Category: Eucharist - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Prayers Used Weekly for Over 1100 Years and Still Not Worn Out!

2/17/2026

Academic Reading
2/17/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 16: The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom." (pp. 129-134). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The liturgy of St. John Chrysostom has been the normal rite used in the Orthodox Church since A.D. 1000 (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 129). Jasper and Cuming note that the structure is identical to that of many other anaphoras, and may well have roots as far back as St. John Chrysostom, who served as bishop from 370-398.
   Jasper and Cuming describe the material as relatively brief, though following the structure of numerous longer anaphoras (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 129). Particularly the preface and the material after the Sanctus are brief, though they affirm creation and the work of Christ's love for the world. The Holy Spirit is described as changing the bread and wine into body and blood.
   Jasper and Cuming briefly discuss the relationship between the liturgy of St. John Chrysostom and that of The Twelve Apostles (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 130). Though there is no clear academic consensus, the two anaphoras are closely related and it is likely that one influenced the other (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 130). Authorship and date of origin is unclear for each.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 131), Jasper and Cuming provide an English translation of the eucharistic portion of the anaphora.

Prayers from Syria - Yes, Syria Was Largely Christian Once

2/12/2026

Academic Reading
2/12/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 15: The Anaphora of the Twelve Apostles." (pp. 124-128). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The Anaphora of the Twelve Apostles, only extant in Syriac, has considerable similarity to the anaphora of St. John Chrysostom, and may share a common ancestor (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 124). The preface is similar in length and content to prayers in the Didache. Jasper and Cuming consider at least that portion to be no later than 350, and possibly earlier.
   The anaphora itself begins in a similar way to that of St. James, and bears the "Pauline comment" and responsive acclamation (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 124). The intercessions are similar to those found in the early Egyptian Basil (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 125).
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 125), Jasper and Cuming provide an English translation of the eucharistic portion of the anaphora.

Byzantine Prayers with an Impressive Pedigree

2/10/2026

Academic Reading
2/10/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 14: The Byzantine Liturgy of St. Basil." (pp. 114-123). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming describe this liturgy as still in use on several occasions during the year within Orthodoxy. It is most likely an expanded Greek version of the Egyptian Basil, made by Basil late in his life (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 114). There are notable similarities to the anaphora of St. John Chrysostom.
   The text as translated comes from "the Barberini manuscript, written c. 800, the oldest manuscript of a complete liturgy in existence" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 114).
   In contrast to the Egyptian Basil, this version focuses its thanksgiving on Jesus, rather than on the creation (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 114). Several elements of the prayer mention attributes of God for which there is some evidence of controversy in antiquity. References to specific Scriptures are common (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 115). The segment after the Sanctus is extended, describing the bread and cup as antitypes, and containing extensive intercessions.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 115), Jasper and Cuming provide an English translation of the eucharistic prayers.

4th Century Prayers of the Western Tradition, with Early Influences

2/5/2026

Academic Reading
2/5/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 13: The Apostolic Constitutions" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 100-113). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The Apostolic Constitutions, a church order probably from the second half of the fourth century, edited by someone who shows Arian leanings, contains three liturgies (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 100). One in book two does not provide an anaphora text. Book seven contains one largely adapted from the Didache, along with "a number of Jewish prayers translated into Greek and adapted for Christian use" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 100). In book eight there is a complete text of a liturgy, the earliest one we have. Jasper and Cuming note that the editor retained a significant portion of Hippolytus' anaphora (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 101).
   Book seven takes material over from the Didache with little change, but drawing the thanksgivings from Didache 9 together (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 101).
   After a brief bibliography referencing Apostolic Constitutions book seven (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 101), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the relevant material.
   The material from book eight, being the complete text of a liturgy, provides much more detail. "The preface is of enormous and unparalleled length" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 103). It incorporates a novel element, a section about the nature of God. Creation is described in detail, the fall, and early Old Testament history are also narrated. The prayer continues with references to "the birth, ministry, and death of Christ" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 103). The intercessions in the prayers are shorter than those of St. James.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 104), Jasper and Cuming provide an English translation of the relevant portions of the anaphora.

Early Eucharistic Prayers from Jerusalem

2/3/2026

Academic Reading
2/3/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 12: The Liturgy of St. James." (pp. 88-99). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The anaphora of St. James is from the liturgy of Jerusalem. Jasper and Cuming note, "It appears to be the result of a fusion of the old Jerusalem rite with the anaphora of St. Basil in its earliest form" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 88). There are also signs of a cross-pollination of this with later versions of St. Basil and St. Mark. A Syriac version brings us an earlier reading than does the Greek.
   Jasper and Cuming use a translation of a version from the region of Damascus, probably in the ninth century, noting that other scholarly texts are drawn from a Thessalonian manuscript of the fourteenth century (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 88).
   The sursum corda presents a version of 2 Corinthians 13:13, then in the preface the heavenly bodies are participants in thanksgiving to God (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 88). The Fall and redemption are briefly presented prior to the institution narrative, which, in later versions, is expanded to show "jesus filling the cup with the Holy Spirit" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 89).
   By the ninth century the intercessions are extensive, then by the fourteenth century they have become shorter (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 89).
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 89), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the eucharistic portion of the liturgy.

