Category: Eucharist - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Eucharistic Celebrations East and West

3/4/2025

Church History
3/4/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§97. The Celebration of the Eucharist." (pp. 2246-2151).
   Schaff identifies the Eucharist as the center of public worship. Liturgies in antiquity mainly consisted of the Eucharistic instructions (Schaff 2014, p. 2246). This stands in contrast to what Schaff refers to as "Evangelical" observances, which focus primarily on the sermon. Within the Catholic liturgies the eucharistic prayers tend to be very similar, and the Words of Institution are taken to make the eucharistic elements take on the true body and blood of Christ, creating a new sacrifice (Schaff 2014, p. 2247).
   After the introductory words of the anaphora, the prayer of thanksgiving recognizes God's gifts in creation, leading to the Trisagion ("Holy, Holy, holy") (Schaff 2014, p. 2247). The consecration follows, using the institution narrative, normally followed by an additional prayer of thanksgiving. Schaff provides a number of examples of these prayers (Schaff 2014, pp. 2248-2249). A Kyrie or Gloria normally follows. The celebrant(s) commune first, then the congregations.
   Frequent celebrations of the eucharist were normal, at least every Sunday, and sometimes daily (Schaff 2014, p. 2250). Infant communion was practiced in eastern and north African churches, but not commonly in the Latin church after the ninth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2251).
   Schaff briefly describes the movement for communion in only one kind (bread only0 as a development of the 12th or 13th century, guarding against spilling consecrated elements (Schaff 2014, p. 2251). Greek custom involves dipping the bread in the wine and receiving it from a spoon.

Eucharist as Sacrament and Sacrifice

12/16/2024

Mondays are for Church History
12/16/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§96. The Sacrifice of the Eucharist." (pp. 2238-2246).
   The concepts of sacrament and sacrifice co-exist in both the Greek and Latin churches, interpreted in a way more similar to the view of Catholicism than to Protestantism (Schaff 2014, p. 2238). Schaff observes the centrality of the sacrificial idea in ancient religions, which, in Christianity, is fulfilled in Jesus' sacrificial death (Schaff 2014, p. 2239). The eucharist, then, as well as being receptive of Christian sacrifice, in accord with its name, is also a giving of thanks, a time when our prayers are heard. The offering, then, is both from God to us and from us to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2239).
   Schaff observes that Greek and Roman traditions were eventually imported into the eucharist, making it a repeated offering of Jesus to God the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2240). In his view, the sacramental aspects are eclipsed by the sacrificial aspect, which then became a materialized ritual (Schaff 2014, p. 2241).
   Schaff does note that in the ante-Nicene period, the eucharist was understood as the congregation's thank offering to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2241). He views the failure to consist of a materialistic conception, as opposed to a symbolic concept. From the start as a material sacrifice, by the end of the sixth century, the eucharist had developed into a repetitive offering of Christ's body to the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2242). The eucharistic offering becomes the fulfillment of the offerings under the Mosaic covenant (Schaff 2014, p. 2243), and it is quite literally seen as Christ offering himself to the Father again through the agency of the priest. Because the eucharist is for all Christians, it becomes a time for the living and the dead to participate together, with prayers being made to and for all those who have come before (Schaff 2014, p. 2244). These prayers may then be seen as aiding those who have come before us and who have not entirely obtained their heavenly reward, but are still in a state of purgatory (Schaff 2014, p. 2245). Again, Schaff observes the loss of the sacramental aspects of the eucharist, largely displaced by the sacrificial aspects.

An Overview of the Eucharist in the Middle Ages

12/9/2024

Mondays are for Church History
12/9/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§95. The Sacrament of the Eucharist." (pp. 2228-2238).
   Schaff describes the Eucharist as "both a sacrament wherein God conveys to us a certain blessing, and a sacrifice which man offers to God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2229). He describes both of these aspects in turn prior to attending to the ritual development.
   The disputes over the doctrine of the sacrament arose first in the ninth century, with Paschasius Radbertus. They have continued to this day. In Schaff's estimation, the controversy has continued due to the lack of an early Christian definitive statement as we have, for instance, in the areas of the Trinity, the nature of Christ, and an Augustinian view of soteriology (Schaff 2014, p. 2229). Schaff describes the controversy using intriguing language. "Christ may be conceived as really present either in and with the elements (consubstantiation, impanation), or under the illusive appearance of the changed elements (transubstantiation), or only dynamically and spiritually" (Schaff 2014, p. 2230). These views may have grown from earlier mystical, symbolic, or allegorical views of the sacrament. Schaff describes these views and their early proponents in turn. The various fathers make explanations, but there is no wide-ranging consensus.
   Unfortunately, Schaff's description is lacking in examples of the period's developments. Rather, he dwells on views articulated in the fifth century and before. Additionally, he wrongly describes Lutheran thought as embracing consubstantiation (Schaff 2014, p. 2235).
   Schaff notes that ancient liturgies "presuppose the actual presence of Christ in the Supper, but speak throughout in the stately language of sentiment, and nowhere attempt an explanation of the nature and mode of this presence, and of its relation to the still visible forms of bread and wine" (Schaff 2014, p. 2237). This is actually the stance which historic Lutheran piety has taken as well.

Positive Aspects of Eucharistic Sacrifice?

11/8/2023

11/8/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Thirteen: Reconsideration of Eucharistic Sacrifice." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 448-479.

Though the Lutheran Reformers took a negative view of some of the aspects of the Eucharistic celebration, they did have a positive point of view, acknowledging the good inherent in the Eucharist. In this chapter, Senn attempts to describe that positive view (Senn 1997, 449).Luther's criticism was based on the issue of the eucharistic elements being viewed as a sacrifice we present to God, rather than something God presents to us. The actual use of the Lord's Supper, rather than the philosophical concept, suggests multiple ways of dealing with the issue.

Melanchthon's view was that the discussion needed to be based on patristic consensus (Senn 1997, 450). He found a concern that the Eucharist is a gift given by God to man, and that any response which could be understood as a sacrifice of praise was our response to what God had initiated. The central concept for the sacrament was not the elements, but rather the liturgical rite which celebrates the Eucharist (Senn 1997, 451). The Sacrament is primarily significant of God's positive disposition toward us (Senn 1997, 453). Our celebration commemorates what Christ has done to rescue us.

Luther, when writing of the use, rather than the ontology, of the Eucharist (Admonition Concerning the Sacrament, 1530), emphasizes reception of God's promises by faith (Senn 1997, 455). Luther did, however, reject views that reception of the Sacrament was merely a matter of the recipient's joyful expression of faith. God is active in the Sacrament (Senn 1997, 456).

Martin Chemnitz provided a thorough comparison of the Roman view of the Eucharist as discussed in the Council of Trent, over against the Lutheran view (Senn 1997, 459). Much of Chemnitz' objection was based on the ostentatious shows of ritual behavior he could identify during the administration of the Mass (Senn 1997, 461). Chemnitz routinely enumerates points of doctrine very clearly, responding to the arguments of Trent in an orderly manner. On the whole, Chemnitz found the use of language of sacrifice to be foreign to the usage of patristic authors, so advocated use of language of sacrament instead (Senn 1997, 464).

Though the German Lutherans were not very active in articulating a positive view of the Eucharist, Senn finds the Swedish church to have a more clear articulation of eucharistic sacrifice (Senn 1997, 467). The work of Olavus Petri, emphasized the element of doing the eucharist in Chrsit's remembrance, which would preclude any interpretation of it serving as another sacrifice. The essential act of remembrance results primarily in our fellowship with God and with one another (Senn 1997, 468). There may be an element of sacrifice, but this is recognized as not a new offering but as a conscious commitment to remember Christ's sacrifice for sin (Senn 1997, 470).

In the 16th century Swedish Red Book, Senn finds the eucharistic prayer to be enlightening due to its manner of commemorating and recalling Christ's sacrifice (Senn 1997, 471). The memorial takes place especially through the ongoing preaching of Christ (Senn 1997, 472). Senn observes that the Swedish liturgy does acknowledge that we are making some sort of offering of the Son, in the prayers (Senn 1997, 475). This was seen as a mystery of some sort, as the saving work of Christ is both past and present.

