Category: Eucharist - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Some Conclusions about the Eucharist

8/20/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/20/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Conclusion." (pp. 462-474). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   Throughout this book, Bouyer has evaluated the eucharist in general, and the eucharistic prayer more specifically as our response to the read word of God which comes earlier in the liturgy. This prayer, in Jewish tradition a response to the Old Testament, "was formulated in the berekah" (Bouyer 1968, p. 463). The elements of prayer were intended to follow the believer throughout the affairs of daily living.
   Bouyer has consistently argued that his Roman Catholic view of the eucharist is correct and that movements such as the 16th century Reformation fail to express what they should understand. He expresses this understanding clearly in this conclusion. '[W]e give our consent to the completion in our flesh of the sufferings of Jesus for his body which is the Church, in the steadfast hope of his Parousia in which we shall all participate together in his resurrection. Thus we inaugurate the eternal glorification of God the creator and savior who on the last day will make the Church the panegyria, the festal assembly, in which all of mankind will join in the heavenly worship…" (Bouyer 1968, pp. 464-465). The emphasis I take from this, and which I think is consistent with his expectation throughout, is that the eucharist is our work which, when done right, continues or completes the work of Jesus so he can truly be the savior. This is diametrically opposed to the historic Lutheran, and, I believe, biblical view that Jesus' work is complete and that in the eucharist we joyfully receive his body and blood which he feeds us to preserve us in our salvation.
   While Bouyer is generally opposed to Protestants, he does say that the Calvinist view of the eucharist as a symbolic dialog between God's Word and man's faith in Christ (Bouyer 1968, p. 469). Again, this is an area where Lutherans would reject Calvinists.
   The argument that the most ancient known eucharistic forms should be restored, such as found in Hippolytus or Addai and Mari presents itself again. However, Bouyer sees those materials as inferior because they are lacking the berakoth and the sanctus, which he views as creating the complete eucharistic presentation (Bouyer 1968, pp. 470-471).

Roman Catholic Eucharistic Restoration in the 20th Century

8/18/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/18/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 13: The Catholic Eucharist Renewed." (pp. 443-461). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
Bouyer here discusses a renewal of Catholic eucharistic liturgy after the Council of Trent, which effected some "necessary reforms" (Bouyer 1968, p. 443). In addition to what we know as the Counter-Reformation, Bouyer observes that there was a liturgical reformation in process in the 15th and 16th centuries (Bouyer 1968, p. 444). These reforms covered the main points addressed in the second Vatican Council in the 20th century (Bouyer 1968, p. 445). The general pattern has been to restore elements and order from earlier history. Bouyer describes the work in detail with multiple quotations (Bouyer 1968, pp. 448ff).