Prayer Patterns Preserved by Lectures for New Christians

1/29/2026

Academic Reading
1/29/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 11: Cyril of Jerusalem: catecheses." (pp. 82-87). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Five of the catechetical lectures ascribed to Cyril of Jerusalem (bishop of Jerusalem about 349-386) deal with the eucharist. Jasper and Cuming observe that "most manuscripts attribute them to Cyril's successor, John II, some to both bishops, but none to Cyril alone" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 82). Jasper and Cuming consider 350 to be likely too early for the lectures but that 387 is a good fit doctrinally.
   A reconstruction of the anaphora places the sursum corda first, then a Sanctus, an epiclesis, then intercessions (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 82). The presence of an institution narrative is unclear. The epiclesis is by nature a consecration, using vocabulary of a "figure" and "likeness" of the body and blood (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 83). Yet the sacrifice mentioned in the intercessions is propitiatory in nature.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 84) Jasper and Cuming provide an English translation of the eucharistic material, ordered according to the pertinent catechetical lectures.
   In catechesis 4, I observe there is a juxtaposition of the language of "figure" with an assumption of the reality of the body and blood (cf. paragraphs 1 and 3, provided on p. 84). This warrants careful consideration of exactly what Cyril might consider to be the implications of a "figure." Catechesis 5, paragraph 7 further asserts that the Holy Spirit makes the bread to be the body and the wine to be the blood of Christ (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 86).

Prayers Apparently for Local Use - Not Top-Down Authority

1/27/2026

Academic Reading
1/27/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 10: Egyptian Local Rites." (pp. 74-81). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming deal with some more or less localized rites from Egypt under three headings: the prayers of Serapion, the Deir Balyzeh papyrus, and the Louvain Coptic papyrus. The prayers of Serapion, a friend of Athanasius, were considered authentic, with a date about 359, until in 1964 language which could be taken as Arian was noted (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 74). It has since been suggested that the ascription is likely correct but that some editing may have occurred. Of note is the presence of the intercessions at an earlier point in the liturgy, before the anaphora.
   The rhythmic style of the anaphora, as well as an emphasis on "wisdom" and "light" suggest a Gnostic origin (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 74). The material around the Sanctus is strongly reminiscent of the Liturgy of St. Mark, though Jasper and Cuming consider it an early version, possibly from a text that was an ancestor to St. Mark. The Institution Narrative suggests that the bread and cup were previously offered. It also uses language of a "likeness" to Christ's body and blood (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 75). In the epiclesis the desire is for God's "Word to come on the elements, rather than his Spirit" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 75). This is consistent, in Jasper and Cuming's view, with the known ideas of Athanasius. The anaphora contains one intercession, "for the dead and for those who have offered" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 75). Jasper and Cuming consider this as a likely first step toward the practice of making all the intercessions during the anaphora.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 75), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the eucharistic portion of the liturgy.
   A second local Egyptian liturgy is found in the Deir Balyzehi papyrus, which Jasper and Cuming date to between 500 and 700 A.D. (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 79). The pre-Sanctus and the Sanctus are from the liturgy of St. Mark. The consecration follows the Sanctus immediately. Jasper and Cuming take the anaphora to come from the late fourth century.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 79), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the eucharistic portion of the liturgy.
   The final local Egyptian anaphora which Jasper and Cuming consider is that found in the Louvain Coptic papyrus (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 81). Here the epiclesis comes before the Institution Narrative. There is a Greek version of the anaphora from the fourth century, "identified in a papyrus at Barcelona" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 81).
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 81), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the eucharistic portion of the liturgy.

An Egyptian Prayer Still Widely Used

1/22/2026

Academic Reading
1/22/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 9: The Egyptian Anaphora of St. Basil." (pp. 67-73). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The anaphora of St. Basil, available in ancient manuscripts in Greek and Coptic, is in our time the most commonly used of the three options in the Coptic Church (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 67). Scholarship since 1932 has concluded this is an earlier version of a Byzantine anaphora, rather than being a later abbreviation of it. The Coptic anaphora is adapted as the third prayer in the 1969 Roman rite and the fourth of Rite II in the 1979 American Book of Common Prayer.
   Jasper and Cuming take the anaphora to date from the fourth century, though our earliest manuscript is seventh century (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 67). The institution narrative is present, with 1 Corinthians 11:26 added. The resurrection is not present (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 68). The prayer asks for the Holy Spirit to bless the elements but not for a change into body and blood. The Sanctus and intercessions are both present, counter to Apostolic Traditions.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 69), Jasper and Cuming provide a translation of the anaphora.

An Early Liturgy from Alexandria

1/20/2026

Academic Reading
1/20/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 8: The Liturgy of St. Mark." (pp. 52-66). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The liturgy of St. Mark gives us a eucharistic prayer from Alexandria (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 52). Jasper and Cuming observe we know a good deal about this due to the survival of some documentation from a relatively early period. This survival of various documents also means we have versions of the liturgy from a number of sources, which have some distinctions.
   The Strasbourg papyrus, published in 1928, consists of a number of fragments of one page, probably dated to between 300 and 500. It does contain both the start of the eucharistic prayer and the closing doxology (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 52). Later versions replace the doxology with a Sanctus. The prayer itself, beginning with thanksgiving for creation lacks "any reference to salvation-history" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 52). The prayer is thought of as a "bloodless sacrifice." The entire structure of the prayer is akin to a Jewish blessing upon food, suggesting a very early date (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 53).
   After a brief bibliography specific to the Strasbourg Papyrus (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 53), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the Eucharistic material.
   Jasper and Cuming next review a wooden tablet containing a Coptic version of part of the St. Mark eucharistic prayer (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 54). The "sacrifice" here, unlike in the Strasbourg manuscript, includes the bread and cup, not just prayers (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 55). Here also, the institution narrative is present and expanded by a comment about proclaiming Christ's death. The epiclesis is specifically geared to the consecration of communion. A brief bibliography regarding the tablet follows (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 55).
   Jasper and Cuming observe that a "final thirteenth-century form of the liturgy of Alexandria is preserved in five medieval manuscripts. two far from complete" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 57). The earliest, fragmentary, forms are gradually expanded upon. The characteristic form which Jasper and Cuming identify has a preface followed immediately by intercessions, the lack of a christological portion, and the epiclesis using the word "fill" to link a Canctus to an institution narrative.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 58) Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the relevant portion of the Alexandrian liturgy.