Senn considers the issue of the eucharist to lead to an impasse by the end of the 16th century. While the Reformational theologians rejected the eucharist as a sacrifice, the Roman theologians continued to affirm it as a propitiatory offering (Senn 1997, 476). He notes that the impasse has continued.

Christ's Real Presence in Eucharist

10/31/2023

10/31/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Seven: The Real Presence and the Sacrifice of the Mass." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 240-263.

Senn considers the philosophical developments of the later Middle Ages to have driven the changes in the outlook on the Mass, as European culture took on a more empirical way of thinking about life (Senn 1997, 240). The move, in Senn's opinion, was to say that what is visible is what is real (Senn 1997, 244). What was spiritual took on the connotation of being not real.

Because of the emphasis on the concrete or that which is real, discussions arose as to exactly when the bread and wine became the body and blood of Christ (Senn 1997, 243). Cyril of Jerusalem, Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine all assigned particular points during the consecration when the change took place (Senn 1997, 243-245). By the late Middle Ages, Senn finds the view that it is only by Christ's words that the body and blood are present. Ritual movements grew up around the altar and the time of consecration, pointing to the real Christ arriving on the altar (Senn 1997, 246).

Senn takes the issue of the real presence to have become prominent in the late Middle Ages because of a change in categories. In Classical Antiquity a "sign" or "figure" could be thought of as a very real thing, while by the Carolingian period it no longer held that connotation (Senn 1997, 248). Therefore, theologians felt the need to ask when the reality appeared. Senn describes a number of these theological formulations in some detail.

An important element of the discussion was whether God's Word could change one thing into something else. This question was central to the debate concerning transubstantiation (Senn 1997, 251). While some views of transubstantiation were limited to an internal change of the essence of the elements, others went farther and took the consecration to be an act in which the priest was a partner with Christ. Sasse, for instance, found the former acceptable but not the latter (Senn 1997, 252).

The nature of eucharist as sacrifice was considered of less importance in the late Middle Ages. Attention was focused on the consecration, which, in many opinions, was a sacrifice, especially as we consider the parallels between the two terms (Senn 1997, 253). The crux of the question lay in whether the act at the altar was a "liturgical reactualization" or a "dramatic portrayal" of Christ's once-for-all sacrifice (Senn 1997, 254). The language used is difficult, in English as in Latin, since there is some ambiguity, for instance, in the meaning of the word "represent." It may indicate presenting something again or bringing something to mind, a world of difference when speaking of the eucharist. On the one side, articulated by Gabriel Biel and Cardinal Cajetan, in the eucharist there is a ritual presentation in which Christ, truly present, ministers to His people (Senn 1997, 256ff). Senn unpacks the idea at some length. The eventual outcome of the argument was a view of the eucharist as a commemoration or a re-enactment of the sacrifice of Christ, neither of which views, in Luther's estimation, adequately represented coherence with the Scripture and the Church Fathers (Senn 1997, 262).

Early Eucharistic Development

10/25/2023

10/25/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Three: Early Christian Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 53-108.

Senn points out that early Christian gatherings were private in nature, in homes, and limited to Christians and those vouched for by Christians. The rituals and liturgy were not public events (Senn 1997, 53). However, there were clearly practiced elements of liturgy, no less than in Judaism. The Eucharist, for example, had close ties to the Jewish meal for the start of the Sabbath. Senn discusses this in some detail (Senn 1997, 55). In particular, he considers the similarity of Jewish prayers and the eucharistic prayers in the Didache (Senn 1997, 57).

Senn finds it important that the New Testament accounts of the Last Supper focus on the bread and the cup, without the other elements of the seder. In addition, Paul's assertion that the consecration was traditional by the time of his letter to the Corinthians calls us to see the Eucharistic celebration as a piece of liturgy which was fixed at a very early time (Senn 1997, 58).

The Eucharist is described in Didache 9-10 and 14. Senn describes scholarship briefly, certainly acknowledging that in this church order the prayers represent an early (late 1st century) version of eucharistic prayers (Senn 1997, 61-63). There is open debate as to whether chapters 9-10 describe an agape meal or communion, while chapter 14 is fairly clearly communion, celebrated weekly. The lack of an institution narrative is cause for debate. Bouyer has suggested that the narrative was a given but not part of the prayer (Senn 1997, 65), a view which may be supported in part by its absence in the 3rd century anaphora of Addai and Mari (Senn 1997, 66). Senn further notes that the basis of participation in all the meals is repentance, whether as in chapters 9-10 evidenced by baptism or in chapter 14 evidenced by confession of sins.

Senn notes that the New Testament has numerous passages often identified as hymns, songs, or creedal statements. He lists a number (Senn 1997, 67-68). These parts of Christian worship are also thought to come from synagogue worship, though we have relatively little specific information about worship in the early 1st century synagogues. However, Senn considers the second century Mishna to be a reasonably accurate reflection, as it describes in writing what had likely been done and discussed for several generations beforehand. He summarizes the basic form of synagogue worship (Senn 1997, 68-70). Readings, prayers, a homily, and singing were typical. The overall emphasis, especially on Sabbaths and special holidays, was on learning and remembering Scripture (Senn 1997, 70). This emphasis, as well as many of the forms, carried over into Christian practice. Senn continues by describing a number of parallels.

Based on Pliny's account of Christianity, Senn notes that an evening meal was part of Christian observance (Senn 1997, 73). It is possible that because Pliny had banned communal evening meals, the eucharistic meal became associated with the morning gathering and consisted only of the bread and the cup (Senn 1997, 73). By the time of Justin Martyr, writing about 150, the synaxis was relatively well defined and was not kept secret from the imperial authorities (Senn 1997, 74). The Christian worship had taken on a definitive form and structure.

The eucharistic prayer was the only element of worship which would describe the eucharistic meal. Senn observes that the earliest examples we have are the prayers in the Didache, then the clearer description in Hippolytus, about 215 (Senn 1997, 77). He goes on to discuss the account in Apostolic Tradition in more detail, including a translation of his eucharistic prayer (Senn 1997, 78-79). Senn further explores the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, from East Syria, probably dating to the third century. Again, he provides a translation, then comments on salient points (Senn 1997, 80-82).

Senn notes that the eucharistic prayers in Apostolic Constitutions VII.25 and in the Acts of Thomas 133 serve not as a thanksgiving but as a blessing. The texts certainly ask Christ's presence and blessing on the communion (Senn 1997, 84).

The Sanctus in the liturgy seems to appear first in Alexandrian liturgy (Senn 1997, 86). Senn finds some possible justification for its being directly related to the thanksgiving, though it is not necessary to hold to such a model (Senn 1997, 86).

In comparison to many of the textual statements of early Christianity, Senn finds the day for gathering to be fixed and described as "the Day of the Sun" which corresponded to "the first day of the week," and to be that day in honor of the resurrection of Jesus (Senn 1997, 87). There is some debate over whether the Christians tended to keep the Jewish model of the new day beginning at sundown, the Greek model of it beginning at dawn, or the Roman model which began the day at midnight. Senn notes that it was clear from early references and customs that Sunday was not considered a replacement Sabbath (Senn 1997, 89). It was specifically a celebration of God's fulfillment of His Messianic promises.

Senn brings up the challenge inherent in the dating of the crucifixion in comparison to the Passover, noting that Paul, along with the second century Epistula Apostolorum considers John's chronology to be correct (Senn 1997, 89). The conflicts between solar and lunar calendars, as well as controversies between Jews and Christians, led to debate about the correct day to celebrate Christ's death and resurrection (Senn 1997, 90). Senn describes the controversies in brief.