The Reformation and Multiplication of Eucharistic Changes

8/13/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/13/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 12: Modern Times: Decomposition and Reformation." (pp. 380-442). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   From the twelfth century onward, Bouyer observes a process of extension of portions of the chanted liturgy by addition of tropes to the established texts (Bouyer 1968, p. 380). Over time, this could even include insertion of popular songs which had been brought into the liturgy. Beginning in the 13th century, the elevation of the consecrated elements became the central feature of the mass (Bouyer 1968, p. 382). This allowed further detachment of the liturgy from the events in the mass. As the Reformation drew near, there were numerous attempts at recovering the authentic and ancient eucharist. In Bouyer's view, these all tended to pick and choose mostly recent elements to retain (Bouyer 1968, p. 384).
   Luther, who was well equipped to reach back to an Augstinian theology, after 1523 developed his two mass orders which Bouyer considers a failure because of containing innovations (Bouyer 1968, p. 385). The innovation described by Boyer is to remove the concept of the mass as a sacrifice and to consider only the words of institution necessary to the consecration. Bouyer further sees the Formula Missae of 1523 as "a kind of monument to his basic failure" (Bouyer 1968, p. 387). He sees it as embracing "aberrant tendencies" and having an unrecognizable eucharist. Bouyer walks briefly through the elements of the Lutheran communion, observing that it lacks the extended prayers which had developed after the fourth century, and thus is not an adequate reconstruction (Bouyer 1968, p. 388).
   As time progressed and as the additional branches of the Reformation spread, the ancient prayers were generally lost from the eucharist, along with the symbolic actions (Bouyer 1968, p. 390). In many cases, only the institution narrative remained. This is especially the case in the Calvinist and Zwinglian camps, where the institution narrative alone was used, and in which there was a self-conscious move to avoid anything that seemed Roman (Bouyer 1968, p. 392). Bouyer describes this in detail.
   Bouyer continues with a discussion of the Lutheran liturgical restoration movement as seen in Sweden "from Olavus Petri to John III" (Bouyer 1968, p. 396). In 1531, Olavus Petri published a first mass in Swedish, including an amplification of the preface, linking the forgiveness of sin and the history of salvation (Bouyer 1968, p. 398). Bouyer sees this as recapturing an important element of the Medieval Roman tradition. In the next generation some idea of sacrifice was brought back into the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 399).
   Cranmer's 1549 Prayer Book represented another Protestant liturgy which reflected some Catholic element (Bouyer 1968, p. 407). Bouyer regards this as a reworking of the Catholic liturgy in such a way as to be acceptable to Zwinglians. While at times Bouyer will acknowledge Cranmer's skill as a liturgist (Bouyer 1968, p. 416), he yet considers the work itself to strip the historic liturgy of its form and some essential elements of substance, in particular the sacrificial nature of the Mass and the presence of Christ. Cranmer's 1552 version of the Prayer Book further stripped the real presence of Christ from the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 417).
   Cranmer's 1552 liturgy was not broadly accepted by English Calvinists or Anglicans. In 1556, John Knox published a distinctively Calvinist liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 420). Here the institution narrative and other "evangelical sentencce[s]" (Bouyer 1968, p. 422) are addressed directly to the believers, rather than being imbedded in the prayers. Such patterns continued through the middle of the 17th century in a variety of forms of liturgy.
   Bouyer next considers an Anglican eucharistic revival in Scotland (Bouyer 1968, p. 424). In this movement, exemplified by a 1637 liturgy, elements of sacrifice and real presence moved back into the eucharist. In 1718 and following, the various liturgies prepared by the 'non-jurors," who rejected allegiance to William of Orange and Queen Mary, continued restoration of the real presence and sacrifice to the mass, but by means of rejecting the Roman canon in favor of elements of the liturgy of St. James (Bouyer 1968, p. 426).
   The eighteenth century in France saw a number of moves to restore the elements of sacrifice and real presence to the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 430). Bouyer does observe that in the various Protestant liturgies, elements were gathered and used with or without any historical context (Bouyer 1968, p. 431). By the 20th century, after World War I, Bouyer describes the ecumenical group in fellowship with the monastery at Taizé (Bouyer 1968, p. 432). This group produced a liturgy which Bouyer evaluates in some detail. Bouyer is more enthusiastic about this liturgy as it moves to capture the concepts of sacrifice, presence, and mystery which are less prominent in many modern liturgies.
   Bouyer briefly reviews a 20th century ecumenical liturgy from South India, noting its roots in Anglican piety (Bouyer 1968, pp. 437-438). He considers this work to be by and large unremarkable. Finally, he discusses a eucharistic liturgy from a coalition of Lutherans in North America, the United Lutheran Church (Bouyer 1968, pp. 439-442). Bouyer observes that this coalition of Lutherans was self-consciously restoring piety to a previous state, unlike the conditions of church bodies which were more dissimilar (Bouyer 1968, p. 439). They therefore moved closer to the liturgy which had been in use in the early 16th century, and even to reach to patristic sources (Bouyer 1968, p. 440). Bouyer considers the ULCA liturgy of 1958 to succeed in its attempt to restore liturgical purity (Bouyer 1968, p. 441).

What Is A Development or Deformation of Liturgy?

8/11/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/11/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 11: The Middle Ages: Development and Deformation." (pp. 338-379). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   After a candid admission that even defining the parameters of the Middle Ages is difficult at best, Bouyer notes that there were a number of liturgical "renascences" beginning in about the eleventh century (Bouyer 1968, p. 339). These were creative moves which may have constituted both deformations and developments of the eucharistic liturgy.
   During the Middle Ages, in the Byzantine tradition, as in much of the East, the eucharist was regularly that of Basil, James, or Chrysostom. These were gradually stripped of variations from one another (Bouyer 1968, p. 340). Apart from the influence of Byzantium, prayers were added to the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 341). Bouyer's overall opinion is that, especially in the West, this has been harmful to liturgy. "When it is not fixed, it tends only to dissolve" (Bouyer 1968, p. 342).
   As an example, Bouyer turns to the eucharist of Nestorius (Bouyer 1968, pp. 342ff). In this, he sees a number of "exhausting dissertations which have more the feeling of coming from a professorial chair than an altar" (Bouyer 1968, p. 350). The Armenian eucharist, in contrast, is well ordered and, in Bouyer's view, beautiful. He goes on with extensive quotations from it (Bouyer 1968, pp. 351ff). In these quotations there are numerous instances of the priest praying a particular text silently or in a soft voice, while the choir continues iwth something else. This is the first documentation of such a practice. Bouyer takes as a third example Maronite anaphoras from Ethiopia, in which the liturgy seems interrupted by exclamations or digressions (Bouyer 1968, pp. 358ff).
   In the West more broadly the Roman canon was gradually adopted and universal by the eleventh century (Bouyer 1968, p. 360). The gradual adoption may be illustrated by comparison of numerous Medieval sacramentaries, of which Bouyer mentions the Leonine (Bouyer 1968, p. 360), the Gelasian and the Gregorian (Bouyer 1968, p. 361). The various Gallican sacramentaries, which Bouyer has already discussed, are also examples of these adoptions. The sacramentaries typically provide numerous liturgical options. For instance, Bouyer notes about 200 different prefaces for the eucharist found in the Gelasian sacramentary (Bouyer 1968, p. 362).
   The practice of "the silent canon," in which many of the eucharistic prayers are prayed silently or in an undertone by the celebrant, is a challenge to our study of liturgy in this period (Bouyer 1968, p. 366). The actual practices are not always clearly stated. The practice may have developed from an impatience which led priests to continue in the liturgical prayers while the choir or congregation was singing or chanting (Bouyer 1968, p. 371). Bouyer mentions an alternative theory for the origin of the silent canon, namely that it was inspired by mystery religions and a desire to protect the prayers from profane imitations (Bouyer 1968, p. 374). However, ancient authors who discuss the practice do not indicate any protection of the liturgy as a reason for the silence. Eventually, the liturgy would progress along two independent tracks, one for the priest and one for everyone else (Bouyer 1968, p. 377).