"The Third Anaphora of St. Peter"

1/15/2026

Academic Reading
1/15/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 7: The Third Anaphora of St. Peter (Sharar)." (pp. 45-51). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   This liturgy seems closely identified with that of Addai and Mari, likely being derived from a common ancestor (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 45). The word Sharar is the beginning of the liturgy.
   In comparison to Addai and Mari, this has a longer introduction (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 45). The first three paragraphs then are very similar. The Sanctus is not inserted very smoothly. There is a commemoration and the Institution narrative. This anaphora of St. Peter has expanded intercessions.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 46), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the liturgy.

An Early Syrian Liturgy

1/13/2026

Academic Reading
1/13/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 6: The Liturgy of Saints Addai and Mari." (pp. 39-44). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   The liturgy of Addai and Mari comes from Edessa, in Syria (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 39). Jasper and Cuming recognize the antiquity of the liturgy but do not speculate on an era. The anaphora has been found in use among Nestorian Christians, having been discovered in India as well as Iraq. The liturgy was never adopted in the West. The most basic content of the liturgy may well date to the sixth century. The material was identified through a process of elimination of materials which appeared more recent. There was subsequently some confirmation of the postulated form by discovery of an earlier manuscript (Mar Eshaya) which largely agrees with later versions (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 40). This primitive version largely corresponds to the anaphora of Justin Martyr.
   Jasper and Cuming compare Addai and Mari with the Sharar (in a future chapter) which they consider to have a common ancestor (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 40). Neither has an institution narrative. The epiclesis, which may or may not be original, is similar to that of Apostolic Traditions (Jasper & Cuming 1990, pp. 40-41).
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 41), Jasper and Cuming provide an English version of the liturgy.

"How We've Always Done It"

1/8/2026

Academic Reading
1/8/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 5: Hippolytus: The Apostolic Tradition." (pp. 31-38). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming briefly describe a historical debate over the provenance of this work. It was likely extant in an untitled form in various languages and was embedded in other works. In 1910 and in 1916 it was independently identified by E. Schwarz and R.H Connolly respectively, both suggesting a date of 215 (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 31). Because the work is self-consciously a witness to Roman traditional liturgical practices, the material may be taken to testify to practices dating to the time of Justin. Of interest to this study is a sample of a eucharistic prayer. Jasper and Cuming note that chapters in various editions are not identical in their numbering.
   Hippolytus describes a eucharist on the occasion of an ordination as well as one on the occasion of a baptism (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 31). In Jasper and Cuming's analysis, the structure largely matches examples of the anaphora from the fourth century, though without the Sanctus or the intercessions found later (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 32). The involvement of deacons and presbyters is more complex than that found in Justin. Of special interest is the sursum corda, first detailed here, still in use to the present time.
   Jasper and Cuming observe that the text of the epiclesis shows a "'higher' doctrine of the Holy Spirit than was current c. 215" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 33). The Latin translation here may have been smoothed somewhat, either because of a corrupt text or due to a translator attempting to make a more viable liturgical unit. The call, however, is not to change the elements, as might be expected at a later time, but merely that the Holy Spirit would be present.
   Jasper and Cuming provide a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 34) followed by an English version of the relevant chapters in Hippolytus.

Justin Martyr and Eucharistic Prayers

1/6/2026

Academic Reading
1/6/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Chapter 4: Justin Martyr." (pp. 25-30). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Justin, a Samaritan convert to Christianity, wrote his notable works after his conversion about A.D. 130. He lived and worked in Ephesus and in Rome before his death about A.D. 165 (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 25).
   In his Dialogue with Trypho, a Jew, ch. 41, Justin describes an offering of thanksgiving made by the newly baptized Christian, in terms that closely parallel the anamnesis of the eucharist (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 25). The passage from Malachi used in the Didache also appears. In chapter 70 the remembrance is also for the incarnation. Chapter 117 specifically describes prayer and thanksgiving as the sacrifices in the Eucharist. Jasper and Cuming note that Justin describes two different eucharists: one for a baptism and one used on ordinary Sundays.
   Justin makes it clear that the body and blood consumed are those of the incarnate Christ and that the presence is related to the institution narrative, which he records (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 26). In Jasper and Cuming's analysis, the tradition of the bread and wine becoming the body and blood of Christ was a long-standing tradition at the time of Justin's writing.
   Jasper and Cuming provide a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 26-27), then a selection of the relevant passages in Justin's writings.

Eucharistic Celebrations East and West

3/4/2025

Church History
3/4/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§97. The Celebration of the Eucharist." (pp. 2246-2151).
   Schaff identifies the Eucharist as the center of public worship. Liturgies in antiquity mainly consisted of the Eucharistic instructions (Schaff 2014, p. 2246). This stands in contrast to what Schaff refers to as "Evangelical" observances, which focus primarily on the sermon. Within the Catholic liturgies the eucharistic prayers tend to be very similar, and the Words of Institution are taken to make the eucharistic elements take on the true body and blood of Christ, creating a new sacrifice (Schaff 2014, p. 2247).
   After the introductory words of the anaphora, the prayer of thanksgiving recognizes God's gifts in creation, leading to the Trisagion ("Holy, Holy, holy") (Schaff 2014, p. 2247). The consecration follows, using the institution narrative, normally followed by an additional prayer of thanksgiving. Schaff provides a number of examples of these prayers (Schaff 2014, pp. 2248-2249). A Kyrie or Gloria normally follows. The celebrant(s) commune first, then the congregations.
   Frequent celebrations of the eucharist were normal, at least every Sunday, and sometimes daily (Schaff 2014, p. 2250). Infant communion was practiced in eastern and north African churches, but not commonly in the Latin church after the ninth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2251).
   Schaff briefly describes the movement for communion in only one kind (bread only0 as a development of the 12th or 13th century, guarding against spilling consecrated elements (Schaff 2014, p. 2251). Greek custom involves dipping the bread in the wine and receiving it from a spoon.