One reason for the importance of Easter is that it became the special date for baptizing converts to Christianity (Senn 1997, 91). Senn briefly describes baptism as a rite of initiation. There may well have been a distinction between Jewish and Christian views of baptism based on the Christian view of a coming of the Holy Spirit at the time of baptism (Senn 1997, 92). In Judaism it was seen as a ceremonial washing and act of dedication. An extensive period of catechesis developed by the late second century. Senn describes this as a period of several years in which candidates were taught and developed in godly practice.

The function of the assembled church developed over time. While there were calls to holiness at all times, it was apparent very early on that not all Christians were living a life of holiness at all times. Senn illustrates this concept with citations of 1 Corinthians, demonstrating the dynamic of questions of moral failure (Senn 1997, 97). The unity of the body in regard to the Eucharist is emblematic of the interaction of the spiritual and the physical. Senn describes these interactions at some length, also relating them to Paul's teaching on spiritual gifts, in close proximity to his teaching on communion (Senn 1997, 98ff). The ultimate purpose is to build up the body of Christ (Senn 1997, 99). By the late first century or early second century, there were clear and orderly differences observed, as different people exercised different gifts, for the benefit of all (Senn 1997, 101).

Senn identifies an ordination to ministry as an important element in liturgical development, since certain liturgical roles would be carried out by certain people. The apostles appointed by Jesus may or may not have had the same role as the "missionary apostles such as Barnabas and Paul" (Senn 1997, 102). Prophets and teachers seem to be directly equipped by the Holy Spirit, while bishops, elders, and deacons were appointed through a laying on of hands. Senn takes the laying on of hands to be a likely parallel to Jewish ordinations, but he admits we know very little about accompanying rituals (Senn 1997, 103). However, laying on of hands does appear to be a typical means of commissioning people for tasks. Senn observes that the ordination of bishops, presbyters, and deacons is described in Hippolytus, but that the specific rite is absent. We do see a pattern of hierarchy and honor for those officers (Senn 1997, 105-106).

Finally, Senn notes that the early Christians took the earthly worship as reflecting that worship in the heavenly presence of God (Senn 1997, 107). Senn describes these in very brief terms.

The Last Supper and the Eucharist

3/27/2023

3/27/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eighteen: The Last Supper and the Church's Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 297-306.

Mazza has concluded that the eucharist is best understood in reference to the Last Supper, and that there is a strong analogy between the two (Mazza 1999, 297). Therefore, he considers only the New Testament texts to clarify the actions and desires of Jesus in the meal. The liturgy enables us to relive what Christ gave us when he said, "Do this in remembrance of me" (Mazza 1999, 298).

The Last Supper gives us a meal which is related to Jewish ritual but which, as Jesus acts and speaks, depart from that ritual (Mazza 1999, 299). Mazza sees this as behavior characteristic of a prophet. The passing of the cup is symbolic of a passing around of a special blessing from the head of a family or group (Mazza 1999, 300). Jesus' references to his body and blood refer to the crucifixion and to his death as that which bears witness to his mission. Mazza sees it also as an eschatological statement, as the farewell Jesus gives also signifies the completion of Jesus' tasks (Mazza 1999, 301). The explanation that the bread is Jesus' body speaks to Jesus' mortality (Mazza 1999, 303). However, its being "for you" shows that Jesus' gift is for the particular good of his disciples. Likewise, the cup is important, not only because of the blood, but also because a cup is related to establishing a covenant (Mazza 1999, 304). This is also pertinent to the blood of a c ovenant which is poured out for a sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 305).

Mazza concludes that the Last Supper has pointed effectively to all the significance of the eucharist. The meal is a complex sign of salvation (Mazza 1999, 306).

Components of a Prayer

3/24/2023

3/24/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Seventeen: The Parts of the Eucharistic Prayer." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 281-295.

Mazza uses this penultimate chapter of his book to describe the different elements of the eucharistic prayer in some detail. Initially, the preface was centered on thanksgiving to God (Mazza 1999, 281). The preface, then, is related to Jesus' initial action in the Last Supper, that of giving thanks. The thanksgivings in the earliest anaphoras are short, but developed over time to include more elaborate descriptions of salvation and the nature of the Christian faith (Mazza 1999, 282). Because of the great number of different prefaces, Mazza does not deal with individual forms oin detail. He does, however, note that the thanksgiving always speaks of God's gifts which we receive (Mazza 1999, 283).

The prayer moves on to the Sanctus, introduced into the eucharistic prayer in the fifth century (Mazza 1999, 285). The text itself is of a very early date, but the use in the eucharistic prayer is more recent. The recognition of holiness makes the participant an imitator of the angels who cry out to God regarding his holiness (Mazza 1999, 286).

The third part of the eucharistic prayer is the institution account (Mazza 1999, 287). The consecration has been taken to be at the same point in the prayers, though the formal language of consecration in this account of institution was not present until the 1972 Missal (Mazza 1999, 288). Mazza observes that an account of institution is theologically distinct from an act of consecration, though the actual words and actions may be the same.

After the account of institution comes an Anamnesis and an offering. The anamnesis recalls Jesus' command to "do this in memory of me" (Mazza 1999, 290). The congregation receives communion while actively remembering what the Lord has done. In the Roman Canon this is followed by an act of offering the consecrated elements to God (Mazza 1999, 292). Mazza sees this as a sacrifice of prayer, in which God receives what is committed to him.

Fifth comes an epiclesis, in which the prayer is made that the eucharist would be fruitful (Mazza 1999, 292). The congregation is to receive the eucharist faithfully and become one in Christ. Ths is confessed to be a work of the Holy Spirit (Mazza 1999, 293).

At the end of the eucharistic prayer come intercessions (Mazza 1999, 294). These particularly pray for Christian leaders and then for all God's saints. The prayer closes with a doxology making praise to God as the end of all our prayers (Mazza 1999, 294-295).

One Way to Change Liturgy and Practice

3/23/2023

3/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Sixteen: The Implementation of the Liturgical Reform." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 263-280.

As a result of the Vatican II council, Mazza notes that in 1969 there was a new Order of Mass published, as well as an instructional manual (Mazza 1999, 263). In it, the rubrics are accompanied by theological explanations. Within the updated Missals there are versions of the Mass for a variety of different circumstances. Mazza briefly describes the various components of the order of the Mass (Mazza 1999, 264ff).

The eucharistic prayer itself remained unchanged, still remaining consistent with the Roman Canon which was last changed in any significant way in the early seventh century (Mazza 1999, 269). Mazza observes that there had been several revisionso f anaphoras and prayers, but they were local or regional in nature. There was a move then to allow for other eucharistic prayers which could be presented along with that of the Roman Canon. The prefaces were multiplied at this time as well (Mazza 1999, 270). A variety of additional materials were published during the papacy of Paul VI.

Change of Eucharistic Focus

3/23/2023

3/22/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Fifteen: The Liturgical Reform of Vatical Council II." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 251-261.

In this chapter, Mazza has jumped from the 16th century Reformation and council of Trent, the topic of the previous chapter, to the 20th century and Vatican II, which was especially interested in developing a pastoral level teaching on the participation of the faithful in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 251). The focus shifted from "devout reception" of the sacrament to "active participation." The communicant was to understand and participate actively in the rite (Mazza 1999, 252).

Mazza observes that two points of doctrine were considered of primary importance in Vatican II: the true presence of the body of Christ in the eucharist, and the way the eucharist was related to Christ's sacrifice on the cross were to be clarified (Mazza 1999, 253). The root of the challenge is that while the eucharistic celebration is a "repraesentatio" of the sacrifice of Christ, the consecrated elements are not to be seen as a representation but as a real and literal presence of Christ (Mazza 1999, 254). Finding an adequate means of distinguishing between the two is a difficult challenge. Mazza considers it to be the challenge which was not articulated adequately in Trent. Dealing with it well would make it possible to interpret the patristic authors in such a way that they could speak to our current age (Mazza 1999, 255).