Medieval Eucharists Way Out West

8/6/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/6/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 10: The Gallican and Mozarabic Eucharist." (pp. 315-337). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   Bouyer considers the extreme western rites, those of the Gallican and Mozarabic types, to have stronger connections with Syrian rites than with Alexandrian or Roman rites (Bouyer 1968, p. 316). He notes this is even visible in the architecture and arrangement of church buildings as well as in the dress of priests, bishops, and deacons.
   In essence, from a liturgical standpoint, Bouyer considers the Gallican and Mozarabic rites to be the same, as they have only slight differences (Bouyer 1968, p. 317). About the time of Charlemagne, liturgical books which adopted elements of the Gallican liturgies were brought to Rome, where they had a strong influence on liturgical usage due to the Roman framework of the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 318). This resulted in a greater similarity between the Roman and Gallican rites.
   Within the many texts of the Gallican type, Bouyer finds the prayers tend to be abbreviated when compared with the West Syrian evidence. He also finds in them a strong influence of Augustine, with material freely borrowed (Bouyer 1968, p. 320). Dating of the liturgies is difficult. Bouyer notes texts copied as early as the seventh century, but of material of unknown earlier date (Bouyer 1968, p. 321). The additional problem of transmission of materials from East to West by someone who would be capable of such a fundamental task is still unresolved. Bouyer is able to suggest nobody during the course of hundreds of years who would be capable of such a task, with the possible exception of Eusebius, bishop of Milan 451-465/6 (Bouyer 1968, p. 324). Chiefly due to the volume of liturgical materials, Bouyer does not evaluate them individually. He rather illustrates different varieties of situations in which many hands of composition and redaction can be found.
   The variety found in the formularies of the Gallican type lead Bouyer to conclude that there was an extended period of liturgical improvisation (Bouyer 1968, p. 329). Because of an extensive culture of improvisation, at some point a written formulary was imposed on churches (Bouyer 1968, p. 330). However, Bouyer sees this as a compositional movement in which improvised formularies were applied to churches. A weakness with his theory, conceded by him, is that the liturgy remained fluid despite the existence of formularies. He concludes that this was possible due to a lack of overriding authority exercised to create stability (Bouyer 1968, pp. 331-332).
   Bouyer concludes the chapter with a discursus into the offertory prayers of the Gallican rites, which he thinks may be related to Jewish Teffillah, though not displaced from the eucharist proper (Bouyer 1968, pp. 336-337).

Does the Byzantine Eucharist Represent an Evolutionary Missing Link?

8/4/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/4/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 9: The Classical Form of the Byzantine Eucharist: The East Syrian Survivals of Intermediary Types." (pp. 281-314). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   In the East Syrian region, Bouyer notes the rise of "liturgies attributed respectively to St. John Chrysostom and St. Basil" (Bouyer 1968, p. 281). These were adopted by the church in Constantinople. In Antioch, apparently from before Chrysostom's time, there was a so-called liturgy of the twelve apostles. Chrysostom's liturgy follows this in general, but with additions and omissions (Bouyer 1968, p. 282).
   Bouyer moves into an analysis of this liturgy of the twelve apostles, which may have connections both to a short Antiochian liturgy and to Apostolic Constitutions (Bouyer 1968, p. 282). The text is similar to that of St. James. Notably, in the second portion, while the focus is on Jesus' merciful love, it is presented primarily as a quotation.
   Next is a comparison of the liturgy of the twelve apostles with the liturgy of St. John Chrysostom (Bouyer 1968, p. 286). Here bouyer observes the dialogue consists largely of direct quotes from St. Paul. There is also significant material that parallels the liturgy of the twelve apostles, though this text is Syriac and that one Greek (Bouyer 1968, p. 287).
   The liturgy of St. Basil may be of an earlier date than that of St. Chrysostom, but later than the liturgy of the twelve apostles (Bouyer 1968, p. 290). It was brought into use in Egypt, then in a longer form into Cappadocia (Bouyer 1968, p. 291). Much of this liturgy is created from biblical sentences arranged into a selective narrative about God's person and work. In contrast to the liturgy of St. James, that of St. Basil draws a complex picture of the interactions of the persons of the Trinity (Bouyer 1968, p. 297). Further, Bouyer observes that "[t]he unfolding of the prayer itself assembles the whole content of the Eighteen Blessings more precisely than any other previously cited Christian formulary" (Bouyer 1968, p. 303). Even the progression of ideas is mostly intact.
   Bouyer brings us back to the liturgical traditions of East Syria, where some groups use an expanded form of the liturgy of Addai and Mari, under the identity of Nestorius or of Theodore of Mopsuestia (Bouyer 1968, p. 304). Here, the epiclesis is after the intercessions, rather than being before them. All in all, Bouyer concludes that the liturgies reviewed in this chapter are all related to the prayers of the Palestinian synagogues, and that especially the Roman and Alexandrian liturgies developed naturally from these roots (Bouyer 1968, p. 310).

