Category: Eucharist - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

The Last Supper and the Eucharist

3/27/2023

3/27/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eighteen: The Last Supper and the Church's Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 297-306.

Mazza has concluded that the eucharist is best understood in reference to the Last Supper, and that there is a strong analogy between the two (Mazza 1999, 297). Therefore, he considers only the New Testament texts to clarify the actions and desires of Jesus in the meal. The liturgy enables us to relive what Christ gave us when he said, "Do this in remembrance of me" (Mazza 1999, 298).

The Last Supper gives us a meal which is related to Jewish ritual but which, as Jesus acts and speaks, depart from that ritual (Mazza 1999, 299). Mazza sees this as behavior characteristic of a prophet. The passing of the cup is symbolic of a passing around of a special blessing from the head of a family or group (Mazza 1999, 300). Jesus' references to his body and blood refer to the crucifixion and to his death as that which bears witness to his mission. Mazza sees it also as an eschatological statement, as the farewell Jesus gives also signifies the completion of Jesus' tasks (Mazza 1999, 301). The explanation that the bread is Jesus' body speaks to Jesus' mortality (Mazza 1999, 303). However, its being "for you" shows that Jesus' gift is for the particular good of his disciples. Likewise, the cup is important, not only because of the blood, but also because a cup is related to establishing a covenant (Mazza 1999, 304). This is also pertinent to the blood of a c ovenant which is poured out for a sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 305).

Mazza concludes that the Last Supper has pointed effectively to all the significance of the eucharist. The meal is a complex sign of salvation (Mazza 1999, 306).

Components of a Prayer

3/24/2023

3/24/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Seventeen: The Parts of the Eucharistic Prayer." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 281-295.

Mazza uses this penultimate chapter of his book to describe the different elements of the eucharistic prayer in some detail. Initially, the preface was centered on thanksgiving to God (Mazza 1999, 281). The preface, then, is related to Jesus' initial action in the Last Supper, that of giving thanks. The thanksgivings in the earliest anaphoras are short, but developed over time to include more elaborate descriptions of salvation and the nature of the Christian faith (Mazza 1999, 282). Because of the great number of different prefaces, Mazza does not deal with individual forms oin detail. He does, however, note that the thanksgiving always speaks of God's gifts which we receive (Mazza 1999, 283).

The prayer moves on to the Sanctus, introduced into the eucharistic prayer in the fifth century (Mazza 1999, 285). The text itself is of a very early date, but the use in the eucharistic prayer is more recent. The recognition of holiness makes the participant an imitator of the angels who cry out to God regarding his holiness (Mazza 1999, 286).

The third part of the eucharistic prayer is the institution account (Mazza 1999, 287). The consecration has been taken to be at the same point in the prayers, though the formal language of consecration in this account of institution was not present until the 1972 Missal (Mazza 1999, 288). Mazza observes that an account of institution is theologically distinct from an act of consecration, though the actual words and actions may be the same.

After the account of institution comes an Anamnesis and an offering. The anamnesis recalls Jesus' command to "do this in memory of me" (Mazza 1999, 290). The congregation receives communion while actively remembering what the Lord has done. In the Roman Canon this is followed by an act of offering the consecrated elements to God (Mazza 1999, 292). Mazza sees this as a sacrifice of prayer, in which God receives what is committed to him.

Fifth comes an epiclesis, in which the prayer is made that the eucharist would be fruitful (Mazza 1999, 292). The congregation is to receive the eucharist faithfully and become one in Christ. Ths is confessed to be a work of the Holy Spirit (Mazza 1999, 293).

At the end of the eucharistic prayer come intercessions (Mazza 1999, 294). These particularly pray for Christian leaders and then for all God's saints. The prayer closes with a doxology making praise to God as the end of all our prayers (Mazza 1999, 294-295).

One Way to Change Liturgy and Practice

3/23/2023

3/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Sixteen: The Implementation of the Liturgical Reform." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 263-280.

As a result of the Vatican II council, Mazza notes that in 1969 there was a new Order of Mass published, as well as an instructional manual (Mazza 1999, 263). In it, the rubrics are accompanied by theological explanations. Within the updated Missals there are versions of the Mass for a variety of different circumstances. Mazza briefly describes the various components of the order of the Mass (Mazza 1999, 264ff).

The eucharistic prayer itself remained unchanged, still remaining consistent with the Roman Canon which was last changed in any significant way in the early seventh century (Mazza 1999, 269). Mazza observes that there had been several revisionso f anaphoras and prayers, but they were local or regional in nature. There was a move then to allow for other eucharistic prayers which could be presented along with that of the Roman Canon. The prefaces were multiplied at this time as well (Mazza 1999, 270). A variety of additional materials were published during the papacy of Paul VI.

Change of Eucharistic Focus

3/23/2023

3/22/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Fifteen: The Liturgical Reform of Vatical Council II." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 251-261.

In this chapter, Mazza has jumped from the 16th century Reformation and council of Trent, the topic of the previous chapter, to the 20th century and Vatican II, which was especially interested in developing a pastoral level teaching on the participation of the faithful in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 251). The focus shifted from "devout reception" of the sacrament to "active participation." The communicant was to understand and participate actively in the rite (Mazza 1999, 252).

Mazza observes that two points of doctrine were considered of primary importance in Vatican II: the true presence of the body of Christ in the eucharist, and the way the eucharist was related to Christ's sacrifice on the cross were to be clarified (Mazza 1999, 253). The root of the challenge is that while the eucharistic celebration is a "repraesentatio" of the sacrifice of Christ, the consecrated elements are not to be seen as a representation but as a real and literal presence of Christ (Mazza 1999, 254). Finding an adequate means of distinguishing between the two is a difficult challenge. Mazza considers it to be the challenge which was not articulated adequately in Trent. Dealing with it well would make it possible to interpret the patristic authors in such a way that they could speak to our current age (Mazza 1999, 255).

In Vatican II some reforms to the iturgical practice were approved, which may have appeared minor but could have had substantial impact. The kiss of peace was restored, as was a universal prayer of the faithful (Mazza 1999, 256). The altar was moved from the wall so as to take on more prominence. The practice of adding additional priests around the celebrant, leading in the responses or as a choir of celebrants was revived (Mazza 1999, 257). The additional voices had become silent by the eighth century. Its restoration is not explained, but is simply performed (Mazza 1999, 259). However, it may suggest the fact that all the members of the priesthood would have an equal footing in the eucharistic celebration.

Reformational Clarifications of Eucharist

3/21/2023

3/21/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Fourteen: The Reformation and the Council of Trent." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 237-250.

Mazza notes three complaints about eucharistic practice, listed in Luther's The Babylonian Captivity (1520). In this work, Luther rejects reception of communion in one kind, transubstantiation, and the idea that the eucharist is a "good work" (Mazza 1999, 237). Mazza does mischaracterize Luther as embracing consubstantiation, then Mazza defines it as similar in nature to the hypostatic union, with two natures (bread and body) co-existing in one item. This, in my understanding, differs from the classic definition of consubstantiation, in which the two substances form a third substance. Mazza does observe correctly that Zwingli's objection to the real presence concept of Luther was based on an insistence on Christ's bodily local presence at the right hand of the Father (Mazza 1999, 238). Luther further rejected the sacrificial character of the Eucharist as a good work as it was not scriptural to consider a celebration of the eucharist as a work which could forgive sins.

Luther's revision of the Roman canon removed the sacrificial language. The prayers were also mostly rejected, in Mazza's view, leaving only the Words of Institution, though he does acknowledge the presence of "the offertory, the dialogue before the Preface and the Preface itself, and the account of Last Supper, which was followed by the singing of the Sanctus and the Benedictus, while the bread and wine were to be elevated" (Mazza 1999, 239). In other words, while the preface was retained, the other prayers were mostly removed.