In Vatican II some reforms to the iturgical practice were approved, which may have appeared minor but could have had substantial impact. The kiss of peace was restored, as was a universal prayer of the faithful (Mazza 1999, 256). The altar was moved from the wall so as to take on more prominence. The practice of adding additional priests around the celebrant, leading in the responses or as a choir of celebrants was revived (Mazza 1999, 257). The additional voices had become silent by the eighth century. Its restoration is not explained, but is simply performed (Mazza 1999, 259). However, it may suggest the fact that all the members of the priesthood would have an equal footing in the eucharistic celebration.

Reformational Clarifications of Eucharist

3/21/2023

3/21/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Fourteen: The Reformation and the Council of Trent." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 237-250.

Mazza notes three complaints about eucharistic practice, listed in Luther's The Babylonian Captivity (1520). In this work, Luther rejects reception of communion in one kind, transubstantiation, and the idea that the eucharist is a "good work" (Mazza 1999, 237). Mazza does mischaracterize Luther as embracing consubstantiation, then Mazza defines it as similar in nature to the hypostatic union, with two natures (bread and body) co-existing in one item. This, in my understanding, differs from the classic definition of consubstantiation, in which the two substances form a third substance. Mazza does observe correctly that Zwingli's objection to the real presence concept of Luther was based on an insistence on Christ's bodily local presence at the right hand of the Father (Mazza 1999, 238). Luther further rejected the sacrificial character of the Eucharist as a good work as it was not scriptural to consider a celebration of the eucharist as a work which could forgive sins.

Luther's revision of the Roman canon removed the sacrificial language. The prayers were also mostly rejected, in Mazza's view, leaving only the Words of Institution, though he does acknowledge the presence of "the offertory, the dialogue before the Preface and the Preface itself, and the account of Last Supper, which was followed by the singing of the Sanctus and the Benedictus, while the bread and wine were to be elevated" (Mazza 1999, 239). In other words, while the preface was retained, the other prayers were mostly removed.

The effect of Luther's changes was to put much of the celebration into the realm of active congregational participation. The prayers which were seen as akin to the prayers of Jesus at the Last Supper are gone, but there is a great deal of praise to God, coming from the congregation rather than the celebrant (Mazza 1999, 240-241).

Mazza finds Calvin difficult to interpret largely because his use of the Scriptures and the Fathers is theological rather than historical in outlook. It therefore becomes difficult to place the evidence Calvin uses into its proper historical or theological context (Mazza 1999, 241). Calvin rejects transubstantiation and instead holds to a "sacramental realism which he thinks of as half-way between Lutherand Zwingli" (Mazza 1999, 242). He will not accept a local presence of Christ in the bread nd wine, yet he will not consider it merely a symbol. Calvin will accept a "sacrifice of thanksgiving in the eucharist, but does not accept it as a sacrifice which forgives sins" (Mazza 1999, 243). The liturgy ws greatly reduced, to reading of Scripture and a sermon, with the eucharist, only four times a year, and introduced by a prayer and the Words of Institution (Mazza 1999, 244).

In the same period, the Council of Trent assembled to respond to the alterations of the Reformers (Mazza 1999, 244). Mazza does not consider the council's treatment to provide a complete picture of eucharistic practice. It deals rather with the issue of both kinds, communion of children, and the Roman Canon. The council defended reception in one kind because both kinds were not specifically required by divine precept and because one kind had been allowed in practice for some time (Mazza 1999, 246). It was therefore to be held as the normal practice. Mazza notes that the interpretive method was dependent on the theological practices developed during the Medieval period, including many elements of Aristotelian philosophy (Mazza 1999, 247). The connection of the theology of th Middle Ages to Aristotle was significant. Particularly concepts of truth and the validity of symobols or figures were front and center in the discussions.

Altars and Relics

3/20/2023

3/20/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Thirteen: The Eucharist and the Relics of the Saints." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 225-236.

Mazza suggests that the custom of incorporating relics into the altar at church arose from the fact that altars were early erected over tombs of martyrs (Mazza 1999, 225). The consecration of an altar and the case of a relic thus became a very important element of local piety. Mazza looks for a relationship between this presence of a relic in the altar and the sacrament of the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 226).

In Ordo XLII, probably dating to the eighth century, there are instructions for placement of relics and consecration of an altar (Mazza 1999, 226-227). The consecrated Eucharist is placed in the same box with other relics to be placed in the chamber of the altar (Mazza 1999, 227). There was a process of chrismation, as well as use of holy water in the process of sealing the container. Through the 12th century, there was gradual development of the rites. The practice of placing consecrated eucharistic elements in the box with relics remained the same (Mazza 1999, 229), though it was omitted from some rubrics.

Mazza briefly refers to rubrics from the early 13th century which instruct that if the blood of Christ stains a corporal, that part is cut out and retained as a relic (Mazza 1999, 231). This instruction connects the practice of the eucharistic celebration with that of honoring relics. Mazza notesa hypothesis that the omission of an instruction about placing the eucharistic elements in a box for preservation could be related to the idea that the sacrament is intended for eating, therefore should not be reserved (Mazza 1999, 232). The practice tended to remain in some settings, but not all (Mazza 1999, 233-234).

The Eucharist Becomes Metaphysical

3/17/2023

3/17/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Twelve: The Scholastic High Middle Ages." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 199-224.

As Mazza moves to the High Middle Ages he immediately discusses Thomas Aquinas, who sought a coherent view of the eucharist through the lens of Aristotelian philosophy (Mazza 1999, 199). The eucharist comes to be understood in terms of a metaphysical reality. In the 12th century Mazza finds an important conceptual shift in eucharistic understanding. "[A]ll medieval theologians took as the scriptural basis of their discussion of the Eucharist, not the sentence; 'Do this in memory of me,' but the words 'This is my body' and 'this is my blood' (Mazza 1999, 200). The key text also shifted from John 6:53 to 1 Corinthians 11:28-29. Mazza notes that over time Thomas' use of Scripture and of patristic sources developed in its abundance and intricacy (Mazza 1999, 201).

Mazza observes that Matthew 28:20 was early and often taken as evidence for Christ's physical presence in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 202). Thomas, in contrast, considered the presence of Christ in communion to be illocal in nature, thus he rejected an actual bodily presence of Christ. While Christ is present in communion, Thomas would reject the bodily presence, at least in any way that could be perceived physically (Mazza 1999, 203-204). This is a significant departure from Paschasius.

At the root of Thomas' evaluation is a sharp distinction between substance and accidents. If this were not the case, we would conclude that when bread or wine become body or blood, the physical, perceptible product would have to change as well (Mazza 1999, 204). The accidents of bread and wine do not change, though the substance does. Because Aristotelian philosophy required the substance and accidents to remain consistent with each other, Thomas was forced to propose that the substance of Christ's body and blood in the eucharist were not bound to an accidental object, therefore the substance could change without changing the physical, oliteral bread and wine (Mazza 1999, 205). To deal with a third problem, that of Chrsit being present anywhere in the eucharist and not being consumed until gone, the problem of quantity, Thomas has no answer except that God's power can accomplish this (Mazza 1999, 206).

Though we could think Thomas was denying the body of Christ in the eucharist, in fact, Thomas affirmed the true body and blood of Christ were present in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 207). More important to Thomas than the liturgy or the practice of celebrating the eucharist is what it signifies, and whether it actually accomplishes what it shows as a cause (Mazza 1999, 208). Analysis of these issues leads Thomas to move from a concept of ex opere operato to seeing the eucharist as something caused by the work of the officiant whose virtue is transferred to the elements and empowers them to accomplish something (Mazza 1999, 209-210). He understands this as occurring at the Words of Institution, not during the eucharistic prayer, thus making the prayer optional (Mazza 1999, 210).

Thomas sees symbolism and representation present throughout the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 211). He maintains that the true sacrifice took place in Christ's death. This is the locus of the sacrament, which serves to represent the actual event. He further classifies nine points at which the priest's making the sign of the cross indicates the passion of Christ (Mazza 1999, 212). Mazza details these in brief, indicating the symbolic significance Thomas sees in them.