Eucharist as Sacrament and Sacrifice

12/16/2024

Mondays are for Church History
12/16/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§96. The Sacrifice of the Eucharist." (pp. 2238-2246).
   The concepts of sacrament and sacrifice co-exist in both the Greek and Latin churches, interpreted in a way more similar to the view of Catholicism than to Protestantism (Schaff 2014, p. 2238). Schaff observes the centrality of the sacrificial idea in ancient religions, which, in Christianity, is fulfilled in Jesus' sacrificial death (Schaff 2014, p. 2239). The eucharist, then, as well as being receptive of Christian sacrifice, in accord with its name, is also a giving of thanks, a time when our prayers are heard. The offering, then, is both from God to us and from us to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2239).
   Schaff observes that Greek and Roman traditions were eventually imported into the eucharist, making it a repeated offering of Jesus to God the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2240). In his view, the sacramental aspects are eclipsed by the sacrificial aspect, which then became a materialized ritual (Schaff 2014, p. 2241).
   Schaff does note that in the ante-Nicene period, the eucharist was understood as the congregation's thank offering to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2241). He views the failure to consist of a materialistic conception, as opposed to a symbolic concept. From the start as a material sacrifice, by the end of the sixth century, the eucharist had developed into a repetitive offering of Christ's body to the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2242). The eucharistic offering becomes the fulfillment of the offerings under the Mosaic covenant (Schaff 2014, p. 2243), and it is quite literally seen as Christ offering himself to the Father again through the agency of the priest. Because the eucharist is for all Christians, it becomes a time for the living and the dead to participate together, with prayers being made to and for all those who have come before (Schaff 2014, p. 2244). These prayers may then be seen as aiding those who have come before us and who have not entirely obtained their heavenly reward, but are still in a state of purgatory (Schaff 2014, p. 2245). Again, Schaff observes the loss of the sacramental aspects of the eucharist, largely displaced by the sacrificial aspects.

An Overview of the Eucharist in the Middle Ages

12/9/2024

Mondays are for Church History
12/9/24

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§95. The Sacrament of the Eucharist." (pp. 2228-2238).
   Schaff describes the Eucharist as "both a sacrament wherein God conveys to us a certain blessing, and a sacrifice which man offers to God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2229). He describes both of these aspects in turn prior to attending to the ritual development.
   The disputes over the doctrine of the sacrament arose first in the ninth century, with Paschasius Radbertus. They have continued to this day. In Schaff's estimation, the controversy has continued due to the lack of an early Christian definitive statement as we have, for instance, in the areas of the Trinity, the nature of Christ, and an Augustinian view of soteriology (Schaff 2014, p. 2229). Schaff describes the controversy using intriguing language. "Christ may be conceived as really present either in and with the elements (consubstantiation, impanation), or under the illusive appearance of the changed elements (transubstantiation), or only dynamically and spiritually" (Schaff 2014, p. 2230). These views may have grown from earlier mystical, symbolic, or allegorical views of the sacrament. Schaff describes these views and their early proponents in turn. The various fathers make explanations, but there is no wide-ranging consensus.
   Unfortunately, Schaff's description is lacking in examples of the period's developments. Rather, he dwells on views articulated in the fifth century and before. Additionally, he wrongly describes Lutheran thought as embracing consubstantiation (Schaff 2014, p. 2235).
   Schaff notes that ancient liturgies "presuppose the actual presence of Christ in the Supper, but speak throughout in the stately language of sentiment, and nowhere attempt an explanation of the nature and mode of this presence, and of its relation to the still visible forms of bread and wine" (Schaff 2014, p. 2237). This is actually the stance which historic Lutheran piety has taken as well.

Positive Aspects of Eucharistic Sacrifice?

11/8/2023

11/8/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Thirteen: Reconsideration of Eucharistic Sacrifice." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 448-479.

Though the Lutheran Reformers took a negative view of some of the aspects of the Eucharistic celebration, they did have a positive point of view, acknowledging the good inherent in the Eucharist. In this chapter, Senn attempts to describe that positive view (Senn 1997, 449).Luther's criticism was based on the issue of the eucharistic elements being viewed as a sacrifice we present to God, rather than something God presents to us. The actual use of the Lord's Supper, rather than the philosophical concept, suggests multiple ways of dealing with the issue.

Melanchthon's view was that the discussion needed to be based on patristic consensus (Senn 1997, 450). He found a concern that the Eucharist is a gift given by God to man, and that any response which could be understood as a sacrifice of praise was our response to what God had initiated. The central concept for the sacrament was not the elements, but rather the liturgical rite which celebrates the Eucharist (Senn 1997, 451). The Sacrament is primarily significant of God's positive disposition toward us (Senn 1997, 453). Our celebration commemorates what Christ has done to rescue us.

Luther, when writing of the use, rather than the ontology, of the Eucharist (Admonition Concerning the Sacrament, 1530), emphasizes reception of God's promises by faith (Senn 1997, 455). Luther did, however, reject views that reception of the Sacrament was merely a matter of the recipient's joyful expression of faith. God is active in the Sacrament (Senn 1997, 456).