The effect of Luther's changes was to put much of the celebration into the realm of active congregational participation. The prayers which were seen as akin to the prayers of Jesus at the Last Supper are gone, but there is a great deal of praise to God, coming from the congregation rather than the celebrant (Mazza 1999, 240-241).

Mazza finds Calvin difficult to interpret largely because his use of the Scriptures and the Fathers is theological rather than historical in outlook. It therefore becomes difficult to place the evidence Calvin uses into its proper historical or theological context (Mazza 1999, 241). Calvin rejects transubstantiation and instead holds to a "sacramental realism which he thinks of as half-way between Lutherand Zwingli" (Mazza 1999, 242). He will not accept a local presence of Christ in the bread nd wine, yet he will not consider it merely a symbol. Calvin will accept a "sacrifice of thanksgiving in the eucharist, but does not accept it as a sacrifice which forgives sins" (Mazza 1999, 243). The liturgy ws greatly reduced, to reading of Scripture and a sermon, with the eucharist, only four times a year, and introduced by a prayer and the Words of Institution (Mazza 1999, 244).

In the same period, the Council of Trent assembled to respond to the alterations of the Reformers (Mazza 1999, 244). Mazza does not consider the council's treatment to provide a complete picture of eucharistic practice. It deals rather with the issue of both kinds, communion of children, and the Roman Canon. The council defended reception in one kind because both kinds were not specifically required by divine precept and because one kind had been allowed in practice for some time (Mazza 1999, 246). It was therefore to be held as the normal practice. Mazza notes that the interpretive method was dependent on the theological practices developed during the Medieval period, including many elements of Aristotelian philosophy (Mazza 1999, 247). The connection of the theology of th Middle Ages to Aristotle was significant. Particularly concepts of truth and the validity of symobols or figures were front and center in the discussions.

Altars and Relics

3/20/2023

3/20/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Thirteen: The Eucharist and the Relics of the Saints." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 225-236.

Mazza suggests that the custom of incorporating relics into the altar at church arose from the fact that altars were early erected over tombs of martyrs (Mazza 1999, 225). The consecration of an altar and the case of a relic thus became a very important element of local piety. Mazza looks for a relationship between this presence of a relic in the altar and the sacrament of the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 226).

In Ordo XLII, probably dating to the eighth century, there are instructions for placement of relics and consecration of an altar (Mazza 1999, 226-227). The consecrated Eucharist is placed in the same box with other relics to be placed in the chamber of the altar (Mazza 1999, 227). There was a process of chrismation, as well as use of holy water in the process of sealing the container. Through the 12th century, there was gradual development of the rites. The practice of placing consecrated eucharistic elements in the box with relics remained the same (Mazza 1999, 229), though it was omitted from some rubrics.

Mazza briefly refers to rubrics from the early 13th century which instruct that if the blood of Christ stains a corporal, that part is cut out and retained as a relic (Mazza 1999, 231). This instruction connects the practice of the eucharistic celebration with that of honoring relics. Mazza notesa hypothesis that the omission of an instruction about placing the eucharistic elements in a box for preservation could be related to the idea that the sacrament is intended for eating, therefore should not be reserved (Mazza 1999, 232). The practice tended to remain in some settings, but not all (Mazza 1999, 233-234).

The Eucharist Becomes Metaphysical

3/17/2023

3/17/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Twelve: The Scholastic High Middle Ages." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 199-224.

As Mazza moves to the High Middle Ages he immediately discusses Thomas Aquinas, who sought a coherent view of the eucharist through the lens of Aristotelian philosophy (Mazza 1999, 199). The eucharist comes to be understood in terms of a metaphysical reality. In the 12th century Mazza finds an important conceptual shift in eucharistic understanding. "[A]ll medieval theologians took as the scriptural basis of their discussion of the Eucharist, not the sentence; 'Do this in memory of me,' but the words 'This is my body' and 'this is my blood' (Mazza 1999, 200). The key text also shifted from John 6:53 to 1 Corinthians 11:28-29. Mazza notes that over time Thomas' use of Scripture and of patristic sources developed in its abundance and intricacy (Mazza 1999, 201).

Mazza observes that Matthew 28:20 was early and often taken as evidence for Christ's physical presence in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 202). Thomas, in contrast, considered the presence of Christ in communion to be illocal in nature, thus he rejected an actual bodily presence of Christ. While Christ is present in communion, Thomas would reject the bodily presence, at least in any way that could be perceived physically (Mazza 1999, 203-204). This is a significant departure from Paschasius.

At the root of Thomas' evaluation is a sharp distinction between substance and accidents. If this were not the case, we would conclude that when bread or wine become body or blood, the physical, perceptible product would have to change as well (Mazza 1999, 204). The accidents of bread and wine do not change, though the substance does. Because Aristotelian philosophy required the substance and accidents to remain consistent with each other, Thomas was forced to propose that the substance of Christ's body and blood in the eucharist were not bound to an accidental object, therefore the substance could change without changing the physical, oliteral bread and wine (Mazza 1999, 205). To deal with a third problem, that of Chrsit being present anywhere in the eucharist and not being consumed until gone, the problem of quantity, Thomas has no answer except that God's power can accomplish this (Mazza 1999, 206).

Though we could think Thomas was denying the body of Christ in the eucharist, in fact, Thomas affirmed the true body and blood of Christ were present in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 207). More important to Thomas than the liturgy or the practice of celebrating the eucharist is what it signifies, and whether it actually accomplishes what it shows as a cause (Mazza 1999, 208). Analysis of these issues leads Thomas to move from a concept of ex opere operato to seeing the eucharist as something caused by the work of the officiant whose virtue is transferred to the elements and empowers them to accomplish something (Mazza 1999, 209-210). He understands this as occurring at the Words of Institution, not during the eucharistic prayer, thus making the prayer optional (Mazza 1999, 210).

Thomas sees symbolism and representation present throughout the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 211). He maintains that the true sacrifice took place in Christ's death. This is the locus of the sacrament, which serves to represent the actual event. He further classifies nine points at which the priest's making the sign of the cross indicates the passion of Christ (Mazza 1999, 212). Mazza details these in brief, indicating the symbolic significance Thomas sees in them.

In the end, Mazza observes Thomas is unable to reach a definitive proof of whether the body of Christ is present in veritate or only in figura (Mazza 1999, 214). He is not able to tell in what way the Chrsitian is a partaker of Christ and His passion.

Bonaventure, Thomas' contemporary, while holding to a concept of transubstantiation, would speak of a change of substance (Mazza 1999, 215). He held to the interpretation of Matthew 28:20 as significant of a bodily presence of Christ. The bread and wine thus became a cover for the body and blood of Christ, also providing numerous physical symbols, such as nourishment and hospitality (Mazza 1999, 216). Bonaventure confesses the corpus verum - the true body of Christ present in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 217). Yet, at times, Bonaventure will suggest a third elvel of reality, neither a symbol nor the item itself. This develops into a tendency to admit both a symbol and reality at the same time, a philosophical and logical difficulty. In some way, Bonaventure says, the sacrament involves causality, but it is not altogether clear how this works (Mazza 1999, 220).

Mazza illustrates the difficulties of these inquiries by surveying the question, quid mus sumit? (Mazza 1999, 220-222). If a mouse were to eat the consecrated bread, would it be bread, the body of Christ, or possibly both? While most of the high medieval theologians would affirm the consecrated bread remained the body of Christ, some would propose that it changed back to mere bread. The question was important not because of rodents but because of the issue of whether heretics received the true body of Christ (Mazza 1999, 222). In general, the opinion grew that the consecrated bread was for sacramental use and that it would not bear its sacramental power when misused.