West Syrian Eucharists and the Agape Meal

7/30/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/30/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 8: The West Syrian Liturgy: The Apostolic Constitutions and the Liturgy of Saint James." (pp. 244-280). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   Bouyer begins this chapter with his presupposition that at some point in early Christianity "the service of prayers and readings and the eucharistic meal were combined into one" and that the liturgy of Rome and Alexandria were "practically universal in the Church" (Bouyer 1968, p. 244). However, in the fourth century a different type of eucharistic liturgy emerged in Western Syria, which Bouyer calls "profoundly different" though with "the same elements" (Bouyer 1968, p. 244). These liturgies are found in the 8th book of Apostolic Constitutions (frequently also called the Clementine liturgy), as well as in the Liturgy of St. James.
   Though some scholarship has attempted to consider the West Syrian liturgies "original," Bouyer considers this "the most curious aberration conceivable" (Bouyer 1968, p. 246). He takes the level of development to be far too advanced to have come from the earliest Christian period. Bouyer proceeds for several pages to discuss distinctions between a Hebraic form of expression, which features compact statements in short sentences, with the complex Greek periodic writing. The composition of Apostolic Constitutions decidedly follows the Greek patterns rather than the Hebraic ones (Bouyer 1968, p. 250).
   The eucharistic liturgy from Apostolic Constitutions, though lengthy, could well be done in about 15 minutes, which strikes Bouyer as a reasonable period, considering the importance of the eucharist and the breadth of the prayers (Bouyer 1968, p. 251). The comprehensive nature of the liturgy is striking. Theological claims are specific and concise.
   Bouyer reproduces Apostolic Constitutions book 8 in an English version, inserting a few comments on the different sections, which consist of an introduction followed by prayers arranged in a trinitarian scheme (Bouyer 1968, pp. 253 ff). In the portion pertaining to the Father, we note especially that his work of creation takes place through the Son, who is also presented as the Logos of God (Bouyer 1968, p. 258). The portion pertaining to the Son focuses on the paradoxes inherent in Jesus' full divinity and humanity, as well as on Jesus' earthly works of ministry (Bouyer 1968, p. 262). The third portion, pertaining to the Holy Spirit, incorporates the institution narrative (Bouyer 1968, p. 265). There follow prayers for specific individuals and situations, which vary based on place and time (Bouyer 1968, p. 267).
   Bouyer next turns his attention to the liturgy of St. James, which he takes to be a later synthesis of material from Apostolic Constitutions (Bouyer 1968, p. 268). It is a more compact liturgy, with many allusions to Jerusalem. The liturgy of St. James was used for many years throughout the East, before being replaced by liturgies attributed to Basil and to Chrysostom (Bouyer 1968, p. 269). The liturgy, while showing an economy of arrangement, still contains extensive and broad ranging intercessions (Bouyer 1968, p. 277). This combination of extensive prayer and precise structure strikes Bouyer as something which would take many years to develop (Bouyer 1968, p. 278).