Martin Chemnitz provided a thorough comparison of the Roman view of the Eucharist as discussed in the Council of Trent, over against the Lutheran view (Senn 1997, 459). Much of Chemnitz' objection was based on the ostentatious shows of ritual behavior he could identify during the administration of the Mass (Senn 1997, 461). Chemnitz routinely enumerates points of doctrine very clearly, responding to the arguments of Trent in an orderly manner. On the whole, Chemnitz found the use of language of sacrifice to be foreign to the usage of patristic authors, so advocated use of language of sacrament instead (Senn 1997, 464).

Though the German Lutherans were not very active in articulating a positive view of the Eucharist, Senn finds the Swedish church to have a more clear articulation of eucharistic sacrifice (Senn 1997, 467). The work of Olavus Petri, emphasized the element of doing the eucharist in Chrsit's remembrance, which would preclude any interpretation of it serving as another sacrifice. The essential act of remembrance results primarily in our fellowship with God and with one another (Senn 1997, 468). There may be an element of sacrifice, but this is recognized as not a new offering but as a conscious commitment to remember Christ's sacrifice for sin (Senn 1997, 470).

In the 16th century Swedish Red Book, Senn finds the eucharistic prayer to be enlightening due to its manner of commemorating and recalling Christ's sacrifice (Senn 1997, 471). The memorial takes place especially through the ongoing preaching of Christ (Senn 1997, 472). Senn observes that the Swedish liturgy does acknowledge that we are making some sort of offering of the Son, in the prayers (Senn 1997, 475). This was seen as a mystery of some sort, as the saving work of Christ is both past and present.

Senn considers the issue of the eucharist to lead to an impasse by the end of the 16th century. While the Reformational theologians rejected the eucharist as a sacrifice, the Roman theologians continued to affirm it as a propitiatory offering (Senn 1997, 476). He notes that the impasse has continued.

Christ's Real Presence in Eucharist

10/31/2023

10/31/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Seven: The Real Presence and the Sacrifice of the Mass." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 240-263.

Senn considers the philosophical developments of the later Middle Ages to have driven the changes in the outlook on the Mass, as European culture took on a more empirical way of thinking about life (Senn 1997, 240). The move, in Senn's opinion, was to say that what is visible is what is real (Senn 1997, 244). What was spiritual took on the connotation of being not real.

Because of the emphasis on the concrete or that which is real, discussions arose as to exactly when the bread and wine became the body and blood of Christ (Senn 1997, 243). Cyril of Jerusalem, Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine all assigned particular points during the consecration when the change took place (Senn 1997, 243-245). By the late Middle Ages, Senn finds the view that it is only by Christ's words that the body and blood are present. Ritual movements grew up around the altar and the time of consecration, pointing to the real Christ arriving on the altar (Senn 1997, 246).

Senn takes the issue of the real presence to have become prominent in the late Middle Ages because of a change in categories. In Classical Antiquity a "sign" or "figure" could be thought of as a very real thing, while by the Carolingian period it no longer held that connotation (Senn 1997, 248). Therefore, theologians felt the need to ask when the reality appeared. Senn describes a number of these theological formulations in some detail.

An important element of the discussion was whether God's Word could change one thing into something else. This question was central to the debate concerning transubstantiation (Senn 1997, 251). While some views of transubstantiation were limited to an internal change of the essence of the elements, others went farther and took the consecration to be an act in which the priest was a partner with Christ. Sasse, for instance, found the former acceptable but not the latter (Senn 1997, 252).

The nature of eucharist as sacrifice was considered of less importance in the late Middle Ages. Attention was focused on the consecration, which, in many opinions, was a sacrifice, especially as we consider the parallels between the two terms (Senn 1997, 253). The crux of the question lay in whether the act at the altar was a "liturgical reactualization" or a "dramatic portrayal" of Christ's once-for-all sacrifice (Senn 1997, 254). The language used is difficult, in English as in Latin, since there is some ambiguity, for instance, in the meaning of the word "represent." It may indicate presenting something again or bringing something to mind, a world of difference when speaking of the eucharist. On the one side, articulated by Gabriel Biel and Cardinal Cajetan, in the eucharist there is a ritual presentation in which Christ, truly present, ministers to His people (Senn 1997, 256ff). Senn unpacks the idea at some length. The eventual outcome of the argument was a view of the eucharist as a commemoration or a re-enactment of the sacrifice of Christ, neither of which views, in Luther's estimation, adequately represented coherence with the Scripture and the Church Fathers (Senn 1997, 262).

Early Eucharistic Development

10/25/2023

10/25/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Three: Early Christian Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 53-108.

Senn points out that early Christian gatherings were private in nature, in homes, and limited to Christians and those vouched for by Christians. The rituals and liturgy were not public events (Senn 1997, 53). However, there were clearly practiced elements of liturgy, no less than in Judaism. The Eucharist, for example, had close ties to the Jewish meal for the start of the Sabbath. Senn discusses this in some detail (Senn 1997, 55). In particular, he considers the similarity of Jewish prayers and the eucharistic prayers in the Didache (Senn 1997, 57).

Senn finds it important that the New Testament accounts of the Last Supper focus on the bread and the cup, without the other elements of the seder. In addition, Paul's assertion that the consecration was traditional by the time of his letter to the Corinthians calls us to see the Eucharistic celebration as a piece of liturgy which was fixed at a very early time (Senn 1997, 58).