Mazza notes in conclusion that the different approaches to the theology of the eucharist could be rooted in different conceptions of salvation. Exploration of the theology is thus important.

Allegory Takes Hold

3/16/2023

3/16/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eleven: The Early Middle Ages." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 161-197.

After the fourth century, Mazza finds a gradual move away from understanding the eucharist in terms of typology. Interpretation rather moved toward either "the figural method…(or) the method of sacramental realism" (Mazza 1999, 161). The figural method arose after typology had changed into allegory. The figure of the allegory was understood as the important element in eucharistic understanding. The method of sacramental realism, as we saw in chapter ten, allowed for a typological understanding, but one which may have been considered less important than the emphasis on the real belief in what the sacrament contained (Mazza 1999, 162). This interpretation grew into a philosophy per se.

Mazza considers Amalarius of Metz (ca. 770/75-850/53) as the fundamental pioneer in medieval eucharistic theology related to the sacrifice of Christ, specifically in allegorical terms (Mazza 1999, 162ff). His work seeks out the origin and the nature of individual rites and their relationships to salvation (Mazza 1999, 163). His commentaries take an allegorical approach throughout. For instance, because "the Mass is the celebration of the passion of Christ, each of the rites making up the Eucharist must represent a stage in that passion" (Mazza 1999, 164). Mazza describes the steps of this process in some detail, as the method of interpretation is less commonly used today.

Amalarius approaches his understanding of the rites of the church through the context of allegory, allowing various elements of his allegorical interpretation to represent different things at different times. In all, he is concerned with the allegory, not with arguments for or descriptions of sacramentality (Mazza 1999, 169). Amalarius was eventually condemned as a heretic, with charges of "having destroyed the unity of the body of Christ" based on comments made pertaining to the fraction of the bread (Mazza 1999, 171). Mazza considers there to have been political motivations behind the prosecution as well.

After the time of Amalarius, Mazza notes that a number of commentaries on the mass were produced prior to the close of the 13th century (Mazza 1999, 173). Mazza reviews a number of these; particularly works of the 12th century. Much of the work is influenced by Amalarius, whether by spurring agreement or inciting rejection of his allegorical principles.

While the discussion around the eucharist was largely focused on allegorical interpretations, Mazza notes that the eucharistic realism, discussed in the context of the fourth century, was not developed in any of the extant treatises (Mazza 1999, 182). While there was a clear concept of realism (Christ's body becomes bread), it was not questioned. Rather, Mazza finds the realism to serve as one of the normal theological presuppositions. The tenets do show up in some theological treatises (as opposed to commentaries on the liturgy). Mazza reviews in particular the work of Paschasius Radbert (fl. ca. 830), who takes the bread to change in a physical way into the body of Christ; and his colleague Ratramnus, who takes the change to be figural and non-physical in nature (Mazza 1999, 186). From this foundation, theological investigations moved along with the task of describing specifically what happens during the eucharistic ritual (Mazza 1999, 187ff). At issue is what results in creating union with Christ, and in how that union with Christ is described. There is a difficulty especially involving a distinction between physical and spiritual eating and drinking (Mazza 1999, 189). In the eleventh century this issue came to a head with the work of Berengarius, who was hesitant to acknowledge the presence of the body and blood of Chrsit in a "sensible" manner as opposed to being present "sacramentally" (Mazza 1999, 190). Berengarius was considered heretical because he may have been interpreted as rejecting a bodily presence of Christ. Mazza finds that Berengarius can not be proven to hold to the heretical views ascribed to him.

The Middle Ages also saw developments in terms of eucharistic devotion, in which Christians would particularly emphasize their commitment to particular elements of the eucharistic rite (Mazza 1999, 192). While Mazza finds eucharistic devotion as early as the patristic period, at that time the devotion was focused on a Christological view of the divinity of Jesus. In the Middle Ages, he finds it more governed by Christ's humanity and our emotive responses (Mazza 1999, 192). Among the elements of this new devotion were moves to kiss the wounds on a crucifix (Mazza 1999, 194), and to catch a glimpse of the body and blood of Christ in the elevation (Mazza 1999, 196). Dramatization of the events around Christ's ministry were part of the natural outcome of this fervor.

Physical And Spiritual Reality

3/15/2023

3/15/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Ten: The Fourth Century." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 139-159.

Mazza finds that, based on the typological concept of the Eucharist based on the Last Supper, by the fourth century there was a strong concept of "sacramental realism" (Mazza 1999, 139). This is especially visible in the various anaphoras we have from the period. Mazza provides the Anaphora of Serapion, in which the bread is called a ὁμοιώμα of the body of Christ, and the cup of the blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 140). The institution serves to explain the sacramental presence of Christ. The Syriac anaphora of Addai and Mari, found in a sixth century manuscript, uses a translation of the same word into Syriac. Apostolic Tradition chapter 21 uses similar language, in Latin (Mazza 1999, 141). The bread and wine are seen as an antitype of the body and blood of Jesus.

We have a fourth century redaction of the Roman Canon done by Ambrose of Milan, presented in De scaramentis (Mazza 1999, 141). There, the bread and wine are not changed, but are already a figura of the body and blood of Chrsit (Mazza 1999, 142). Only after the language of typology fell out of the anaphora is there a prayer that the bread and wine would become body and blood.

The Byzantine Anaphora of Basil prays over the bread and wine, recognizing them as types of the body and blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 143). Again, there is no hint of a prayer that they would be transformed, but a prayer that they would be recognized as the types which they already are.

While Mazza recognizes liturgical documents such as those mentioned above as the definitive sources of information due to the conservative nature of liturgy, he also finds evidence in nonliturgical sources. Eusebius of Caesarea considers the eucharist as an αἴκων or an archetype (Mazza 1999, 145). What is significant to Mazza is that in Eusebius' conception, as a Platonist, the image of an archetype is not purely physical in nature. Form must be coupled with substance. While there was, in Eusebius' time, a painting in Caesarea which was considered an accurate likeness of Christ, the true image of Christ was not there but rather in the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 146). As the Medieval period ensued, the concept of Eusebius eroded, allowing many to accept pictoral representations as images of the truth of Christ.

The second half of the fourth century saw the rise of mystagogical catechesis, which saw the saving event displayed in the sacrament, and passed that theology on to disciples (Mazza 1999, 147). Mazza adduces Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine of Hippo as the luminaries in this movement. Mazza surveys the five theologians in turn. Cyril, Chrysostom, and Theodore all tend to make arguments for a realism which is not dependent on typology, a departure from earlier authors (Mazza 1999, 148-150). All show that they are able to make a typological argument, but all show that they are willing to make non-typological ones as well. This is also the case in Ambrose, whom Mazza discusses in more detail (Mazza 1999, 151ff). Ambrose first makes his typological arguments, then moves on to those of sacramental realism (Mazza 1999, 151). He approaches it in two ways. In one, he treats salvation as a mystery, which he ties to the concept of a sacrament through a physical likeness (Mazza 1999, 152). Alternatively, at times, Ambrose effectively leaves the typology behind and allows room for teaching of a change of elements from wine to blood and bread to body (Mazza 1999, 153). This step opens the door for debate about exactly when the bread and wine become body and blood.

In contrast to the other four authors discussed above, Augustine's goal is more similar to that of an exegetical theologian. He is not primarily concerned with mystagogical instruction, and draws his material from texts which are directly related to the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 155). He associates the body of Christ in the eucharist with the Church as the body of Christ. The parallel is not universal, but only applies "in a certain way" (Mazza 1999, 156) The association is something grasped by knowledge of the intellect rather than any knowledge of the senses. Augustine speaks of the need to understand spiritually (Mazza 1999, 157).

