup, One Altar: The Eucharist in the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 148-166.

In Ignatius of Antioch LaVerdiere sees a description of the eucharist in a gentile setting, as Ignatius was "clearly of Gentile background" (LaVerdiere 1996, 149). We know very little about his life other than the fact that he died as a martyr between 110 and 115.

LaVerdiere finds in the seven letters of Ignatius a commitment to the centrality of the eucharist, holding the church together with the presence of Christ (LaVerdiere 1996, 149). 

After noting the addressees of the letters, six to churches and one to Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, LaVerdiere describes the likely sequence of composition of the letters, and their outlines, which are very similar to one another (LaVerdiere 1996, 150-151).

Ignatius references Pauline thought extensively, and also shows a great familiarity with Matthew and John. LaVerdiere notes that Ignatius does not distinghish between written and oral sources as he relates the message of the gospel (LaVerdiere 1996, 151).

LaVerdiere finds that "Ignatius refers to the Eucharist in every one of his letters except the letter to Polycarp" (LaVerdiere 1996, 152). Eucharistic imagery is focused on the Church coming together, on the altar, and the implications for spirituality and martyrdom. LaVerdiere visits the letters in turn, as they have slightly different emphases.

Ignatius recognized the eucharist as the sign of living as a Christian, celebrated on the Lord's Day, rather than the Jewish Sabbath (LaVerdiere 1996, 154). He saw it as part of Christian nourishment, received along with true doctrine. This all centers around God's altar, governed by God's authoritative teachers, the bishops, presbyters, and deacons (LaVerdiere 1996, 155). The food taken is not only doctrinal in nature, Ignatius sees Christ's flesh and blood as the imperishable food and drink, and related to not only Christ's sacrifice, but also, somehow, to Ignatius' impending death (LaVerdiere 1996, 156). Ignatius, in writing to the Ephesians, refers to "the altar" and "the place of Sacrifice" (V.2) in speaking of the Eucharist (LaVerdiere 1996, 157). This reference makes the gathering of the whole church for the eucharist that which is the expected means to receive nourishment. The assembly is of great importance (LaVerdiere 1996, 158). He considers the activity of breaking the bread to be "medicine of immortality…an antidote against death" (XX.2) (LaVerdiere 1996, 159). Ignatius distinguishes between the resurrected Christ being present in body (σῶμα) and flesh (σάρξ). In his letter to Smyrna he states that it is the fleshly presence of the resurrected Lord which is eaten and associates eucharist and the incarnation (LaVerdiere 1996, 162). Eucharistic nourishment, then, takes place in the context of the assembled church, is administered by those appointed by God, and involves a fleshly presence of Christ, eaten as eternal nourishment (LaVerdiere 1996, 163).

​
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