In the end, Mazza observes Thomas is unable to reach a definitive proof of whether the body of Christ is present in veritate or only in figura (Mazza 1999, 214). He is not able to tell in what way the Chrsitian is a partaker of Christ and His passion.

Bonaventure, Thomas' contemporary, while holding to a concept of transubstantiation, would speak of a change of substance (Mazza 1999, 215). He held to the interpretation of Matthew 28:20 as significant of a bodily presence of Christ. The bread and wine thus became a cover for the body and blood of Christ, also providing numerous physical symbols, such as nourishment and hospitality (Mazza 1999, 216). Bonaventure confesses the corpus verum - the true body of Christ present in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 217). Yet, at times, Bonaventure will suggest a third elvel of reality, neither a symbol nor the item itself. This develops into a tendency to admit both a symbol and reality at the same time, a philosophical and logical difficulty. In some way, Bonaventure says, the sacrament involves causality, but it is not altogether clear how this works (Mazza 1999, 220).

Mazza illustrates the difficulties of these inquiries by surveying the question, quid mus sumit? (Mazza 1999, 220-222). If a mouse were to eat the consecrated bread, would it be bread, the body of Christ, or possibly both? While most of the high medieval theologians would affirm the consecrated bread remained the body of Christ, some would propose that it changed back to mere bread. The question was important not because of rodents but because of the issue of whether heretics received the true body of Christ (Mazza 1999, 222). In general, the opinion grew that the consecrated bread was for sacramental use and that it would not bear its sacramental power when misused.

Mazza notes in conclusion that the different approaches to the theology of the eucharist could be rooted in different conceptions of salvation. Exploration of the theology is thus important.

Allegory Takes Hold

3/16/2023

3/16/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eleven: The Early Middle Ages." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 161-197.

After the fourth century, Mazza finds a gradual move away from understanding the eucharist in terms of typology. Interpretation rather moved toward either "the figural method…(or) the method of sacramental realism" (Mazza 1999, 161). The figural method arose after typology had changed into allegory. The figure of the allegory was understood as the important element in eucharistic understanding. The method of sacramental realism, as we saw in chapter ten, allowed for a typological understanding, but one which may have been considered less important than the emphasis on the real belief in what the sacrament contained (Mazza 1999, 162). This interpretation grew into a philosophy per se.

Mazza considers Amalarius of Metz (ca. 770/75-850/53) as the fundamental pioneer in medieval eucharistic theology related to the sacrifice of Christ, specifically in allegorical terms (Mazza 1999, 162ff). His work seeks out the origin and the nature of individual rites and their relationships to salvation (Mazza 1999, 163). His commentaries take an allegorical approach throughout. For instance, because "the Mass is the celebration of the passion of Christ, each of the rites making up the Eucharist must represent a stage in that passion" (Mazza 1999, 164). Mazza describes the steps of this process in some detail, as the method of interpretation is less commonly used today.

Amalarius approaches his understanding of the rites of the church through the context of allegory, allowing various elements of his allegorical interpretation to represent different things at different times. In all, he is concerned with the allegory, not with arguments for or descriptions of sacramentality (Mazza 1999, 169). Amalarius was eventually condemned as a heretic, with charges of "having destroyed the unity of the body of Christ" based on comments made pertaining to the fraction of the bread (Mazza 1999, 171). Mazza considers there to have been political motivations behind the prosecution as well.

After the time of Amalarius, Mazza notes that a number of commentaries on the mass were produced prior to the close of the 13th century (Mazza 1999, 173). Mazza reviews a number of these; particularly works of the 12th century. Much of the work is influenced by Amalarius, whether by spurring agreement or inciting rejection of his allegorical principles.

While the discussion around the eucharist was largely focused on allegorical interpretations, Mazza notes that the eucharistic realism, discussed in the context of the fourth century, was not developed in any of the extant treatises (Mazza 1999, 182). While there was a clear concept of realism (Christ's body becomes bread), it was not questioned. Rather, Mazza finds the realism to serve as one of the normal theological presuppositions. The tenets do show up in some theological treatises (as opposed to commentaries on the liturgy). Mazza reviews in particular the work of Paschasius Radbert (fl. ca. 830), who takes the bread to change in a physical way into the body of Christ; and his colleague Ratramnus, who takes the change to be figural and non-physical in nature (Mazza 1999, 186). From this foundation, theological investigations moved along with the task of describing specifically what happens during the eucharistic ritual (Mazza 1999, 187ff). At issue is what results in creating union with Christ, and in how that union with Christ is described. There is a difficulty especially involving a distinction between physical and spiritual eating and drinking (Mazza 1999, 189). In the eleventh century this issue came to a head with the work of Berengarius, who was hesitant to acknowledge the presence of the body and blood of Chrsit in a "sensible" manner as opposed to being present "sacramentally" (Mazza 1999, 190). Berengarius was considered heretical because he may have been interpreted as rejecting a bodily presence of Christ. Mazza finds that Berengarius can not be proven to hold to the heretical views ascribed to him.

The Middle Ages also saw developments in terms of eucharistic devotion, in which Christians would particularly emphasize their commitment to particular elements of the eucharistic rite (Mazza 1999, 192). While Mazza finds eucharistic devotion as early as the patristic period, at that time the devotion was focused on a Christological view of the divinity of Jesus. In the Middle Ages, he finds it more governed by Christ's humanity and our emotive responses (Mazza 1999, 192). Among the elements of this new devotion were moves to kiss the wounds on a crucifix (Mazza 1999, 194), and to catch a glimpse of the body and blood of Christ in the elevation (Mazza 1999, 196). Dramatization of the events around Christ's ministry were part of the natural outcome of this fervor.

Physical And Spiritual Reality

3/15/2023

3/15/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Ten: The Fourth Century." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 139-159.

Mazza finds that, based on the typological concept of the Eucharist based on the Last Supper, by the fourth century there was a strong concept of "sacramental realism" (Mazza 1999, 139). This is especially visible in the various anaphoras we have from the period. Mazza provides the Anaphora of Serapion, in which the bread is called a ὁμοιώμα of the body of Christ, and the cup of the blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 140). The institution serves to explain the sacramental presence of Christ. The Syriac anaphora of Addai and Mari, found in a sixth century manuscript, uses a translation of the same word into Syriac. Apostolic Tradition chapter 21 uses similar language, in Latin (Mazza 1999, 141). The bread and wine are seen as an antitype of the body and blood of Jesus.

We have a fourth century redaction of the Roman Canon done by Ambrose of Milan, presented in De scaramentis (Mazza 1999, 141). There, the bread and wine are not changed, but are already a figura of the body and blood of Chrsit (Mazza 1999, 142). Only after the language of typology fell out of the anaphora is there a prayer that the bread and wine would become body and blood.

The Byzantine Anaphora of Basil prays over the bread and wine, recognizing them as types of the body and blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 143). Again, there is no hint of a prayer that they would be transformed, but a prayer that they would be recognized as the types which they already are.

While Mazza recognizes liturgical documents such as those mentioned above as the definitive sources of information due to the conservative nature of liturgy, he also finds evidence in nonliturgical sources. Eusebius of Caesarea considers the eucharist as an αἴκων or an archetype (Mazza 1999, 145). What is significant to Mazza is that in Eusebius' conception, as a Platonist, the image of an archetype is not purely physical in nature. Form must be coupled with substance. While there was, in Eusebius' time, a painting in Caesarea which was considered an accurate likeness of Christ, the true image of Christ was not there but rather in the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 146). As the Medieval period ensued, the concept of Eusebius eroded, allowing many to accept pictoral representations as images of the truth of Christ.