Real Presence Understood Typologically

3/14/2023

3/14/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Nine: Tertullian and Cyprian." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 117-137.

Tertullian (155-ca. 220) leaves us with a typological interpretation of the eucharist. The body and blood of Christ are present, and they serve to nourish the soul (Mazza 1999, 117). He views the bread and cup as the actual body and blood of Christ, not as figures. For this reason, the elements are treated with the respect we would give Jesus in person (Mazza 1999, 118). Tertullian's argument was against Marcion, who held that Jesus' body was only a body in appearance. Tertullian held to a real incarnation of Christ and his actual bodily presence in the eucharist. The reality of the elements is representative of the reality of the body and blood of Jesus (Mazza 1999, 120). Tertullian's use of the word "represent" is not to be taken symbolically, but, in Mazza's understanding, as a sign of literal presence (Mazza 1999, 121). Tertullian likewise took the Lord's Prayer reference to "daily bread" to be a reference to Chrsit as the bread of life, received in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 123).

Cyprian of Carthage (ca. 200/210-258) knew Tertullian's works and respected him greatly. All that Cyprian wrote about the Eucharist is in Letter 63 (Mazza 1999, 125), written about 253. Not only does Cyprian make it clear that the eucharist is definitively derived from the Last Supper, but he makes it clear that the proper approach to the liturgy is seen in relation to the events of the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 125).

While Tertullian was accepting of a layman presiding over the eucharist, Cyprian sees the celebrant as fulfilling the priestly role of Christ, so assigns the role to a priest or bishop (Mazza 1999, 126). The priest has the place of Christ in the sacrament. It is of critical importance to Cyprian that the priest should do precisely what Jesus did. A specific controversy of his time was use of a cup of water, rather than wine mixed with water. This was unacceptable to Cyprian as Jesus used wine (Mazza 1999, 127). The eucharistic prayer, patterned on Jesus' prayers in the Supper and on the night of his arrest, is the standard, and is to be prayed in a heartfelt manner (Mazza 1999, 129). Cyprian relates the Last Supper with the passion, Jesus' broken body and spilled blood. It is, then, a sacrifice foreshadowed in the Old Testament and completed in Christ (Mazza 1999, 130). For this reason, Cyprian considers the eucharist also to be a sacrificial meal. It is a re-enactment of the passion of the Lord (Mazza 1999, 131). The cup must contain wine since Jesus used wine. His reference to his blood serves as the reference to his passion. Cyprian insists on this reference being plain (Mazza 1999, 132).

Mazza concludes that Cyprian took the eucharist to include the real body and blood of Christ and to serve as part of the typology of Christ's passion. Mazza distinguishes a typological interpretation from allegory. Typology is focused on realism, rather than symbolism (Mazza 1999, 134).

Eucharist Viewed Literally and Sacramentally

3/13/2023

3/13/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eight: The Early Patristic Period." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 93-115

Mazza begins his survey of early patristic authors with Ignatius of Antioch, who mentions the eucharist only in passing (Mazza 1999, 93). When he does mention it, he insists, in contrast to the Docetists, that it is a real body, and in discussing unity of Christians, that the eucharist brings unity. Ignatius is much more focused on the role of the Christian bearing Christ in himself, particularly in terms of Christ's passion (Mazza 1999, 94-95). This life does include the sacramental celebrations as a matter of course. Mazza takes the monarchical view of the bishop, who is central to the eucharistic celebration, to be a development since the time of the Didache, also likely of Antiochian origin (Mazza 1999, 96).

Mazza describes the "sacramental" nature of the bishop and his actions as Ignatius seems to conceive it (Mazza 1999, 98ff). From a typological point of view, God in Christ is the true and invisible bishop, serving as a type. The bishop of presbyter is an antitype, fulfilling what God has given.

Mazza moves on to walk through Ignatius' letters exploring individual eucharistic elements. First, he finds it as a regular occurrence and that there is an expectation that all communicants will be present every time (Mazza 1999, 100). The prayers are participated in by all, sung together, as all partake of unity in Christ (Mazza 1999, 101). This reflects the unity of God in Christ. Ignatius describes the unity of the body of Christ, the liturgy, the actions, and the elements in terms of the unity of the Godhead (Mazza 1999, 102).

Mazza finds no example of the specific Thanksgiving in Ignatius. There is, however, some suggestion, both in his letter to the Romans and in the later Martyrdom of Polycarp describing martyrdom as sacrifice and martyrs as bread (Mazza 1999, 103). Polycarp's prayer at his martyrdom is patterned on part of the Thanksgiving in the paleoanaphora. This suggests a relatively fixed liturgical pattern (Mazza 1999, 104). Ignatius' allusions to elements of the eucharist suggest he is also familiar with a traditional eucharistic liturgy (Mazza 1999, 105). He clearly understands the bread as Christ's body and the wine as Christ's blood. He refers to the eucharist as "medicine of immortality" and a "remedy" against death (Mazza 1999, 106).

Justin Martyr describes the eucharist as well, in two forms, one as a regular Sunday celebration and the other, celebrated after a baptism (Mazza 1999, 107). Because Justin is writing to an emperor, we assume his report is intended to be official and definitive (Mazza 1999, 107). Mazza summarizes Justin's description in brief. The assembled Christians gather, the elements are prayed over, and then eaten and drunk as the body and blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 108). The remaining elements may be taken to those who could not attend. The process is essentially the same after a baptism and in the weekly celebration on Sunday. There is a prayer of thanksgiving, along with other prayers. These are not described in detail by Justin, but it is clear that the celebration is related to the passion of Christ (Mazza 1999, 109). The practice was handed down to the time of Christ by the apostles and other leaders (Mazza 1999, 110).

Mazza finally reviews three passages from Irenaeus' Against Heresies (Mazza 1999, 111). The texts are strongly parallel and, taken together, provide us with a doctrine very like that of Justin. "The bread and wine become Eucharist, that is, the Body and Blood of Christ" (Mazza 1999, 112). The "Word of God" is a participant in the consecration. Irenaeus uses the phrase to indicate a word of prayer which comes from God. Tertullian describes this as a prayer taught by Jesus (Mazza 1999, 113).

Mazza concludes that the prayer has an effect on the bread and the wine, making them a eucharist of body and blood (Mazza 1999, 114). The meal is seen typologically and serves as a fulfillment of the work of Christ (Mazza 1999, 115).

Development within "Handed-down" Traditions

3/10/2023

3/10/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Seven: Thematic Developments in the Eucharistic Liturgy." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 75-92.

Mazza evaluates ways in which eucharistic concepts may have developed as evidenced in various documents. He begins with the thanksgivings in Didache 9 and 10. In chapter nine, the typical Jewish thanksgiving for the "fruit of the vine" is expanded to the vine of David (Mazza 1999, 75). Mazza doesn't find a definite reference to Jesus' presence here. It may speak rather of the history of salvation made available in Israel's history (Mazza 1999, 76). Here, the stated "object of the thanksgiving is the 'holy Name' of God which he has 'made to dwell in our hearts;" (Mazza 1999, 77). Mazza considers that this may refer to God's presence in His people, but here not in the temple but in some other way (Mazza 1999, 78). God is present in the hearts of His people.

The thanksgiving in Didache 10.5 contains a petition which Mazza considers similar to the Birkat ha-Mazon. In the Jewish prayer the thanksgiving is for Israel, while the form in the Didache is focused on the Church (Mazza 1999, 78). While the content differs, Mazza sees a conceptual similarity, as the prayers both give thanks to God for the places and people central to the context of worship. There is also a prominent theme of a gathering, which Mazza finds also in Sirach 36:10-14 (Mazza 1999, 79).