Eucharistic Descriptions from the 5th and 6th Centuries

7/28/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/28/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 7: The Alexandrian and Roman Eucharists." (pp. 187-243). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   The eucharist in the Roman canon, in use since the sixth century, is not very similar to that of Hippolytus or of Addai and Mari. The differences are so great as to lead Bouyer to conclude that it is not a descendant of either and that those earlier forms were unlikely to have been used in Rome (Bouyer 1968, p. 187). The changes are too extensive for Bouyer to embrace a scenario in which the schema in Hippolytus could have made such a transformation.
   In this regard, Bouyer compares the liturgy found in Ambrose of Milan, which bears more similarity to the Roman canon than to Hippolytus (Bouyer 1968, p. 190). Yet to decide the order from Milan, in about a hundred years, supplanted that of Hippolytus as allegedly used in Rome, strikes Bouyer as an impossibility (Bouyer 1968, p. 191).
   Rather than evaluating the claims of Hippolytus that unacceptable innovations were being made in Rome, Bouyer pursues the similarities between the intercessions in Alexandrian usage and those in the Roman canon (Bouyer 1968, p. 192). The Alexandrian rite shows an influence from the West Syrian rites, but with substantial rearrangement of the petitions. Bouyer describes the various portions of the eucharistic prayers and their meaning in some detail. He particularly finds that after the sanctus, the themes and most of the order of the prayers correspond closely to the Jewish meal prayers (Bouyer 1968, p. 197).
   The Alexandrian liturgy bears comparison with an archaic work found as the Der Balizeh anaphora, as well as the anaphora of Serapion (Bouyer 1968, pp. 200 ff). In the Der Balizeh fragment, Bouyer finds language which is almost identical to that of the liturgy of St. Mark. In the anaphora of Serapion, a contemporary of Athanasius, Bouyer finds numerous peculiarities, but a strong correspondence to the liturgy of St. Mark (Bouyer 1968, p. 207).
   Bouyer continues with a comparison and analysis of both the anamnesis and the epiclesis in Egyptian liturgies (Bouyer 1968, p. 209). In his analysis, Bouyer notes a number of elements which he considers to show evidence of direct dependence on other documents (Bouyer 1968, p. 211).
   Having tied the Alexandrian eucharist to other liturgies of greater antiquity, Bouyer compares the Alexandrian and Roman eucharists, along with their possible antecedents. He finds considerable structural and verbal parallels (Bouyer 1968, p. 215). In the course of his extensive comparative comments, Bouyer also includes substantial theological commentary, discussing the doctrines which could lead to the specific wording and structure of the prayers.
   Having discussed at length the parallels between the Alexandrian and Roman liturgy, Bouyer turns to an analysis of the Roman eucharist on its own merits (Bouyer 1968, p. 227). He first discusses at length the Proper Preface and its variability, which has, in the West, settled in a form of different prefaces according to the season of the church year (Bouyer 1968, p. 230). As he walks through the liturgy he concludes the similarity to Alexandrian liturgy likely shows dependence on it or that the two have a common ancestor. In the end of the chapter, he returns to Hippolytus, again emphasizing that the eucharistic liturgy in Hippolytus could not have developed into that of the Roman canon (Bouyer 1968, p. 243).