The second half of the fourth century saw the rise of mystagogical catechesis, which saw the saving event displayed in the sacrament, and passed that theology on to disciples (Mazza 1999, 147). Mazza adduces Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine of Hippo as the luminaries in this movement. Mazza surveys the five theologians in turn. Cyril, Chrysostom, and Theodore all tend to make arguments for a realism which is not dependent on typology, a departure from earlier authors (Mazza 1999, 148-150). All show that they are able to make a typological argument, but all show that they are willing to make non-typological ones as well. This is also the case in Ambrose, whom Mazza discusses in more detail (Mazza 1999, 151ff). Ambrose first makes his typological arguments, then moves on to those of sacramental realism (Mazza 1999, 151). He approaches it in two ways. In one, he treats salvation as a mystery, which he ties to the concept of a sacrament through a physical likeness (Mazza 1999, 152). Alternatively, at times, Ambrose effectively leaves the typology behind and allows room for teaching of a change of elements from wine to blood and bread to body (Mazza 1999, 153). This step opens the door for debate about exactly when the bread and wine become body and blood.

In contrast to the other four authors discussed above, Augustine's goal is more similar to that of an exegetical theologian. He is not primarily concerned with mystagogical instruction, and draws his material from texts which are directly related to the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 155). He associates the body of Christ in the eucharist with the Church as the body of Christ. The parallel is not universal, but only applies "in a certain way" (Mazza 1999, 156) The association is something grasped by knowledge of the intellect rather than any knowledge of the senses. Augustine speaks of the need to understand spiritually (Mazza 1999, 157).

Real Presence Understood Typologically

3/14/2023

3/14/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Nine: Tertullian and Cyprian." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 117-137.

Tertullian (155-ca. 220) leaves us with a typological interpretation of the eucharist. The body and blood of Christ are present, and they serve to nourish the soul (Mazza 1999, 117). He views the bread and cup as the actual body and blood of Christ, not as figures. For this reason, the elements are treated with the respect we would give Jesus in person (Mazza 1999, 118). Tertullian's argument was against Marcion, who held that Jesus' body was only a body in appearance. Tertullian held to a real incarnation of Christ and his actual bodily presence in the eucharist. The reality of the elements is representative of the reality of the body and blood of Jesus (Mazza 1999, 120). Tertullian's use of the word "represent" is not to be taken symbolically, but, in Mazza's understanding, as a sign of literal presence (Mazza 1999, 121). Tertullian likewise took the Lord's Prayer reference to "daily bread" to be a reference to Chrsit as the bread of life, received in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 123).

Cyprian of Carthage (ca. 200/210-258) knew Tertullian's works and respected him greatly. All that Cyprian wrote about the Eucharist is in Letter 63 (Mazza 1999, 125), written about 253. Not only does Cyprian make it clear that the eucharist is definitively derived from the Last Supper, but he makes it clear that the proper approach to the liturgy is seen in relation to the events of the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 125).

While Tertullian was accepting of a layman presiding over the eucharist, Cyprian sees the celebrant as fulfilling the priestly role of Christ, so assigns the role to a priest or bishop (Mazza 1999, 126). The priest has the place of Christ in the sacrament. It is of critical importance to Cyprian that the priest should do precisely what Jesus did. A specific controversy of his time was use of a cup of water, rather than wine mixed with water. This was unacceptable to Cyprian as Jesus used wine (Mazza 1999, 127). The eucharistic prayer, patterned on Jesus' prayers in the Supper and on the night of his arrest, is the standard, and is to be prayed in a heartfelt manner (Mazza 1999, 129). Cyprian relates the Last Supper with the passion, Jesus' broken body and spilled blood. It is, then, a sacrifice foreshadowed in the Old Testament and completed in Christ (Mazza 1999, 130). For this reason, Cyprian considers the eucharist also to be a sacrificial meal. It is a re-enactment of the passion of the Lord (Mazza 1999, 131). The cup must contain wine since Jesus used wine. His reference to his blood serves as the reference to his passion. Cyprian insists on this reference being plain (Mazza 1999, 132).

Mazza concludes that Cyprian took the eucharist to include the real body and blood of Christ and to serve as part of the typology of Christ's passion. Mazza distinguishes a typological interpretation from allegory. Typology is focused on realism, rather than symbolism (Mazza 1999, 134).

Eucharist Viewed Literally and Sacramentally

3/13/2023

3/13/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eight: The Early Patristic Period." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 93-115

Mazza begins his survey of early patristic authors with Ignatius of Antioch, who mentions the eucharist only in passing (Mazza 1999, 93). When he does mention it, he insists, in contrast to the Docetists, that it is a real body, and in discussing unity of Christians, that the eucharist brings unity. Ignatius is much more focused on the role of the Christian bearing Christ in himself, particularly in terms of Christ's passion (Mazza 1999, 94-95). This life does include the sacramental celebrations as a matter of course. Mazza takes the monarchical view of the bishop, who is central to the eucharistic celebration, to be a development since the time of the Didache, also likely of Antiochian origin (Mazza 1999, 96).

Mazza describes the "sacramental" nature of the bishop and his actions as Ignatius seems to conceive it (Mazza 1999, 98ff). From a typological point of view, God in Christ is the true and invisible bishop, serving as a type. The bishop of presbyter is an antitype, fulfilling what God has given.

Mazza moves on to walk through Ignatius' letters exploring individual eucharistic elements. First, he finds it as a regular occurrence and that there is an expectation that all communicants will be present every time (Mazza 1999, 100). The prayers are participated in by all, sung together, as all partake of unity in Christ (Mazza 1999, 101). This reflects the unity of God in Christ. Ignatius describes the unity of the body of Christ, the liturgy, the actions, and the elements in terms of the unity of the Godhead (Mazza 1999, 102).

Mazza finds no example of the specific Thanksgiving in Ignatius. There is, however, some suggestion, both in his letter to the Romans and in the later Martyrdom of Polycarp describing martyrdom as sacrifice and martyrs as bread (Mazza 1999, 103). Polycarp's prayer at his martyrdom is patterned on part of the Thanksgiving in the paleoanaphora. This suggests a relatively fixed liturgical pattern (Mazza 1999, 104). Ignatius' allusions to elements of the eucharist suggest he is also familiar with a traditional eucharistic liturgy (Mazza 1999, 105). He clearly understands the bread as Christ's body and the wine as Christ's blood. He refers to the eucharist as "medicine of immortality" and a "remedy" against death (Mazza 1999, 106).

Justin Martyr describes the eucharist as well, in two forms, one as a regular Sunday celebration and the other, celebrated after a baptism (Mazza 1999, 107). Because Justin is writing to an emperor, we assume his report is intended to be official and definitive (Mazza 1999, 107). Mazza summarizes Justin's description in brief. The assembled Christians gather, the elements are prayed over, and then eaten and drunk as the body and blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 108). The remaining elements may be taken to those who could not attend. The process is essentially the same after a baptism and in the weekly celebration on Sunday. There is a prayer of thanksgiving, along with other prayers. These are not described in detail by Justin, but it is clear that the celebration is related to the passion of Christ (Mazza 1999, 109). The practice was handed down to the time of Christ by the apostles and other leaders (Mazza 1999, 110).

Mazza finally reviews three passages from Irenaeus' Against Heresies (Mazza 1999, 111). The texts are strongly parallel and, taken together, provide us with a doctrine very like that of Justin. "The bread and wine become Eucharist, that is, the Body and Blood of Christ" (Mazza 1999, 112). The "Word of God" is a participant in the consecration. Irenaeus uses the phrase to indicate a word of prayer which comes from God. Tertullian describes this as a prayer taught by Jesus (Mazza 1999, 113).

Mazza concludes that the prayer has an effect on the bread and the wine, making them a eucharist of body and blood (Mazza 1999, 114). The meal is seen typologically and serves as a fulfillment of the work of Christ (Mazza 1999, 115).

Development within "Handed-down" Traditions

3/10/2023

3/10/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Seven: Thematic Developments in the Eucharistic Liturgy." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 75-92.

Mazza evaluates ways in which eucharistic concepts may have developed as evidenced in various documents. He begins with the thanksgivings in Didache 9 and 10. In chapter nine, the typical Jewish thanksgiving for the "fruit of the vine" is expanded to the vine of David (Mazza 1999, 75). Mazza doesn't find a definite reference to Jesus' presence here. It may speak rather of the history of salvation made available in Israel's history (Mazza 1999, 76). Here, the stated "object of the thanksgiving is the 'holy Name' of God which he has 'made to dwell in our hearts;" (Mazza 1999, 77). Mazza considers that this may refer to God's presence in His people, but here not in the temple but in some other way (Mazza 1999, 78). God is present in the hearts of His people.