Mazza goes on to describe Paul's use of eucharistic liturgy as evidenced in 1 Corinthians 10-11. "Paul conceives of the Eucharist as a sacrament of unity" (Mazza 1999, 81). This, as well as the concept of God's people being scattered, then gathered, may well be derived from Old Testament passages such as Jeremiah 37-38, where bad shepherds scatter God's sheep (Mazza 1999, 81). In passages such as Ezekiel 34, Isaiah 60, Isaiah 66, and Isaiah 27 God gathers his people together. They are brought firmly into an internal covenant in Jeremiah 39 (Mazza 1999, 82). The gathering of God's people is, therefore, an important Old Testament concept. Paul's development, which Mazza considers the last of important developments in the eucharist, is that "unity is connected with the sacramental nature and the efficacy of the Eucharist" (Mazza 1999, 83-84). God's people, gathered as one body, eat one bread. The eucharistic celebration actually serves to create unity, not merely to symbolize it (Mazza 1999, 85).

Mazza observes a connection between Didache 9-10 and John's Gospel though he freely admits there is no evidence to show the Didache as dependent on John (Mazza 1999, 86). Both come from a similar early Christian tradition. Mazza considers the theme of God drawing people into unity as the link between the two works (Mazza 1999, 87).

The "Mystical Eucharist" from book seven of Apostolic Constitutions shows a strong correspondence to the eucharist as described in the Didache (Mazza 1999, 88). Mazza considers the few distinctions between the two texts as important, so he addresses them in turn. The prayer for unity takes on what Mazza considers a Pauline emphasis on "us" rather than on "the Church" (Mazza 1999, 89). Christ is seen as a mediator of salvation, sent by the Father. The Words of Institution are also present, though absent from the Didache (Mazza 1999, 90). This signals an awareness of a sacramental function of the material, purposely handed down as a typological event.

Structure of the Eucharistic Anaphora

3/9/2023

3/9/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Six: Primitive Anaphoras: Developments of the Eucharistic Liturgy." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 39-74.

In this chapter Mazza reviews several historic anaphoras to evaluate how the eucharistic liturgy developed over time. He begins with the Alexandrian liturgy which has a strophic "paleoanaphora" (Mazza 1999, 39).

The first of the three strophes gives thanks for light, which is not considered a given in the meal liturgies. Mazza finds the theme in "the Yotser, the first of the three blessings of the Shema" (Mazza 1999, 40). The content of the blessing is the same. Mazza asks how a traditional Jewish morning prayer would come to be associated with the eucharist which was built on a traditional ritual meal (Mazza 1999, 41). A possible key to understanding this is in the Alexandrian community of the Therapeutae, said by Philo to be Jewish but considered Christian by Eusebius (Mazza 1999, 42). In their piety, after an evening meal liturgy they would engage in hymnody before a vigil lasting through the night, until in the morning they had prayers of thanksgiving. Those prayers had a definite connection to the prayers of the Temple in Jerusalem (Mazza 1999, 43). Those prayers, then, would hold to the form of the sacrificial prayers for the morning. Mazza observes that as monasticism developed, the rituals of the Therapeutae were maintained (Mazza 1999, 44). The fourth century custom was that of a vigil through Saturday night, concluding with the eucharist on Sunday morning. This was at the time of morning prayer and would have included the prayers traditional for a morning sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 45).

The second strophe in the paleoanaphora from Alexandria is related to the sacrificial element of the morning prayer, including a reference to Malachi 1:11 (Mazza 1999, 46). The eucharist may be seen typologically as a sacrifice, which is also related to praise expressed to God. This is consistent with the relationship of Malachi 1:11 and Hebrews 13:15 (Mazza 1999, 47).

The third strophe of the anaphora prays for the Church along with others (Mazza 1999, 47). This is also related to the blessing before the Shema, placing it within the realm of morning prayers. Mazza thus concludes that the Alexandrian liturgy was related to elements of morning sacrificial prayers due to the influence of an overnight vigil which transferred elements of an evening ritual meal to the next morning (Mazza 1999, 49).

Another significant stream of liturgy is that of Antioch. This influence is apparent in Hippolytus, Basil, and James (Mazza 1999, 50). In the work of Hippolytus, Mazza finds a strong Paschal theme and a description of salvation including the death of Christ (Mazza 1999, 51). The account of the institution is brought into the preface as the key point and reason for thanksgiving (Mazza 1999, 52). The anaphora in Hippolytus and that of Alexandria have enough structural differences that Mazza considers them "irreconcilable" (Mazza 1999, 52). However, he does discuss the possibility that the institution narrative would have been inserted into a form of the Alexandrian liturgy, which could have eventually diverged from the Asiatic form as exemplified by Hippolytus (Mazza 1999, 53). Mazza suggests that the institution narrative may have been inserted in Alexandria and then influenced the Asiatic liturgy (Mazza 1999, 53-54). Following the institution, there is an anamnesis and offering, with sacrificial language which may well parallel the second strophe in Alexandria (Mazza 1999, 54). The liturgy moves on to a number of petitions, an epiclesis (Mazza 1999, 56-57. Within this, Mazza notes two distinct prayers about the Holy Spirit. The first treats him as central, while the second does not. This suggests to Mazza that the second was derived from some other source (Mazza 1999, 59). Mazza thus concludes that the forms which seemed irreconcilable may actually be derived from the same source and may also have influenced each other (Mazza 1999, 60).

Mazza moves on to consider the Roman Canon, first attested by Ambrose of Milan, in De sacramentis (Mazza 1999, 62). The structure seems unlike any of the other anaphoras. However, Mazza notes that there are underlying structural similarities emerging in recent research (Mazza 1999, 63). When we compare roots and possible sources of the prayers, we find two prefaces which are similar to those of Alexandria (Mazza 1999, 64). Their structures are identical. Mazza finds, then, that the skeletal structure has simply been clothed with additional elements (Mazza 1999, 65).

Mazza finally reviews Syrian anaphoras, noting that these differ by region (Mazza 1999, 66ff). Mazza does find elements which are identical across multiple different anaphoras, clearly indicating common origins (Mazza 1999, 67). In sermons and commentaries on these anaphoras, the Sanctus has apparently been used as a dividing point, suggesting later insertion of the institution narrative at that point (Mazza 1999, 68). The institution narrative is apparently added after the Sanctus and a post-sanctus had been developed. Awareness of this structural aspect allows evaluation of all the Syrian anaphoras, which can be shown to have a similar structure (Mazza 1999, 71).

Early Eucharistic Anaphoras

3/8/2023

3/8/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Five: Primitive Anaphoras: From the Didache to the Mystical Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 35-37.

Having established a form of the Last Supper based on the festive meal, Mazza attempts to move through history, tracing the development of the eucharist through what we know of the anaphoras. He first visits Apostolic Constitutions book VII (Mazza 1999, 35). In this work he finds clear parallels to Didache 9-10, but with the actual meal eliminated (Mazza 1999, 36). The prayers remain indicative of the same ritual. His conclusion is that by 380, the date of Apostolic Constitutions, the move of the elements of the rite had arrived in their current position. The importance of the various prayers has also gone through a shift, with the prayer at the end becoming less important and that at the beginning increasing in importance (Mazza 1999, 37). Both prayers have retained a tripartite structure, each with a different purpose.

Eucharist, Last Supper, and Jewish Festive Meals

3/7/2023

3/7/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Four: From the Jewish Liturgy to the Christian Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 29-34.

Mazza had previously suggested that the Last Supper was not a Passover meal. He now considers that, as described by Luke, the meal follows the pattern of a "Jewish festive meal" (Mazza 1999, 29). The opening prayers introduce the meal. At the end of the meal, there is a thanksgiving over a cup. The opening prayers include a ritual cup and breaking of bread.