Eucharist Is Described in the 3rd and 4th Centuries

7/23/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/23/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 6: The Patristic Eucharist and the Vestiges of the Primitive Eucharist: The Liturgies of Addai and Mari and of St. Hippolytus." (pp. 136-186). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   Bouyer asserts that written versions of liturgical prayers only came about in response to fears that tradition could be changed without a written safeguard (Bouyer 1968, p. 136). Thus he explains the existence of texts which codify prayers. He additionally asserts that the written versions were based on existing practice and that they left room for alteration in details but not for wholesale change (Bouyer 1968, p. 137).
   This freedom for alteration in details means that we can expect to see a wide variety of eucharistic prayers, which can generally be sorted by region, but that they are very likely to have a common structure and many elements in common. This is what Bouyer finds, as he considers the difficulty in identifying specific roots of liturgical prayers in different locations (Bouyer 1968, p. 138). Rather than seeing liturgy as subject to central control, for instance, from Rome or Byzantium, the liturgy developed through a pattern of relatively voluntary borrowing and adaptation (Bouyer 1968, pp. 139-141).
   Bouyer continues with an analysis of the West Syrian and Gallican-Mozarabic types of liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 143). He briefly details the structure, which is noteworthy due to its clarity of form.
   Alexandrian and Roman eucharistic prayers follow a different order than those in the West Syrian tradition. The prayers are not so clearly focused on the persons of the trinity as on the creation and redemption of the living and the dead (Bouyer 1968, p. 144). In the Alexandrian tradition the intercessions are grouped near the beginning, while the Roman form has them more spread out (Bouyer 1968, p. 145).
   Another type, from East Syria, follows the liturgy of Addai and Mari, more ancient than those previously discussed. Here the intercessions are grouped together and, unlike anywhere else, are between the anamnesis and the epiclesis (Bouyer 1968, p. 146). Bouyer takes the structure to be built from elements coming from different times, and that, apart from the prayers of the patristic period, it represents the oldest eucharistic composition we have (Bouyer 1968, p. 147). Yet the prayers are closely related to the Jewish prayers over the cup at the end of a meal.
   Bouyer compares the anaphora of Addai and Mari to its descendants among Nestorian and Chaldean Christians (Bouyer 1968, pp. 147 ff). He considers the root material to be similar. By eliminating paragraphs which he thinks are later interpolations, it is possible to derive "a rather well formed prayer in three paragraphs" which correspond to the traditional Jewish cup prayer (Bouyer 1968, p. 150).
   Though not a main feature of his argument, Bouyer makes a comment which is relevant to my studies. Footnote 18 on p. 149 cites "Dom Bernard Botte, "Problèmes de l'anaphore syrienne des apôtres Addaï et Mari," in L'Orient Syrien, vo. X, fasc. 1, 1965, pp. 89ff. The text is translated into French on pp. 91ff, after the Missale Urmiense (Rome) 1906. Brightman, op. cit., pp. 283ff. A better form of the text was published by W.F. Macomber, "Orientalia Christiana Periodica vol. xxxii, fasc. 2, 1966, pp. 336ff." Botten observed the absence of the Word of Institution in the liturgy. Bouyer summarizes Botte's argument as follows. "[T]he liturgical manuscripts where these words do not appear are legion, even in cases where there is not the least doubt, if only according to the commentators of the period, about their compulsory presence in the celebration. This is actually the case in the West, with all the texts of the Gallican liturgy, with all the earliest texts of the Mozarabic liturgy, and in the East with many Syriac manuscripts. particularly among the Maronites. We should simply suppose that every celebrant knew the customary formula in a given rite by heart." (Bouyer 1968, p. 152).
   Having discussed at some length the liturgies descended from Addai and Mari, Bouyer attempts a reconstruction of what he would take to be the original form of the eucharistic text (Bouyer 1968, p. 154). He concludes that after his "restoration" the "prayer appears obviously with a character that is still fully Semitic" (Bouyer 1968, p. 155). The changes made have effectively made the prayers, though Christian, entirely Semitic in structure and phrasing. From this Semitic root, Bouyer postulates the later developments were added as a greater explanation of the sacrament (Bouyer 1968, p. 156).
   Bouyer has suggested, by the fact that the eucharistic prayers are based on Jewish mealtime prayers, that the eucharist was a regular meal at first, then became detached from a meal. He sees this as the pattern found in the Apostolic Tradition, in which the (putative) author, Hippolytus, draws in archaic liturgical patterns to demonstrate the antiquity of the eucharist (Bouyer 1968, p. 158). Though readily admitting that a thorough evaluation of the matters of authorship, provenance, and text history is beyond the scope of this volume, Bouyer moves into an analysis of the text in terms similar to his evaluations above (Bouyer 1968, p. 159). However, before dealing with actual eucharistic prayers, Bouyer gives a lengthy discursus about the likely identity of Hippolytus and his philosophies, as well as can be postulated based on other works with the same attribution. Having concluded that Hippolytus was likely from a remote Syrian community and was trying to create a liturgy which would seem ancient, Bouyer provides the eucharistic portions as reconstructed by Dom Botte (Bouyer 1968, pp. 168ff).
   It is significant at this point to note the text is "reconstructed" so as to say what it may have said before multiple accretions came into it. Bouyer gives his clear opinion that, as reconstructed, there is no clear epiclesis and that the text could seem incoherent at times (Bouyer 1968, p. 170). However, Bouyer presses on, summarizing Botte's defense of the Latin text as he reconstructed it (Bouyer 1968, p. 172). Though the argument for finding an original reading by translation of the Latin into Greek by way of Syriac is elegant, it is not clear whether it is actually helpful in confirming a historical context for the development of the theology in the eucharistic prayers.
   Bouyer concludes, eventually, that since the eucharistic prayers of Hippolytus cannot be divided into the three separate berakoth of the Jewish meal prayers, even though they contain all the typical petitions in order, the eucharistic prayers would not represent anything which might have been prayed in the apostolic period (Bouyer 1968, p. 180). Rather, he views Hippolytus as a later, Hellenistic author, who is simply archaizing. I observe that though there is a claim of Hellenism on p. 180, on p. 167 Hippolytus was from a remote part of Syria.
   Because of the similarity in organization of the eucharistic portions of Addai and mari with Hippolytus, Bouyer concludes that they had a common and ancient root, that of the last three berakoth used at a Jewish meal. They are separated in Addai and Mari, and combined into one in Hippolytus. The content is very similar, as is the order (Bouyer 1968, p. 182). Both liturgies point to God in Christ as the one who blesses his people and uses them as priests before him (Bouyer 1968, p. 183). Bouyer closes the chapter with several brief references to other, later liturgies which have preserved some or all of the elements found both in Addai and Mari and in Hippolytus.