The thanksgiving in Didache 10.5 contains a petition which Mazza considers similar to the Birkat ha-Mazon. In the Jewish prayer the thanksgiving is for Israel, while the form in the Didache is focused on the Church (Mazza 1999, 78). While the content differs, Mazza sees a conceptual similarity, as the prayers both give thanks to God for the places and people central to the context of worship. There is also a prominent theme of a gathering, which Mazza finds also in Sirach 36:10-14 (Mazza 1999, 79).

Mazza goes on to describe Paul's use of eucharistic liturgy as evidenced in 1 Corinthians 10-11. "Paul conceives of the Eucharist as a sacrament of unity" (Mazza 1999, 81). This, as well as the concept of God's people being scattered, then gathered, may well be derived from Old Testament passages such as Jeremiah 37-38, where bad shepherds scatter God's sheep (Mazza 1999, 81). In passages such as Ezekiel 34, Isaiah 60, Isaiah 66, and Isaiah 27 God gathers his people together. They are brought firmly into an internal covenant in Jeremiah 39 (Mazza 1999, 82). The gathering of God's people is, therefore, an important Old Testament concept. Paul's development, which Mazza considers the last of important developments in the eucharist, is that "unity is connected with the sacramental nature and the efficacy of the Eucharist" (Mazza 1999, 83-84). God's people, gathered as one body, eat one bread. The eucharistic celebration actually serves to create unity, not merely to symbolize it (Mazza 1999, 85).

Mazza observes a connection between Didache 9-10 and John's Gospel though he freely admits there is no evidence to show the Didache as dependent on John (Mazza 1999, 86). Both come from a similar early Christian tradition. Mazza considers the theme of God drawing people into unity as the link between the two works (Mazza 1999, 87).

The "Mystical Eucharist" from book seven of Apostolic Constitutions shows a strong correspondence to the eucharist as described in the Didache (Mazza 1999, 88). Mazza considers the few distinctions between the two texts as important, so he addresses them in turn. The prayer for unity takes on what Mazza considers a Pauline emphasis on "us" rather than on "the Church" (Mazza 1999, 89). Christ is seen as a mediator of salvation, sent by the Father. The Words of Institution are also present, though absent from the Didache (Mazza 1999, 90). This signals an awareness of a sacramental function of the material, purposely handed down as a typological event.

Structure of the Eucharistic Anaphora

3/9/2023

3/9/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Six: Primitive Anaphoras: Developments of the Eucharistic Liturgy." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 39-74.

In this chapter Mazza reviews several historic anaphoras to evaluate how the eucharistic liturgy developed over time. He begins with the Alexandrian liturgy which has a strophic "paleoanaphora" (Mazza 1999, 39).

The first of the three strophes gives thanks for light, which is not considered a given in the meal liturgies. Mazza finds the theme in "the Yotser, the first of the three blessings of the Shema" (Mazza 1999, 40). The content of the blessing is the same. Mazza asks how a traditional Jewish morning prayer would come to be associated with the eucharist which was built on a traditional ritual meal (Mazza 1999, 41). A possible key to understanding this is in the Alexandrian community of the Therapeutae, said by Philo to be Jewish but considered Christian by Eusebius (Mazza 1999, 42). In their piety, after an evening meal liturgy they would engage in hymnody before a vigil lasting through the night, until in the morning they had prayers of thanksgiving. Those prayers had a definite connection to the prayers of the Temple in Jerusalem (Mazza 1999, 43). Those prayers, then, would hold to the form of the sacrificial prayers for the morning. Mazza observes that as monasticism developed, the rituals of the Therapeutae were maintained (Mazza 1999, 44). The fourth century custom was that of a vigil through Saturday night, concluding with the eucharist on Sunday morning. This was at the time of morning prayer and would have included the prayers traditional for a morning sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 45).

The second strophe in the paleoanaphora from Alexandria is related to the sacrificial element of the morning prayer, including a reference to Malachi 1:11 (Mazza 1999, 46). The eucharist may be seen typologically as a sacrifice, which is also related to praise expressed to God. This is consistent with the relationship of Malachi 1:11 and Hebrews 13:15 (Mazza 1999, 47).

The third strophe of the anaphora prays for the Church along with others (Mazza 1999, 47). This is also related to the blessing before the Shema, placing it within the realm of morning prayers. Mazza thus concludes that the Alexandrian liturgy was related to elements of morning sacrificial prayers due to the influence of an overnight vigil which transferred elements of an evening ritual meal to the next morning (Mazza 1999, 49).

Another significant stream of liturgy is that of Antioch. This influence is apparent in Hippolytus, Basil, and James (Mazza 1999, 50). In the work of Hippolytus, Mazza finds a strong Paschal theme and a description of salvation including the death of Christ (Mazza 1999, 51). The account of the institution is brought into the preface as the key point and reason for thanksgiving (Mazza 1999, 52). The anaphora in Hippolytus and that of Alexandria have enough structural differences that Mazza considers them "irreconcilable" (Mazza 1999, 52). However, he does discuss the possibility that the institution narrative would have been inserted into a form of the Alexandrian liturgy, which could have eventually diverged from the Asiatic form as exemplified by Hippolytus (Mazza 1999, 53). Mazza suggests that the institution narrative may have been inserted in Alexandria and then influenced the Asiatic liturgy (Mazza 1999, 53-54). Following the institution, there is an anamnesis and offering, with sacrificial language which may well parallel the second strophe in Alexandria (Mazza 1999, 54). The liturgy moves on to a number of petitions, an epiclesis (Mazza 1999, 56-57. Within this, Mazza notes two distinct prayers about the Holy Spirit. The first treats him as central, while the second does not. This suggests to Mazza that the second was derived from some other source (Mazza 1999, 59). Mazza thus concludes that the forms which seemed irreconcilable may actually be derived from the same source and may also have influenced each other (Mazza 1999, 60).

Mazza moves on to consider the Roman Canon, first attested by Ambrose of Milan, in De sacramentis (Mazza 1999, 62). The structure seems unlike any of the other anaphoras. However, Mazza notes that there are underlying structural similarities emerging in recent research (Mazza 1999, 63). When we compare roots and possible sources of the prayers, we find two prefaces which are similar to those of Alexandria (Mazza 1999, 64). Their structures are identical. Mazza finds, then, that the skeletal structure has simply been clothed with additional elements (Mazza 1999, 65).

Mazza finally reviews Syrian anaphoras, noting that these differ by region (Mazza 1999, 66ff). Mazza does find elements which are identical across multiple different anaphoras, clearly indicating common origins (Mazza 1999, 67). In sermons and commentaries on these anaphoras, the Sanctus has apparently been used as a dividing point, suggesting later insertion of the institution narrative at that point (Mazza 1999, 68). The institution narrative is apparently added after the Sanctus and a post-sanctus had been developed. Awareness of this structural aspect allows evaluation of all the Syrian anaphoras, which can be shown to have a similar structure (Mazza 1999, 71).

Early Eucharistic Anaphoras

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3/8/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Five: Primitive Anaphoras: From the Didache to the Mystical Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 35-37.

Having established a form of the Last Supper based on the festive meal, Mazza attempts to move through history, tracing the development of the eucharist through what we know of the anaphoras. He first visits Apostolic Constitutions book VII (Mazza 1999, 35). In this work he finds clear parallels to Didache 9-10, but with the actual meal eliminated (Mazza 1999, 36). The prayers remain indicative of the same ritual. His conclusion is that by 380, the date of Apostolic Constitutions, the move of the elements of the rite had arrived in their current position. The importance of the various prayers has also gone through a shift, with the prayer at the end becoming less important and that at the beginning increasing in importance (Mazza 1999, 37). Both prayers have retained a tripartite structure, each with a different purpose.

