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Distinctions between Judaism and Christianity

9/29/2023

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9/29/23
Scholarly Reflections
Draper, Jonathan A. "Chapter Twelve: Do the Didache and Matthew Reflect an 'Irrevocable Parting of the Ways' with Judaism?" in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 217-241.

Draper observes that there is clearly, at some point, a definitive break of Christianity away from Judaism, after which reconciliation was not possible. He asks whether the Didache and Matthew represent that breaking point (Draper 2005, 217). Both Matthew and the Didache can be seen as forceful in their anti-Jewish views.

In its title, the Didache expresses that it is addressed to gentiles, not Jews. It is set apart, at least in some way, from the Jewish community (Draper 2005, 218). The gentiles are to separate themselves from things sacrificed to idols. However, they are not compelled to take on the entirety of the Mosaic Law.

Matthew, while showing a critical attitude toward some elements of Judaism, embraces those who would believe on Jesus and, in many ways, holds a positive attitude toward Judaic roots (Draper 2005, 220).

Draper notes that one of the challenges in this analysis is the definition of "Judaism" (Draper 2005, 220). The Didache makes no reference to "Jew" or "Judaism." The communities are simply separate. Christians set themselves apart from "the hypocrites" (8:1). Draper does not see this as a vehement rejection, though Van de Sandt and Flusser do (Draper 2005, 221). Matthew also uses "Jew" or "Judeans" five times, and is not always specifically negative. Though Matthew shows differences and even some disputes with the majority culture, it is not a violent distinction between groups which consider themselves completely different. Draper suggests there may be more clarity if we note that "Jew" was normally applied to the people by outsiders and that the internal discussion was concerning who was a true "Israelite" and who was not, as a distinction between having faith and merely having heritage (Draper 2005, 222).

An additional problem Draper finds in this discussion is that the distinction must be defined. To speak of a "parting of the ways" may imply anything from acceptance of clear distinguishing marks to a division including irreconcilable animosity and alienation (Draper 2005, 223). One could argue for recognition of distinctives but hardly for lasting alienation based on either the Didache or Matthew.

Draper considers whether there is evidence of a move toward separation in the interim between the Didache and Matthew (Draper 2005, 224). He dates Matthew shortly after 70 and before 100. Dating of the Didache is not as clear. Therefore, he declines to speculate on development, as we really cannot date both documents clearly.

Draper continues by analyzing the Didache in relation to Israel (Draper 2005, 225ff). He does this by tracing key words as used in the Didache and in Matthew. The communities are to pursue righteousness, which is closely related to the concept of perfection. The pursuit of righteousness is perfectly consistent with an Israelite desire for righteousness (Draper 2005, 226-227). The Didache does specify that the entirety of Torah is not necessary for righteousness. There is a standard which may stand above that of the Torah (Draper 2005, 228). However, Draper finds the trains of thought to be largely compatible (Draper 2005, 230). There is not a rejection of piety.

The anti-Jewish nature of the Didache is largely tied to the distinction made with "the hypocrites" in 8:1-2 (Draper 2005, 230). The accusation of hypocrisy can be broadly applied to anyone who, in one's opinion, is deficient in practice. Therefore, Draper does not consider it as an indicator of separation between Christians and Jews. It can be applied in too many contexts (Draper 2005, 231). There are many accusations against hypocrites in Matthew. However, it is not a blanket statement against all Jews. The Didache specifies different fast days and prescribes a prayer. Again, this is not indicative of a radical division (Draper 2005, 232ff). Draper finds in Matthew some evidence of Christians separating themselves from the community, fasting and praying in secret (Draper 2005, 234). This could indicate their immersion in a community which was more hostile than that of the Didache. Draper theorizes that the Didache may have set the stage with different fast days for a later hostile response against Christians, forcing them to be more discreet at the time of Matthew's Gospel (Draper 2005, 235).

The Didache is clear that those not baptized are to be separated from communion, comparing them to dogs (Draper 2005, 235). The language here is similar to that used in rabbinic writings (Draper 2005, 236).