Eucharist as an Expansion of Berakoth

7/21/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/21/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 5: From the Jewish Berakah to the Christian Eucharist." (pp. 91-135). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   Bouyer observes that Jesus has an unequalled understanding of both the Old Testament and of the application of prayer. The one prayer of any length which is recorded of Jesus and which is not intended for his disciples to emulate is found in Luke 10:21-22, cf. Matthew 11:25-27 (Bouyer 1968, p. 93). This prayer both rejoices in the presence of God and urges a knowledge of God to spread through the world. The spread of God's will is accomplished because of God's good pleasure (Bouyer 1968, p. 94). The berakah in John 17 is centered on the glorification of God specifically through Christ (Bouyer 1968, p. 96).
   Bouyer concedes the importance of an analysis of whether the Last Supper was the Passover meal or not, but he maintains that for the purpose of his current work the origin is less important (Bouyer 1968, p. 97). The paschal references in the berakoth are present whether the meal is a Passover meal or not (Bouyer 1968, p. 99). The elements of blessing are the same for any meal. While we would always hope our prayers and blessings are appropriate for any occasion, the evening meal blessings particularly fit the time of Passover (Bouyer 1968, p. 99).
   In the narrative of the Last Supper, Jesus tells his disciples to repeat the meal in his memory. Bouyer does not think it remotely unreasonable to think the meal would be repeated, as it was already a part of the culture of the disciples. Rather, the memorial aspect was what would be new. Bouyer prefers the translation "as my memorial" which he sees as more closely related to a rabbinic understanding of ceremonies (Bouyer 1968, p. 103). Here, in harmony with the overall context of a Jewish understanding of berakoth, the celebration recognizes God's presence with his people, which is to be remembered by God and men (Bouyer 1968, p. 104).
   Within the context of the Jewish berakoth, then, Bouyer considers it essential that we understand the entirety of the Eucharist as a Christian expansion of the Jewish berakoth used for mealtimes (Bouyer 1968, p. 104). Accordingly, we also find Paul's letters opening with berakoth, a model of liturgical practices in other contexts (Bouyer 1968, p. 107). Bouyer illustrates the developed use of berakoth at some length with extensive biblical quotations.
   Bouyer moves on to the earliest documented liturgies with the Didache (Bouyer 1968, p. 115). He emphasizes that liturgical prayers almost certainly existed prior to the time when they were gathered together (Bouyer 1968, pp. 115-116). The prayers of the Didache have strong roots in Judaism, particularly in the mealtime prayers. In Bouyer's opinion, the eucharistic prayer of Didache 9-10 is almost entirely Hebrew in nature, with only a few modifications (italicized on p. 116) made to adjust it for use in a Christian setting (Bouyer 1968, p. 117).
   In contrast with the Didache, Bouyer finds in the Apostolic Constitutions "a prayer that has been entirely recomposed in a Chrsitian perspective" (Bouyer 1968, p. 119). Bouyer reviews scholarly theories about the origin of the text at some length. His view is that, though the prayers are of Christian origin rather than adaptation, they are still built using Jewish forms of prayer (Bouyer 1968, p. 121). He then proceeds to reproduce the particular prayers, describing how they would fit into a Jewish meal celebration based on their structures. Throughout, the Christian liturgical prayers follow the structure of the Jewish meal prayers, with details customized for the current setting and interpolated Christian formulae. The eucharistic prayers of Apostolic Constitutions, then, have significant roots in Jewish liturgy.

Prayer as What You Do All Day

7/16/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/16/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 4: The Jewish Berakoth." (pp. 50-90). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   Bouyer observes that there are two categories of berakoth in Jewish life. The briefer one, which is used throughout the day, is a simple blessing, while there is a longer form, more complex, used in the services of a synagogue and in blessings at meals (Bouyer 1968, p.50). There are numerous prayer books, some still in use, which provide a wide variety of blessings (Bouyer 1968, p.51). The texts, many of which are found in manuscripts of the late Middle Ages or early renaissance, are largely unchanged as they can be traced through the generations (Bouyer 1968, p.52).
   Bouyer briefly discusses what he identifies as a Protestant view that there was an early freedom in prayer, later made rigid based on prescriptive teaching (Bouyer 1968, p.53). He contrasts this with a view of oral tradition in which freedom remains but written records provide a framework for prayers. In Hebraic thought the intent of the prayers is more important than the specific wording (Bouyer 1968, p.54).
   Because of the emphasis on the intent of structured prayers, Bouyer sees the short berakoth as a consideration of God's presence through his Word in all things and in human actions (Bouyer 1968, p.55). Bouyer goes on to walk through the kind of brief prayers which would accompany normal daily routines.
   The contrast between the routine matters of life and the nature of a synagogue service or a meal shows itself clearly in the difference between the smaller blessings and the greater ones (Bouyer 1968, p.58). Synagogue services are normally preceded by a period of prayer, often including a recitation of Psalms 145-150 (Bouyer 1968, p. 59). After an evening meal, Psalms 113-118 are often sung. There are also various berakoth which are more complex than those used at other times through the day (Bouyer 1968, p. 60). Again, Bouyer provides examples of the prayers which would be typical. He emphasizes throughout the integrity of the worldview which is expressed. God is altogether permeating his world and his people. This is how his glory operates (Bouyer 1968, p. 65). Bouyer continues with a brief discussion in positive terms of mysticism built on these patterns of prayer.
   After the Shema, central to synagogue worship, comes a series of 18 blessings, known as the Tefillah (Bouyer 1968, p. 70). The overall content of these blessings "became fixed at a very early date" (Bouyer 1968, p. 71). Bouyer provides the berakoth according to Babylonian tradition. As we have seen in other contexts, so here Bouyer emphasizes the importance of the Word of God creating unity with God's people (Bouyer 1968, p. 75).
   The Jewish meal liturgy is more closely related to the Chrsitian eucharist than is the synagogue prayer custom. These prayers were used at any meal, but particularly at family meals, especially those of a celebratory nature (Bouyer 1968, p. 79). The meal would begin with thanksgiving for the fruit of the vine, then continue with breaking of bread and prayer. Bouyer references the "cup-bread" sequence of Luke 22, along with Jesus' reference to "fruit of the vine" in this context (Bouyer 1968, pp. 79-80). The prayers of blessing would continue throughout the meal. Toward the end of a holy day meal, a lamp would be lit, hands would be washed in a ceremonial manner, and a final cup would be drunk with words of blessing (Bouyer 1968, pp. 80-81).
   In all the blessings, Bouyer particularly notes that God's work of building and sustaining his people is seen as a work which will continue to the end. There is also a strong element of a "memorial" in which God's people preserve and remain engaged with His word as He engages with them (Bouyer 1968, p. 84). This is the same memorial language used by Jesus in the Last Supper. The aspect of memory and of blessing may be seen as originating in God's care for his people, but also as being his people's response. The prayers repeatedly use language indicating that God receives our blessing (Bouyer 1968, p. 86).