Eucharist, Last Supper, and Jewish Festive Meals

3/7/2023

3/7/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Four: From the Jewish Liturgy to the Christian Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 29-34.

Mazza had previously suggested that the Last Supper was not a Passover meal. He now considers that, as described by Luke, the meal follows the pattern of a "Jewish festive meal" (Mazza 1999, 29). The opening prayers introduce the meal. At the end of the meal, there is a thanksgiving over a cup. The opening prayers include a ritual cup and breaking of bread.

The same order of events is present in the eucharistic meal described in Didache 9-10 (Mazza 1999, 30). In 1 Corinthians 10:16-17 Paul describes the eucharistic rite he was given, then in 11:23-25 he tells of Jesus' Last Supper as an institution of the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 31). In chapter 10 there is no full meal, yet the other parts of the ritual are present.

Mazza's evaluation concludes that the entirety of the ritual around the festive meal was compressed to the events at the beginning, resulting in the eucharistic form which developed quite early (Mazza 1999, 31). In effect, this also removed the first cup from the event, leaving us with the bread first, then the cup, our modern order, and combining the prayers into one (Mazza 1999, 33).

Eucharist and Other Ritual Meals

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3/6/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Three: The Origin of the Christian Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 19-28.

Mazza ties the eucharist directly to the Last Supper and Jesus' command to continue doing what he had done (Mazza 1999, 19). The Christian anaphora, or eucharistic prayers, are centered around the blessing of the bread and giving thanks for the cup. Mazza sees the explanations and prayers as setting this meal apart from other meal rituals. An understanding of this difference may well have led the disciples in their decision to continue in Jesus' command to "do this" (Mazza 1999, 20).

While Mazza concedes freely that in the second century the actual meal was separated from the eucharist, and that the separate prayers over the bread and the cup were combined into one prayer, still there is a good deal of conformity to the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 21). Mazza catalogs nine ritual actions which were present in the Last Supper and remain present in the celebration of the Mass, from taking bread until the time the cup is given with accompanying words.

Among the four New Testament reports of the Last Supper, there are two different threads of tradition represented. Mazza observes that Mark and Matthew describe the Supper one way, while Luke and Paul describe it differently (Mazza 1999, 22). He dates Paul's account to spring of 54, but traces it to an earlier tradition. Since Paul had been handed the tradition which he transferred to the Corinthians, the tradition itself was present by the time Paul began work in Corinth in 49 (Mazza 1999, 23). His description in 1 Corinthians 10 is very similar to that in Luke 22 and in Didache 9-10. Mark's narrative, though it may have been redacted earlier, is not necessarily more accurate. Mazza considers it to have grown, as did Luke's from liturgical tradition in his community (Mazza 1999, 24). Luke's harmonizes well with known Jewish meal traditions, while Mark's does not.

Mazza considers the different chronologies of the Synoptics and of John, and notes that current scholarship is becoming more convinced by John's chronology, which places the Last Supper the night before the Passover (Mazza 1999, 25). While Jesus is the true Passover lamb, the meal with the disciples does not appear to be a Passover. Luke's description of the introductory rite, the meal, and the concluding ritual does certainly speak of God's coming kingdom. Jesus clearly gives his disciples his body to eat (Mazza 1999, 27). Yet Mazza doesn't find it to be a passover meal. It is a ceremonial meal with a cup and bread, a supper, and a final cup, all accompanied by prayers. This is very like the Eucharist except with the insertion of a meal.

Ritual Sacrifice and Meal

3/3/2023

3/3/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Two: Old Testament Sacrifices and Ritual Meals." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 9-17.

Mazza recognizes that there are two basic ways we can understand the Old Testament as informing our concept of the eucharist. It may be read in terms of typology or in terms of history (Mazza 1999, 9). From a typological perspective we would see the significance of events and characters in the Old Testament as foreshadowing what happens in the eucharist. From an historical perspective we would interpret rituals and meals which actually serve as antecedents to the eucharist.

To evaluate the origin of the eucharist, Mazza first goes to Jewish meal rituals, which led to the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 9). Since ritual meals may be tied to sacrifice, Mazza moves to Deuteronomy 12. In this part of Deuteronomy Mazza finds an adjustment of some civil laws so as to fit the more settled, permanently organized nature of Israel among the nations (Mazza 1999, 10). The central sanctuary became more prominent, increasing in its status until the time of Hezekaih (Mazza 1999, 11).

The sacrifice which Mazza ties to the ritual meal he calls the "communion sacrifice" (Mazza 1999, 11). In this ritual, an animal is killed, some is burned, other parts go to priests and to the family that made the offering to be eaten at a joyful meal.

Mazza takes Deuteronomy 12:13-15 to instruct the people that not all slaughter of animals should be seen as a sacrifice, but only those made at the central location (Mazza 1999, 12). From this conclusion, he extrapolates earlier slaughter for food procurement to be a ritual sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 13). If all slaughter is a ritual activity, we expect that the meals would be as well (Mazza 1999, 14). With the greater centralization of the place of worship, the meal could still retain a liturgical and ritual significance, though it might not have to. Mazza sees Jewish meals retaining that element, consistent with Deuteronomy 8:10 which speaks of blessing God at meals. He concludes that the meal retained liturgical, but not sacrificial, character (Mazza 1999, 15).

Mazza notes the use of a Birkat ha-Mazon prayer at any substantial meal (Mazza 1999, 15). The ritual is retained.

Why Study Eucharistic Practice?

3/2/2023

3/2/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter One: Introduction." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 1-8.

Mazza briefly reviews scholarship pertaining to the eucharist since the publication of Dix' The Shape of the Liturgy in 1945. Study has made significant advances, but Mazza considers too much to be contained in academic journals of limited circulation (Mazza 1999, 2). Methods of study which have proven fruitful include attempts to understand the eucharist as rooted in Jewish liturgical sources.

Mazza, in this work, attempts to write an historical manual on eucharistic practice, rather than a series of topical articles which follow no consistent overall goal (Mazza 1999, 2). He intentionally uses a theological method of analysis, which he distinguishes from a philological or historical approach. The emphases, in order, are on the nature of the Sacrament, the relationship between eucharist and sacrifice, and a spiritual discussion of "fruitful reception of the Sacrament" (Mazza 1999, 3). Mazza discusses in some detail how this approach differs in its structure from much of twentieth century analysis, which is more dependent on historical criticism or topics which have been removed from their context.

As he develops his analysis, Mazza will deal with an understanding of the eucharist as a sacrifice and as bearing the real presence of Christ (Mazza 1999, 7). The two concepts can be seen as related and complementary to one another.

Eucharist in Early Christianity

3/1/2023

3/1/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Conclusion." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 185-194.

Through LaVerdiere's survey of the eucharist from about AD 30-155, he concludes there is plurality of both thought and practice. In different locations and times there are certainly different emphases. However, he thinks it is possible to track a coherent history (LaVerdiere 1996, 185). The New Testament record was known, and developed from the ritual practices of one source. For this reason, LaVerdiere sees the differences as "complementarity" rather than "diversity" (LaVerdiere 1996, 186). The traditions reflected in the New Testament influenced later and more distant communities.

The celebration of eucharist was universal, never being separated from the local church and always being associated with Jesus' appearance as the crucified and resurrected one (LaVerdiere 1996, 187). He was seen as present for his people. The church didn't exist apart from the eucharist, along with a few other elements.

Through baptism and eucharist, people are seen as entering into and continuing in the unity given by Christ. This is the context for resolving conflicts and doctrinal differences (LaVerdiere 1996, 188).

LaVerdiere further emphasizes the Christology involved in the eucharst. Jesus was specifically recognized as the one present in the meal (LaVerdiere 1996, 189-190). Apart form the Didache, all the witnesses clearly recognized the memory of Jesus' death and resurrection.

We also find complementary elements in the liturgical elements, including formulaic statements, theological concepts, and the overall shape of the ritual (LaVerdiere 1996, 191).