The Didache speaks of gathering an ἐκκλησία from around the world (Draper 2005, 237). This has been seen as a slur against Judaism. However, Draper finds ἐκκλησία and συναγωγή used as synonyms in the Septuagint. The langauge refers to a gathering, specifically of the faithful. Rather than being an exclusive statement, this is radically inclusive. Matthew tends to view the assembly in more narrow terms. The ἐκκλησία is built on Peter (Matthew 16:17), and doesn't always appear as universal (Draper 2005, 238).

Draper finally considers the statement of the eucharistic prayer in the Didache, which makes God known through Jesus (Draper 2005, 238). The language actually serves to describe the Christians as part of God's covenant with Israel through baptism (Draper 2005, 239). Matthew uses the term "son of David" frequently to refer to Jesus. Jesus' claim as the king who comes after David is potentially quite divisive, and is something which could separate Christians and Jews.

Draper's conclusions are made "somewhat tentatively" (Draper 2005, 239). The Didache and Matthew show different levels of separation from Israel. They do, however, remain parts of one whole. The thought world is, for the most part, quite similar (Draper 2005, 240). ​
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Reproof in Early Christianity

9/27/2023

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9/27/23
Scholarly Reflections
Van de Sandt, Huub. "Chapter Ten: Two Windows on Developing Jewish-Christian Reproof Practice: Matt 18:15-17 and Did. 15:3." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 173-192.

A relationship between Matthew 18:15-17 and Didache 15:3 is often posited due to the emphasis on confession and the Didache's reference to "the gospel," taken to be Matthew's Gospel (Van de Sandt 2005, 173). Van de Sandt compares the passages, also evaluating a "parallel in the Manual of Discipline (1QS)" (Van de Sandt 2005, 174).

Van de Sandt first evaluates Matthew 18, the fourth extended discourse found in Matthew (Van de Sandt 2005, 174). The start speaks of children being welcomed to Jesus, then the passage continues speaking of childlike behaviors. In verses 15-20 the passage moves on to confrontation and attempts at conflict resolution in case of sin. Forgiveness is the focus, as Jesus emphasizes in verses 21-22, telling his disciples to forgive "seventy times seven" times. He follows with a parable of an unforgiving servant (Van de Sandt 2005, 174). The majority of the material in the context parallels a passage in Luke 17, however, van de Sandt takes verses 15-20 not to exist in the Q source, as they are not found elsewhere. He does note the close connection to Leviticus 19:17 and the express intention of confrontation leading to reconciliation. Matthew 18:15-17 shows a judicial concern, with the specific conditions clearly spelled out (Van de Sandt 2005, 176). The negative reference to "pagans and tax collectors" also strikes van de Sandt as out of character with other statements in Matthew (Van de Sandt 2005, 177). 

Van de Sandt continues by comparing the reproof passage in Matthew with that in Didache 15:3 (Van de Sandt 2005, 178). The passage in Didache 15 is clear that the reproof is directed to "a brother" and is thus friendly in nature. The goal is repentance so as to be restored to the eucharist. Unlike the passage in Matthew, the Didache passage has no hint of a judicial regulation (Van de Sandt 2005, 179). The function of witnesses is important in Matthew, while it is not present in the Didache.

Van de Sandt next makes a comparison with two reproof passages found in the Qumran material (Van de Sandt 2005, 180). Though van de Sandt finds judicial practices evidenced in rabbinic law, the reproof passages are intended as warnings against sin, rather than confrontations after the fact. A warning was to be issued and proven to have been issued prior to the transgression so as to allow any judicial process to be taken up. Van de Sandt details a number of the judicial intricacies (Van de Sandt 2005, 181ff).

The reproof passage of 1QS 5:23b-6:1b calls for reproof as necessary prior to presentation of an offender to the elders (Van de Sandt 2005, 184-185). It is to be conducted in front of witnesses, counter to the Matthew passage which requires a private setting at first. While there are procedural steps, it does not necessarily have a judicial impact. Rather, van de Sandt takes it as part of a routine examination of community members. There were judicial procedures clearly spelled out in other passages. This leads van de Sandt to conclude that the passage in Matthew, with specific instructions for confrontation as well as a judicial process was influenced by the Qumran community in some way (Van de Sandt 2005, 186).