The same order of events is present in the eucharistic meal described in Didache 9-10 (Mazza 1999, 30). In 1 Corinthians 10:16-17 Paul describes the eucharistic rite he was given, then in 11:23-25 he tells of Jesus' Last Supper as an institution of the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 31). In chapter 10 there is no full meal, yet the other parts of the ritual are present.

Mazza's evaluation concludes that the entirety of the ritual around the festive meal was compressed to the events at the beginning, resulting in the eucharistic form which developed quite early (Mazza 1999, 31). In effect, this also removed the first cup from the event, leaving us with the bread first, then the cup, our modern order, and combining the prayers into one (Mazza 1999, 33).

Eucharist and Other Ritual Meals

3/6/2023

3/6/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Three: The Origin of the Christian Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 19-28.

Mazza ties the eucharist directly to the Last Supper and Jesus' command to continue doing what he had done (Mazza 1999, 19). The Christian anaphora, or eucharistic prayers, are centered around the blessing of the bread and giving thanks for the cup. Mazza sees the explanations and prayers as setting this meal apart from other meal rituals. An understanding of this difference may well have led the disciples in their decision to continue in Jesus' command to "do this" (Mazza 1999, 20).

While Mazza concedes freely that in the second century the actual meal was separated from the eucharist, and that the separate prayers over the bread and the cup were combined into one prayer, still there is a good deal of conformity to the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 21). Mazza catalogs nine ritual actions which were present in the Last Supper and remain present in the celebration of the Mass, from taking bread until the time the cup is given with accompanying words.

Among the four New Testament reports of the Last Supper, there are two different threads of tradition represented. Mazza observes that Mark and Matthew describe the Supper one way, while Luke and Paul describe it differently (Mazza 1999, 22). He dates Paul's account to spring of 54, but traces it to an earlier tradition. Since Paul had been handed the tradition which he transferred to the Corinthians, the tradition itself was present by the time Paul began work in Corinth in 49 (Mazza 1999, 23). His description in 1 Corinthians 10 is very similar to that in Luke 22 and in Didache 9-10. Mark's narrative, though it may have been redacted earlier, is not necessarily more accurate. Mazza considers it to have grown, as did Luke's from liturgical tradition in his community (Mazza 1999, 24). Luke's harmonizes well with known Jewish meal traditions, while Mark's does not.

Mazza considers the different chronologies of the Synoptics and of John, and notes that current scholarship is becoming more convinced by John's chronology, which places the Last Supper the night before the Passover (Mazza 1999, 25). While Jesus is the true Passover lamb, the meal with the disciples does not appear to be a Passover. Luke's description of the introductory rite, the meal, and the concluding ritual does certainly speak of God's coming kingdom. Jesus clearly gives his disciples his body to eat (Mazza 1999, 27). Yet Mazza doesn't find it to be a passover meal. It is a ceremonial meal with a cup and bread, a supper, and a final cup, all accompanied by prayers. This is very like the Eucharist except with the insertion of a meal.

Ritual Sacrifice and Meal

3/3/2023

3/3/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Two: Old Testament Sacrifices and Ritual Meals." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 9-17.

Mazza recognizes that there are two basic ways we can understand the Old Testament as informing our concept of the eucharist. It may be read in terms of typology or in terms of history (Mazza 1999, 9). From a typological perspective we would see the significance of events and characters in the Old Testament as foreshadowing what happens in the eucharist. From an historical perspective we would interpret rituals and meals which actually serve as antecedents to the eucharist.

To evaluate the origin of the eucharist, Mazza first goes to Jewish meal rituals, which led to the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 9). Since ritual meals may be tied to sacrifice, Mazza moves to Deuteronomy 12. In this part of Deuteronomy Mazza finds an adjustment of some civil laws so as to fit the more settled, permanently organized nature of Israel among the nations (Mazza 1999, 10). The central sanctuary became more prominent, increasing in its status until the time of Hezekaih (Mazza 1999, 11).

The sacrifice which Mazza ties to the ritual meal he calls the "communion sacrifice" (Mazza 1999, 11). In this ritual, an animal is killed, some is burned, other parts go to priests and to the family that made the offering to be eaten at a joyful meal.

Mazza takes Deuteronomy 12:13-15 to instruct the people that not all slaughter of animals should be seen as a sacrifice, but only those made at the central location (Mazza 1999, 12). From this conclusion, he extrapolates earlier slaughter for food procurement to be a ritual sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 13). If all slaughter is a ritual activity, we expect that the meals would be as well (Mazza 1999, 14). With the greater centralization of the place of worship, the meal could still retain a liturgical and ritual significance, though it might not have to. Mazza sees Jewish meals retaining that element, consistent with Deuteronomy 8:10 which speaks of blessing God at meals. He concludes that the meal retained liturgical, but not sacrificial, character (Mazza 1999, 15).

Mazza notes the use of a Birkat ha-Mazon prayer at any substantial meal (Mazza 1999, 15). The ritual is retained.

Why Study Eucharistic Practice?

3/2/2023

3/2/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter One: Introduction." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 1-8.

Mazza briefly reviews scholarship pertaining to the eucharist since the publication of Dix' The Shape of the Liturgy in 1945. Study has made significant advances, but Mazza considers too much to be contained in academic journals of limited circulation (Mazza 1999, 2). Methods of study which have proven fruitful include attempts to understand the eucharist as rooted in Jewish liturgical sources.

Mazza, in this work, attempts to write an historical manual on eucharistic practice, rather than a series of topical articles which follow no consistent overall goal (Mazza 1999, 2). He intentionally uses a theological method of analysis, which he distinguishes from a philological or historical approach. The emphases, in order, are on the nature of the Sacrament, the relationship between eucharist and sacrifice, and a spiritual discussion of "fruitful reception of the Sacrament" (Mazza 1999, 3). Mazza discusses in some detail how this approach differs in its structure from much of twentieth century analysis, which is more dependent on historical criticism or topics which have been removed from their context.

As he develops his analysis, Mazza will deal with an understanding of the eucharist as a sacrifice and as bearing the real presence of Christ (Mazza 1999, 7). The two concepts can be seen as related and complementary to one another.

Eucharist in Early Christianity

3/1/2023

3/1/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Conclusion." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 185-194.

Through LaVerdiere's survey of the eucharist from about AD 30-155, he concludes there is plurality of both thought and practice. In different locations and times there are certainly different emphases. However, he thinks it is possible to track a coherent history (LaVerdiere 1996, 185). The New Testament record was known, and developed from the ritual practices of one source. For this reason, LaVerdiere sees the differences as "complementarity" rather than "diversity" (LaVerdiere 1996, 186). The traditions reflected in the New Testament influenced later and more distant communities.

The celebration of eucharist was universal, never being separated from the local church and always being associated with Jesus' appearance as the crucified and resurrected one (LaVerdiere 1996, 187). He was seen as present for his people. The church didn't exist apart from the eucharist, along with a few other elements.

Through baptism and eucharist, people are seen as entering into and continuing in the unity given by Christ. This is the context for resolving conflicts and doctrinal differences (LaVerdiere 1996, 188).

LaVerdiere further emphasizes the Christology involved in the eucharst. Jesus was specifically recognized as the one present in the meal (LaVerdiere 1996, 189-190). Apart form the Didache, all the witnesses clearly recognized the memory of Jesus' death and resurrection.

We also find complementary elements in the liturgical elements, including formulaic statements, theological concepts, and the overall shape of the ritual (LaVerdiere 1996, 191).

Eucharist in Justin Martyr

2/28/2023

2/28/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Eleven: The Food Called Eucharist: The Eucharist in the Writings of St. Justin." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 167-184.