The Eucharist is described in Didache 9-10 and 14. Senn describes scholarship briefly, certainly acknowledging that in this church order the prayers represent an early (late 1st century) version of eucharistic prayers (Senn 1997, 61-63). There is open debate as to whether chapters 9-10 describe an agape meal or communion, while chapter 14 is fairly clearly communion, celebrated weekly. The lack of an institution narrative is cause for debate. Bouyer has suggested that the narrative was a given but not part of the prayer (Senn 1997, 65), a view which may be supported in part by its absence in the 3rd century anaphora of Addai and Mari (Senn 1997, 66). Senn further notes that the basis of participation in all the meals is repentance, whether as in chapters 9-10 evidenced by baptism or in chapter 14 evidenced by confession of sins.

Senn notes that the New Testament has numerous passages often identified as hymns, songs, or creedal statements. He lists a number (Senn 1997, 67-68). These parts of Christian worship are also thought to come from synagogue worship, though we have relatively little specific information about worship in the early 1st century synagogues. However, Senn considers the second century Mishna to be a reasonably accurate reflection, as it describes in writing what had likely been done and discussed for several generations beforehand. He summarizes the basic form of synagogue worship (Senn 1997, 68-70). Readings, prayers, a homily, and singing were typical. The overall emphasis, especially on Sabbaths and special holidays, was on learning and remembering Scripture (Senn 1997, 70). This emphasis, as well as many of the forms, carried over into Christian practice. Senn continues by describing a number of parallels.

Based on Pliny's account of Christianity, Senn notes that an evening meal was part of Christian observance (Senn 1997, 73). It is possible that because Pliny had banned communal evening meals, the eucharistic meal became associated with the morning gathering and consisted only of the bread and the cup (Senn 1997, 73). By the time of Justin Martyr, writing about 150, the synaxis was relatively well defined and was not kept secret from the imperial authorities (Senn 1997, 74). The Christian worship had taken on a definitive form and structure.

The eucharistic prayer was the only element of worship which would describe the eucharistic meal. Senn observes that the earliest examples we have are the prayers in the Didache, then the clearer description in Hippolytus, about 215 (Senn 1997, 77). He goes on to discuss the account in Apostolic Tradition in more detail, including a translation of his eucharistic prayer (Senn 1997, 78-79). Senn further explores the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, from East Syria, probably dating to the third century. Again, he provides a translation, then comments on salient points (Senn 1997, 80-82).

Senn notes that the eucharistic prayers in Apostolic Constitutions VII.25 and in the Acts of Thomas 133 serve not as a thanksgiving but as a blessing. The texts certainly ask Christ's presence and blessing on the communion (Senn 1997, 84).

The Sanctus in the liturgy seems to appear first in Alexandrian liturgy (Senn 1997, 86). Senn finds some possible justification for its being directly related to the thanksgiving, though it is not necessary to hold to such a model (Senn 1997, 86).

In comparison to many of the textual statements of early Christianity, Senn finds the day for gathering to be fixed and described as "the Day of the Sun" which corresponded to "the first day of the week," and to be that day in honor of the resurrection of Jesus (Senn 1997, 87). There is some debate over whether the Christians tended to keep the Jewish model of the new day beginning at sundown, the Greek model of it beginning at dawn, or the Roman model which began the day at midnight. Senn notes that it was clear from early references and customs that Sunday was not considered a replacement Sabbath (Senn 1997, 89). It was specifically a celebration of God's fulfillment of His Messianic promises.

Senn brings up the challenge inherent in the dating of the crucifixion in comparison to the Passover, noting that Paul, along with the second century Epistula Apostolorum considers John's chronology to be correct (Senn 1997, 89). The conflicts between solar and lunar calendars, as well as controversies between Jews and Christians, led to debate about the correct day to celebrate Christ's death and resurrection (Senn 1997, 90). Senn describes the controversies in brief.

One reason for the importance of Easter is that it became the special date for baptizing converts to Christianity (Senn 1997, 91). Senn briefly describes baptism as a rite of initiation. There may well have been a distinction between Jewish and Christian views of baptism based on the Christian view of a coming of the Holy Spirit at the time of baptism (Senn 1997, 92). In Judaism it was seen as a ceremonial washing and act of dedication. An extensive period of catechesis developed by the late second century. Senn describes this as a period of several years in which candidates were taught and developed in godly practice.

The function of the assembled church developed over time. While there were calls to holiness at all times, it was apparent very early on that not all Christians were living a life of holiness at all times. Senn illustrates this concept with citations of 1 Corinthians, demonstrating the dynamic of questions of moral failure (Senn 1997, 97). The unity of the body in regard to the Eucharist is emblematic of the interaction of the spiritual and the physical. Senn describes these interactions at some length, also relating them to Paul's teaching on spiritual gifts, in close proximity to his teaching on communion (Senn 1997, 98ff). The ultimate purpose is to build up the body of Christ (Senn 1997, 99). By the late first century or early second century, there were clear and orderly differences observed, as different people exercised different gifts, for the benefit of all (Senn 1997, 101).

Senn identifies an ordination to ministry as an important element in liturgical development, since certain liturgical roles would be carried out by certain people. The apostles appointed by Jesus may or may not have had the same role as the "missionary apostles such as Barnabas and Paul" (Senn 1997, 102). Prophets and teachers seem to be directly equipped by the Holy Spirit, while bishops, elders, and deacons were appointed through a laying on of hands. Senn takes the laying on of hands to be a likely parallel to Jewish ordinations, but he admits we know very little about accompanying rituals (Senn 1997, 103). However, laying on of hands does appear to be a typical means of commissioning people for tasks. Senn observes that the ordination of bishops, presbyters, and deacons is described in Hippolytus, but that the specific rite is absent. We do see a pattern of hierarchy and honor for those officers (Senn 1997, 105-106).