Compared to Matthew, the reproof in Didache 15:3 is entirely consumed with a desire for reconciliation. The goal is clearly nothing other than reconciliation (Van de Sandt 2005, 187). The reference to "the gospel" is not entirely clear. However, van de Sandt considers it very unlikely that the passage would be derived from Matthew 18. It may be a reference to something influenced by the 1QS material. This view may be strengtehend by the fact that the 1QS narrative refers to a regular review of character. This is more similar to Didache 15 than to Matthew 18 (Van de Sandt 2005, 189). ​
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Judaism and Christianity in Syria

9/15/2023

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9/15/23
Scholarly Reflections
Romeny, Bas ter Haar. "Chapter One: Hypotheses on the Development of Judaism and Christianity in Syria in the Period After 70 C.E." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 13-33.

Romeny observes that there is scant concrete evidence for the nature of Christianity in Syria between about 70 and 200. Few written sources exist, and the best source we have, Eusebius, wrote in the early fourth century (Romeny 2005, 13). The Mishna is compiled possibly as early as the early third century. The perspective of the sources also represent the view of those who had won out in theological conflict, so we have little actual material from other voices. For this reason, Romeny speaks in hypothetical terms.

Romeny finds material from the city of Edessa to be valuable. Here there was an early Christian community and we find a Syriac translation of the Old Testament, which signifies Jewish roots to the Christian community (Romeny 2005, 13). There is also inscriptional evidence which reveals some local perspectives. Romeny additionally notes the existence of "Bardasian's Dialogue on Fate (from the beginning of the third century)" (Romeny 2005, 14). There are also some pertinent Pseudepigrapha and Apocrypha. While these materials provide documentation of some divergent ideas within Judaism and Christianity, they provide very little actual context.

The text of Josephus' Jewish Antiquities is also of importance, though Romeny observes it was adopted by Christian authors as early as Origen, in order to assert their own interpretation of failings of Judaism which led to the fall of Jerusalem in 70 (Romeny 2005, 16). Within Jewish commentary, the events of 70 were also seen as cataclysmic, but relatively quickly the changes were seen as a needed reform, resulting in a more unified rabbinic leadership structure.

The city of Edessa contains several sources of information from the second and early third century, which Romeny considers to provide fairly useful information, though he reminds the reader that we proceed cautiously (Romeny 2005, 18). Romeny continues by detailing a number of ways in which we can assume reasonably safely similarities between Edessa and other Syrian cities of the period. He particularly notes a fusion of Greek and Syriac elements within culture and philosophy (Romeny 2005, 19). 

While Romeny finds evidence for Christianity in Edessa in the second century, he questions what kind of relationship we can affirm between it and Judaism (Romeny 2005, 21). Tatian, who moved back to his native Syria from Rome in 177, makes oblique statements about how he learned his Christian philosophy. His work in the Diatessaron is an apparent response to Marcion, who rejected much of the New Testament (Romeny 2005, 22). The asceticism of Tatian appears in other works, such as the Acts of Judas Thomas and the gospel of Thomas, both of which Romeny considers to have a connection to Edessa (Romeny 2005, 23). He further observes that connections between Edessa and Jerusalem are made in several Jewish traditions.

Romeny adds to the picture the question of the Peshitta, the Syriac version of the Bible, possibly of either Jewish or Christian origin (Romeny 2005, 25). One of the challenges with a Christian origin of the translation is the fact that the early Christian authors we know of from the 2nd-4th centuries knew Greek but not Hebrew. Translations of the Hebrew Bible into other languages in this period can be traced more readily to the Septuagint than to a Hebrew origin (Romeny 2005, 26). The Peshitta shows signs of translation which considered prayer rather than sacrifice as of primary importance, and Romeny cites Weitzman as describing a prayer-cult in which times of prayer were substituted for times of sacrifice (Romeny 2005, 27). This could suggest a Jewish origin, but one which would pass fairly easily to a Christian community. Romeny asks whether this signifies a particular, discrete community or a broader societal trend (Romeny 2005, 28).