In LaVerdiere's conception, Christianity first developed an overall philosophy which interacted with the broader society at the time of Justin Martyr. Prior to that time, he sees the developments as primarily involving internal matters (LaVerdiere 1996, 167). At the time of Justin, among other things, the eucharist was described, explained, and defended to the external world (LaVerdiere 1996, 168).

Justin, born between 100 and 110, from Flavia Neapolis in Samaria, was trained in philosophy, becoming a confirmed Platonist before he converted to Christianity about 130 (LaVerdiere 1996, 168-169). He was in Rome by 150, teaching Christian philosophy using Platonic categories. His extant works are two Apoloties and the Dialogue with Trypho, all produced from 151-161 (LaVerdiere 1996, 170). His views on the eucharist are found in his First Apoloty and the Dialogue.

In Justin's First Apology chapters 65-67, he explains the eucharist. After the eucharist, associated with baptism, it is celebrated on the frist day of the week, the "Day of the Sun" (ch. 67) (LaVerdiere 1996, 172). In the assembly, the bread and cup are present, and the leader, referred to as "president" by Justin, makes prayers of thanksgiving, Trinitarian in nature, received by the congregation with the word "amen" (LaVerdiere 1996, 174). Those present then receive the bread and wine, and it is then taken to those who could not be present (LaVerdiere 1996, 175). Justin describes the washing of baptism as the food of the eucharist in terms of water, bread, and wine, which are specially powerful and significant. While Justin does not repeat the institution narrative in full, there are enough elements it seems fair to suggest he is giving a paraphrase of the more extensive liturgy in use (LaVerdiere 1996, 177). Justin's presentation clearly distinguishes the Christian eucharist from the Mithraic rituals including bread and a cup of water (LaVerdiere 1996, 178). He emphasizes the differences in detail. Justin further explains that the regular eucharist takes place on Sunday as the day on which God created the world and the day of resurrection (LaVerdiere 1996, 179).

Justin's Dialogue with Trypho, written after the Apologies tells of a two day discussion from some years earlier, about 132-135. It is presented as a literary dialogue in the style of Plato (LaVerdiere 1996, 179). There are four references to the eucharist (ch. 10, 41, 70, and 117). Justin rejects the idea of a Christian assembly which is disordered, as some would suggest (LaVerdiere 1996, 180). He describes Jesus as the Christ, eternal Son of God, made man, suffering, dying, and rising from the dead, ascending into heaven to rule over humans (LaVerdiere 1996, 181). Christ suffers as the Lamb of God. A different offering, that of fine flour, symbolizes the bread in the Eucharist. Justin recognizes the eucharist as Jesus' body and blood, and affirms that the rite is sacrificial in some way (LaVerdiere 1996, 182). Christians are the beneficiaries of all that Christ does in the eucharist.

Eucharist in Ignatius

2/27/2023

2/27/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Ten: One Flesh, One Cup, One Altar: The Eucharist in the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 148-166.

In Ignatius of Antioch LaVerdiere sees a description of the eucharist in a gentile setting, as Ignatius was "clearly of Gentile background" (LaVerdiere 1996, 149). We know very little about his life other than the fact that he died as a martyr between 110 and 115.

LaVerdiere finds in the seven letters of Ignatius a commitment to the centrality of the eucharist, holding the church together with the presence of Christ (LaVerdiere 1996, 149).

After noting the addressees of the letters, six to churches and one to Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, LaVerdiere describes the likely sequence of composition of the letters, and their outlines, which are very similar to one another (LaVerdiere 1996, 150-151).

Ignatius references Pauline thought extensively, and also shows a great familiarity with Matthew and John. LaVerdiere notes that Ignatius does not distinghish between written and oral sources as he relates the message of the gospel (LaVerdiere 1996, 151).

LaVerdiere finds that "Ignatius refers to the Eucharist in every one of his letters except the letter to Polycarp" (LaVerdiere 1996, 152). Eucharistic imagery is focused on the Church coming together, on the altar, and the implications for spirituality and martyrdom. LaVerdiere visits the letters in turn, as they have slightly different emphases.

Ignatius recognized the eucharist as the sign of living as a Christian, celebrated on the Lord's Day, rather than the Jewish Sabbath (LaVerdiere 1996, 154). He saw it as part of Christian nourishment, received along with true doctrine. This all centers around God's altar, governed by God's authoritative teachers, the bishops, presbyters, and deacons (LaVerdiere 1996, 155). The food taken is not only doctrinal in nature, Ignatius sees Christ's flesh and blood as the imperishable food and drink, and related to not only Christ's sacrifice, but also, somehow, to Ignatius' impending death (LaVerdiere 1996, 156). Ignatius, in writing to the Ephesians, refers to "the altar" and "the place of Sacrifice" (V.2) in speaking of the Eucharist (LaVerdiere 1996, 157). This reference makes the gathering of the whole church for the eucharist that which is the expected means to receive nourishment. The assembly is of great importance (LaVerdiere 1996, 158). He considers the activity of breaking the bread to be "medicine of immortality…an antidote against death" (XX.2) (LaVerdiere 1996, 159). Ignatius distinguishes between the resurrected Christ being present in body (σῶμα) and flesh (σάρξ). In his letter to Smyrna he states that it is the fleshly presence of the resurrected Lord which is eaten and associates eucharist and the incarnation (LaVerdiere 1996, 162). Eucharistic nourishment, then, takes place in the context of the assembled church, is administered by those appointed by God, and involves a fleshly presence of Christ, eaten as eternal nourishment (LaVerdiere 1996, 163).

Eucharist in Didache

2/24/2023

2/24/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Nine: On the Lord's Day: The Eucharist in the Didache." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 112-147.

LaVerdiere asserts that the Didache underwent a process of collecting, collating, and redacting statements amounting to about fifty years, resulting in the form of it which we now have (LaVerdiere 1996, 128). The eucharist appears in chapters 9-10 and 14, along with a reference to "the Lord's Day." Because of its early representation of Christianity outside of the canonical tradition, the Didache is a valuable witness.

Of interest to LaVerdiere is the fact that the eucharistic prayers in the Didache "were not integrated into the New Testament while so many other traditions were" (LaVerdiere 1996, 129). Traditions, however, exist only within a community. For this reason, it is important to identify the community and its relationship with other communities such as those which are related to the canonical writings. LaVerdiere asserts that, while the community surrounding Matthew's Gospel was open to change, the Didache community was not (LaVerdiere 1996, 130-131). Traditions were held and were not to be altered.

LaVerdiere reviews the traditional scholarly view of development of the Didache in several redactional layers (LaVerdiere 1996, 132ff). The various sections are considered earlier or later based on how explicitly they discuss Christology. LaVerdiere thinks the ideas brought in at the different stages were not new. Their incorporation was intended to deal with particular problems the community had at the time (LaVerdiere 1996, 138).

The eucharistic prayers, like other parts of the Didache, incorporate traditional materials (LaVerdiere 1996, 139). They surround a meal, which would have already been a meaningful context within a Jewish or early Christian community. LaVerdiere considers that the prayers from Didache 9-10 come from the early development of the community (LaVerdiere 1996, 139). These prayers fit into Jewish patterns, particularly a Kiddush and an Amidah (LaVerdiere 1996, 140). The prayers are simple and straightforward. In the second stage of the development of the community, still referring to chapters 9-10, LaVerdiere considers there to be some minimal insertion of Christological elements (LaVerdiere 1996, 141). Finally, LaVerdiere sees the material about true and false apostles and prophets, including what they do in the eucharist on the Lord's Day as development in the third stage (LaVerdiere 1996, 143). Though LaVerdiere is not convinced that this passage describes a eucharist as celebrated today, he does take the event to be, in the minds of the community, a eucharist, but that it was not understood in terms of the passion and resurrection of Christ, so was not "a real Eucharist" (LaVerdiere 1996, 145).