Finally, Senn notes that the early Christians took the earthly worship as reflecting that worship in the heavenly presence of God (Senn 1997, 107). Senn describes these in very brief terms.

The Last Supper and the Eucharist

3/27/2023

3/27/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eighteen: The Last Supper and the Church's Eucharist." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 297-306.

Mazza has concluded that the eucharist is best understood in reference to the Last Supper, and that there is a strong analogy between the two (Mazza 1999, 297). Therefore, he considers only the New Testament texts to clarify the actions and desires of Jesus in the meal. The liturgy enables us to relive what Christ gave us when he said, "Do this in remembrance of me" (Mazza 1999, 298).

The Last Supper gives us a meal which is related to Jewish ritual but which, as Jesus acts and speaks, depart from that ritual (Mazza 1999, 299). Mazza sees this as behavior characteristic of a prophet. The passing of the cup is symbolic of a passing around of a special blessing from the head of a family or group (Mazza 1999, 300). Jesus' references to his body and blood refer to the crucifixion and to his death as that which bears witness to his mission. Mazza sees it also as an eschatological statement, as the farewell Jesus gives also signifies the completion of Jesus' tasks (Mazza 1999, 301). The explanation that the bread is Jesus' body speaks to Jesus' mortality (Mazza 1999, 303). However, its being "for you" shows that Jesus' gift is for the particular good of his disciples. Likewise, the cup is important, not only because of the blood, but also because a cup is related to establishing a covenant (Mazza 1999, 304). This is also pertinent to the blood of a c ovenant which is poured out for a sacrifice (Mazza 1999, 305).

Mazza concludes that the Last Supper has pointed effectively to all the significance of the eucharist. The meal is a complex sign of salvation (Mazza 1999, 306).

Components of a Prayer

3/24/2023

3/24/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Seventeen: The Parts of the Eucharistic Prayer." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 281-295.

Mazza uses this penultimate chapter of his book to describe the different elements of the eucharistic prayer in some detail. Initially, the preface was centered on thanksgiving to God (Mazza 1999, 281). The preface, then, is related to Jesus' initial action in the Last Supper, that of giving thanks. The thanksgivings in the earliest anaphoras are short, but developed over time to include more elaborate descriptions of salvation and the nature of the Christian faith (Mazza 1999, 282). Because of the great number of different prefaces, Mazza does not deal with individual forms oin detail. He does, however, note that the thanksgiving always speaks of God's gifts which we receive (Mazza 1999, 283).

The prayer moves on to the Sanctus, introduced into the eucharistic prayer in the fifth century (Mazza 1999, 285). The text itself is of a very early date, but the use in the eucharistic prayer is more recent. The recognition of holiness makes the participant an imitator of the angels who cry out to God regarding his holiness (Mazza 1999, 286).

The third part of the eucharistic prayer is the institution account (Mazza 1999, 287). The consecration has been taken to be at the same point in the prayers, though the formal language of consecration in this account of institution was not present until the 1972 Missal (Mazza 1999, 288). Mazza observes that an account of institution is theologically distinct from an act of consecration, though the actual words and actions may be the same.

After the account of institution comes an Anamnesis and an offering. The anamnesis recalls Jesus' command to "do this in memory of me" (Mazza 1999, 290). The congregation receives communion while actively remembering what the Lord has done. In the Roman Canon this is followed by an act of offering the consecrated elements to God (Mazza 1999, 292). Mazza sees this as a sacrifice of prayer, in which God receives what is committed to him.

Fifth comes an epiclesis, in which the prayer is made that the eucharist would be fruitful (Mazza 1999, 292). The congregation is to receive the eucharist faithfully and become one in Christ. Ths is confessed to be a work of the Holy Spirit (Mazza 1999, 293).

At the end of the eucharistic prayer come intercessions (Mazza 1999, 294). These particularly pray for Christian leaders and then for all God's saints. The prayer closes with a doxology making praise to God as the end of all our prayers (Mazza 1999, 294-295).

One Way to Change Liturgy and Practice

3/23/2023

3/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Sixteen: The Implementation of the Liturgical Reform." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 263-280.

As a result of the Vatican II council, Mazza notes that in 1969 there was a new Order of Mass published, as well as an instructional manual (Mazza 1999, 263). In it, the rubrics are accompanied by theological explanations. Within the updated Missals there are versions of the Mass for a variety of different circumstances. Mazza briefly describes the various components of the order of the Mass (Mazza 1999, 264ff).

The eucharistic prayer itself remained unchanged, still remaining consistent with the Roman Canon which was last changed in any significant way in the early seventh century (Mazza 1999, 269). Mazza observes that there had been several revisionso f anaphoras and prayers, but they were local or regional in nature. There was a move then to allow for other eucharistic prayers which could be presented along with that of the Roman Canon. The prefaces were multiplied at this time as well (Mazza 1999, 270). A variety of additional materials were published during the papacy of Paul VI.

Change of Eucharistic Focus

3/23/2023

3/22/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Fifteen: The Liturgical Reform of Vatical Council II." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 251-261.

In this chapter, Mazza has jumped from the 16th century Reformation and council of Trent, the topic of the previous chapter, to the 20th century and Vatican II, which was especially interested in developing a pastoral level teaching on the participation of the faithful in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 251). The focus shifted from "devout reception" of the sacrament to "active participation." The communicant was to understand and participate actively in the rite (Mazza 1999, 252).