Evidence from funerary inscriptions in Edessa suggests that in our period about ten percent of the population was Jewish, and normally used Jewish Aramaic script for inscriptions (Romeny 2005, 28). It is not completely clear to Romeny whether Chrsitians were distinct from pagans in their language use, but it is clear that Jews used a different script than pagans when they marked graves. The Peshitta, however, is in the script typically used by the pagans and Christians. Romeny suggests this may lead us to conclude that the translators were not ethnically Jewish but were Christians of gentile origin (Romeny 2005, 29). He further thinks the shift of emphasis from sacrifice to prayer could be characteristic of a gentile Christian understanding as opposed to a Jewish interpretation. The conflict between Christians and Marcionites could also be a strong motivation for Christians to produce an Old Testament in a local language (Romeny 2005, 30).

Romeny further theorizes that the lack of mention of Jews as separate from Christians in Edessan inscriptions could suggest that the Christians saw no clear difference between themselves and Jews. There may have been no clear distinction (Romeny 2005, 30). While James Dunn sees a sharp contrast by the year 135, Romeny thinks the evidence of this emerges later, close to the end of the second century.

That there was a Christian presence in Edessa in the second century is undeniable (Romeny 2005, 31). It probably arrived in different forms at slightly different times. The boundaries were not necessarily clear at first, but differentiated over time, giving rise to some writings which have different emphases. The teachings and loyalties may well have overlapped as the society involved many personal interactions (Romeny 2005, 32). Over time, the differentiation could be classified more clearly.

​
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Jewish Christianity, Post 70

8/16/2023

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8/16/23
Scholarly Reflections
Verheyden, Joseph. "Chapter Six: Jewish Christianity, A State of Affairs: Affinities and Differences with Respect to Matthew, James, and the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 123-135.

Verheyden takes Matthew, James, and the Didache all to be written by authors of Jewish descent. He considers, then, that making a definition of "Jewish Christianity" is important (Verheyden 2008, 123).

One of the primary difficulties in defining Jewish Christianity is interpreting archaeological remains, including inscriptions. Scholars disagree as to the actual nature of communities (Verheyden 2008, 124). Verheyden asserts that we are certainly unable to identify the specific communities from which Matthew, James, and the Didache arose, a fact which complicates archaeological analysis.

Textual evidence is also challenging, as it is not always clear what may be genuine, especially among secondhand accounts. The Jewish Christians may have been considered heterodox by Church Fathers, so would often be ignored (Verheyden 2008, 125). Additionally, Matthew's Gospel was more widely embraced and used among Gentiles than in groups which would be considered Jewish Christians. This may have been because it was considered insufficiently Jewish (Verheyden 2008, 126). 

The criteria for defining Jewish Christianity are unclear. There are a variety of ways in which a Christian of Jewish heritage may wish to express that heritage (Verheyden 2008, 126). The definition of orthodoxy remains important in this regard as well. The role of Torah in the theology and practice of Christians is a key distinguishing mark among different communities (Verheyden 2008, 128). The phenomenon of Jewish Christianity is naturally diverse.

The identity markers in Matthew, James, and the Didache were investigated in detail in 2004 by Gunnar Garleff in a monograph (Verheyden 2008, 128-129). Verheyden summarizes markers identified by Garleff, all of which pertain to the way a community expresses its identity as distinct from other communities (Verheyden 2008, 129). Matthew, James, and the Didache can be analyzed in terms of these identity markers.

Verheyden notes first that the three documents all show clear differentiation from one another. Matthew has a polemical style which sets it apart (Verheyden 2008, 130). It likely reflects a community which is still forming its distinct identity. The separation is not a matter of controversy in the Didache, and in James it appears complete. Matthew is concerned with the "story," the Didache with "ritus," and James with "ethos" (three more of Garleff's markers) (Verheyden 2008, 131). The documents each evidence a different source of authority as well (Verheyden 2008, 132). This results in a difference in the organization of each community.

Verheyden concludes that the three communities, all classified as Jewish Christians, have clear distinctions (Verheyden 2008, 133). They would reasonably be assumed to develop along different lines in future generations.

​
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