Eucharist in John

2/23/2023

2/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Eight: Bread from Heaven: The Eucharist in John's Gospel." Seven: The breaking of the Bread: The Eucharist in the Acts of the Apostles."The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 96-111.

LaVerdiere understands John's Gospel to be based on traditions gathered and collated from sometime in the 50s until its composition in the late 90s. He therefore takes the material to reflect changes that occurred in that early community (LaVerdiere 1996, 112). Jesus is presented as the bread of life who came from heaven. This is unique among the Gospel accounts (LaVerdiere 1996, 113). The symbolic and sacramental images are unmistakable. Amid the symbols, Jesus is active, engaging in symbolic words and actions.

LaVerdiere takes the eucharist as generally being among the presuppositions made by John. His focus is more on its significance than on its existence (LaVerdiere 1996, 114). The images of blood, water, bread, and wine therefore serve as indicators of an underlying eucharistic significance. The more clear passages in John are in John 6, John 13, and John 21, where Jesus feeeds and teaches a multitude, his disciples, and specifically Peter, James, and John (LaVerdiere 1996, 115).

LaVerdiere takes John, as with Paul, the Synoptics, and Acts, to be a response to "concrete situations" here, in the Johannine community (LaVerdiere 1996, 116). However, he takes John to have developed and to reflect multiple levels of change over time (LaVerdiere 1996, 117). He discusses a number of discourses, after the Last supper, which he takes to be farewell discourses but which speak to different challenges within the life of Christians. Yet, there is a constant and enduring emphasis on Jesus, the Word of God who became flesh and who satisfies our needs (LaVerdiere 1996, 118).

LaVerdiere describes John's eucharistic theme by discussing John 6 in some detail (LaVerdiere 1996, 119ff). Christ feeds a large crowd in a miraculous act. He identifies himself as the one who gives bread, and thus life, to the people. It strikes LaVerdiere as odd that Jesus distributes the bread, but that John does not mention his breaking the bread. However, the bread is borken into fragments by the time it is cleaned up (LaVerdiere 1996, 120). Though we are not told the significance of the difference, it was told this way consciously. The apparent interruption in the narrative by Jesus' walking on water serves to describe Jesus' sovereign power. The teaching, resumed the next day, is of Jesus as the bread of life (LaVerdiere 1996, 123). He effectively emphasizes that he is the only eternal nourishment, and is essential to his disciples.

Eucharist in Acts

2/22/2023

2/22/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Seven: The Breaking of the Bread: The Eucharist in the Acts of the Apostles."The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 96-111.

LaVerdiere considers Luke and Acts to be a unified work in two volumes, composed with an expectation that the volumes would be read together in such a way that they would be seen as interdependent (LaVerdiere 1996, 97). Luke's writing style shows him to be an historian, steeped in culture and other events, particularly of the earlier Christian period.

While Luke's Gospel account portrays the origin of eucharist, the account of Acts tracks the development of eucharist (LaVerdiere 1996, 98). This is done, however, not through narratives of meals, but "through summaries of life in the primitive community, community assemblies, apostolic discourses, missionary experiences, and community decisions affecting the Church as it grew and became more diversified" (LaVerdiere 1996, 98).

LaVerdiere sees this eucharistic theme in Acts signalled by the mention of Jesus eating with the disciples before his ascension, then continued as the Christians continue in communal life, including breaking bread (LaVerdiere 1996, 99). These activities, like eating food, are related to sustaining life and growing. breaking bread, i.e., dining, is closely related to the ongoing theme of inclusion of both Jews and Gentiles in the body of Christ (LaVerdiere 1996, 100). The use of meals with Jesus and his disciples, then the actions of the community together serve to depict a growth of relationship which oculd withstand various trials.

LaVerdiere tracks some of the trials which arose in early Christian circles, particularly as the Church spread from being essentially Jewish to including more Gentile believers (LaVerdiere 1996, 105). The growth involved language and cultural diversity, which provoked some level of conflict, evidenced in Acts 6:1-7. By resolving the dispute over distributing food, the apostles were free to devote themselves to prayer, their primary work (LaVerdiere 1996, 106).

The next wave of growth, from Antioch to the Aegean world, was a matter of purposeful missionary work. This involved a good deal of cooperation among different leaders and groups (LaVerdiere 1996, 107).

As we approach the end of Acts, LaVerdiere notes a journey o Paul to Rome by way of Jerusalem. He considers this as a parallel to Jesus' journey to the passion and resurrection by way of Jerusalem. In these moves, salvation is brought to the world community, pictured by the Roman Empire (LaVerdiere 1996, 108). The eucharistic image is especially present in Paul's journey when, as there is an impending shipwreck, they pray, break bread, and then survive the loss of the ship.

Eucharist in Luke

2/21/2023

2/21/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Six: Dining in the Kingdom of God: The Eucharist in Luke's Gospel." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 79-95.

LaVerdiere evaluates eucharistic themes in Luke's Gospel, which he assigns the relatively late time of about 85 A.D., similar to his estimate of the composition of Matthew (LaVerdiere 1996, 79). The account in Luke is intended to speak to a Gentile audience, unlike the account in Matthew.

LaVerdiere distinguishes between the Last Supper, as a formal communal meal, and the Eucharist, also a formal meal (LaVerdiere 1996, 79). While in the Last Supper Jesus acts as the host and nourishes his guests, in the eucharist, LaVerdiere says, "Jesus is present among us as a participant, but also as nourishment, sharing his person with us and inviting us to do the same" (LaVerdiere 1996, 80). The two meals, in LaVerdiere's view, were conflated by the New Testament authors, a phenomenon made apparent to him through the fact that when the authors of the Gospels tell about the Last Supper, they include a form of the institution narrative. LaVerdiere sees much more discontinuity between the meals than this reader does.

Luke's presentation of eucharistic elements reflects his "interest in history, in liturgical tradition, in the discourses of Jesus, and in the meaning of meals" (LaVerdiere 1996, 81) Luke's presentation is, in some elements, spread across the Gospel and Acts. For instance, there is only one miraculous feeding of a multitude in the Gospel, set in Galilee (LaVerdiere 1996, 82). In Acts, there are instances of breaking bread in Gentile contexts.

Luke's Gospel records ten meals of Jesus, as well as parables and other statements closely related to food (LaVerdiere 1996, 83). Each instance shows an aspect of Christian lfie and ministry.

LaVerdiere briefly describes the different Christian communities which he thinks led to the development of the different canonical Gospels. In the Lukan community he describes a setting in which the Gospel was proving to reach universally. This would spur them "to position themselves in relation to the entire world" (LaVerdiere 1996, 85). He describes challenges based on success as well as leaders who needed to be reminded to care for the poor.

LaVerdiere discusses the different meals with Jesus in Luke in order, showing in each one a different focus on a needed element within the Lukan community as he has envisioned it (LaVerdiere 1996, 86ff).

The Last Supper meal is presented in Luke as a Passover meal, but here the first Christian Passover (LaVerdiere 1996, 89). LaVerdiere presents a chart of the parallels between Mark, Luke, and 1 Corinthians, before describing the way Luke particularly points not only to a fellowshp meal, but to the Passover and its significance in redemption (LaVerdiere 1996, 89ff).

LaVerdiere further takes the meals with Jesus after the resurrection in Luke to have eucharistic significance. In both instances, Jesus blesses the people in light of his finished work as he breaks the bread for the people who are facing discouragement (LaVerdiere 1996, 92). The breaking of bread became the way Jesus' people entered into his passion and resurrection.