Mazza observes that two points of doctrine were considered of primary importance in Vatican II: the true presence of the body of Christ in the eucharist, and the way the eucharist was related to Christ's sacrifice on the cross were to be clarified (Mazza 1999, 253). The root of the challenge is that while the eucharistic celebration is a "repraesentatio" of the sacrifice of Christ, the consecrated elements are not to be seen as a representation but as a real and literal presence of Christ (Mazza 1999, 254). Finding an adequate means of distinguishing between the two is a difficult challenge. Mazza considers it to be the challenge which was not articulated adequately in Trent. Dealing with it well would make it possible to interpret the patristic authors in such a way that they could speak to our current age (Mazza 1999, 255).

In Vatican II some reforms to the iturgical practice were approved, which may have appeared minor but could have had substantial impact. The kiss of peace was restored, as was a universal prayer of the faithful (Mazza 1999, 256). The altar was moved from the wall so as to take on more prominence. The practice of adding additional priests around the celebrant, leading in the responses or as a choir of celebrants was revived (Mazza 1999, 257). The additional voices had become silent by the eighth century. Its restoration is not explained, but is simply performed (Mazza 1999, 259). However, it may suggest the fact that all the members of the priesthood would have an equal footing in the eucharistic celebration.

Reformational Clarifications of Eucharist

3/21/2023

3/21/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Fourteen: The Reformation and the Council of Trent." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 237-250.

Mazza notes three complaints about eucharistic practice, listed in Luther's The Babylonian Captivity (1520). In this work, Luther rejects reception of communion in one kind, transubstantiation, and the idea that the eucharist is a "good work" (Mazza 1999, 237). Mazza does mischaracterize Luther as embracing consubstantiation, then Mazza defines it as similar in nature to the hypostatic union, with two natures (bread and body) co-existing in one item. This, in my understanding, differs from the classic definition of consubstantiation, in which the two substances form a third substance. Mazza does observe correctly that Zwingli's objection to the real presence concept of Luther was based on an insistence on Christ's bodily local presence at the right hand of the Father (Mazza 1999, 238). Luther further rejected the sacrificial character of the Eucharist as a good work as it was not scriptural to consider a celebration of the eucharist as a work which could forgive sins.

Luther's revision of the Roman canon removed the sacrificial language. The prayers were also mostly rejected, in Mazza's view, leaving only the Words of Institution, though he does acknowledge the presence of "the offertory, the dialogue before the Preface and the Preface itself, and the account of Last Supper, which was followed by the singing of the Sanctus and the Benedictus, while the bread and wine were to be elevated" (Mazza 1999, 239). In other words, while the preface was retained, the other prayers were mostly removed.

The effect of Luther's changes was to put much of the celebration into the realm of active congregational participation. The prayers which were seen as akin to the prayers of Jesus at the Last Supper are gone, but there is a great deal of praise to God, coming from the congregation rather than the celebrant (Mazza 1999, 240-241).

Mazza finds Calvin difficult to interpret largely because his use of the Scriptures and the Fathers is theological rather than historical in outlook. It therefore becomes difficult to place the evidence Calvin uses into its proper historical or theological context (Mazza 1999, 241). Calvin rejects transubstantiation and instead holds to a "sacramental realism which he thinks of as half-way between Lutherand Zwingli" (Mazza 1999, 242). He will not accept a local presence of Christ in the bread nd wine, yet he will not consider it merely a symbol. Calvin will accept a "sacrifice of thanksgiving in the eucharist, but does not accept it as a sacrifice which forgives sins" (Mazza 1999, 243). The liturgy ws greatly reduced, to reading of Scripture and a sermon, with the eucharist, only four times a year, and introduced by a prayer and the Words of Institution (Mazza 1999, 244).

In the same period, the Council of Trent assembled to respond to the alterations of the Reformers (Mazza 1999, 244). Mazza does not consider the council's treatment to provide a complete picture of eucharistic practice. It deals rather with the issue of both kinds, communion of children, and the Roman Canon. The council defended reception in one kind because both kinds were not specifically required by divine precept and because one kind had been allowed in practice for some time (Mazza 1999, 246). It was therefore to be held as the normal practice. Mazza notes that the interpretive method was dependent on the theological practices developed during the Medieval period, including many elements of Aristotelian philosophy (Mazza 1999, 247). The connection of the theology of th Middle Ages to Aristotle was significant. Particularly concepts of truth and the validity of symobols or figures were front and center in the discussions.

Altars and Relics

3/20/2023

3/20/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Thirteen: The Eucharist and the Relics of the Saints." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 225-236.

Mazza suggests that the custom of incorporating relics into the altar at church arose from the fact that altars were early erected over tombs of martyrs (Mazza 1999, 225). The consecration of an altar and the case of a relic thus became a very important element of local piety. Mazza looks for a relationship between this presence of a relic in the altar and the sacrament of the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 226).

In Ordo XLII, probably dating to the eighth century, there are instructions for placement of relics and consecration of an altar (Mazza 1999, 226-227). The consecrated Eucharist is placed in the same box with other relics to be placed in the chamber of the altar (Mazza 1999, 227). There was a process of chrismation, as well as use of holy water in the process of sealing the container. Through the 12th century, there was gradual development of the rites. The practice of placing consecrated eucharistic elements in the box with relics remained the same (Mazza 1999, 229), though it was omitted from some rubrics.

Mazza briefly refers to rubrics from the early 13th century which instruct that if the blood of Christ stains a corporal, that part is cut out and retained as a relic (Mazza 1999, 231). This instruction connects the practice of the eucharistic celebration with that of honoring relics. Mazza notesa hypothesis that the omission of an instruction about placing the eucharistic elements in a box for preservation could be related to the idea that the sacrament is intended for eating, therefore should not be reserved (Mazza 1999, 232). The practice tended to remain in some settings, but not all (Mazza 1999, 233-234).