God's Word as Prayer

7/14/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/14/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 3: The Word of God and the Berakah." (pp. 29-49). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   A traditional Jewish prayer is the berakah, which is often translated into Greek as εὐχαριστία, in English, "blessing" (Bouyer 1968, p. 29). Bouyer cites Audet as considering the term "blessing" to have undergone devaluation so that it no longer captures the concept of expressing wonder before God. The expression is that of reverence for the God who has placed his people in a special, covenantal, relationship with himself (Bouyer 1968, p. 30).
   In Bouyer's view, "the majority of modern Christians" (Bouyer 1968, p. 31) have stripped away the majesty and supernatural nature of the Word of God, leaving behind "a sort of nondescript hodgepodge from which the professional theologian extracts, like a mineral out of its matrix, small but precious bits of knowledge which it is his job to clarify and systematize" (Bouyer 1968, p. 31). This approach to God's Word would have been quite foreign to first century Jewish thought. Rather, in the past, people understood God's Word as his personal intervention into our lives and culture (Bouyer 1968, pp. 32-33). The very cause of existence is the work of the word of God. The result of this power of God's Word, in Bouyer's view, is that Israelites would recognize God working in a personal and practical way to deliver his gifts to people (Bouyer 1968, p. 35).
   Bouyer concludes that within Hebraic thought God pours out gifts, including righteousness, upon His people. The goal is that eventually they come to know Him even as He has known them (Bouyer 1968, p. 37). This is not an intellectual assent, but something which is somehow deeper. God himself is delivered and applied to His people through his word (Bouyer 1968, p. 38).
   The liturgical prayers, then, the Berakoth, are seen as the human response to God's self-revelation in his Word (Bouyer 1968, p. 40). The prayers of the liturgy, as with the Psalms, intend to form people who know God as they have been known by God. Bouyer illustrates this process using a number of prayers of thanksgiving found in the Old Testament. The ultimate thrust of the process, in Bouyer's view, is an internalization of the nature of God and particularly the implications of sacrificial worship (Bouyer 1968, p. 46). It is all about God's exercise of initiative and our reception of His work.

Jewish Liturgical Prayers Lead to Christian Eucharistic Celebration

7/9/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/9/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 2: Jewish Liturgy and Christian Liturgy." (pp. 15-28). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   The eucharist was not invented out of thin air by the earliest Christians. Bouyer considers it essential to understanding of the Christian anaphora that we consider the sources and ideas from which it sprang (Bouyer 1968, p. 15). The Old Testament and Judaic practices were integral to the growth of Christian tradition (Bouyer 1968, p. 16). Yet Bouyer contends that many scholars seem to believe that Christianity was born from a vacuum, or, more often, from regional pagan antecedents.
   As regards scholarly work on early Christianity, Bouyer shows his strong anti-Protestant bias. "Our critical knowledge of the origins of Christianity first of all remains too dependent upon the work of Protestants and consequently reflects a basic Protestant prejudice: far from completing Scripture, tradition could only be a degradation and a corruption of it" (Bouyer 1968, p. 18). He proceeds to allege a difficulty on the part of non-Roman Catholic scholars in accepting that traditions emerge from reasoned practice in accord with Scripture. He sees this as an especially persistent problem in dealing with the Old Testament. In a positive direction, Bouyer urges what I have long considered indispensable. In our exegesis we must assume that God's Word and Spirit has worked in and through many, though not all, of the ancient communities where it was proclaimed (Bouyer 1968, pp. 20-21).
   Having discussed the vitality of Judaic thought, Bouyer turns his attention to the specific instance of the roots of the eucharistic prayer found in Judaism (Bouyer 1968, p. 22). While Bouyer grants that we have no manuscript evidence of the practice of a seder meal prior to the ninth century, he considers it reasonable to trust the tradition as generally accurate, in similar ways to our trust in the reliability of ancient Greek and Roman cultural information (Bouyer 1968, p. 23). The prayers found in the seder, largely unchanged to this day, show signs of going back to synagogue practice at the time of the origin of Christianity (Bouyer 1968, p. 24).
   Not only prayers, but also traditional readings (Bouyer 1968, p. 25) and even architecture (Bouyer 1968, p. 26) show signs of being adopted into Christianity from Judaism. Bouyer contends that recognition of these elements is important to Christian liturgical expression.

Is the Eucharist a Matter of Theory or Spirituality?

7/7/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/7/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 1: Theologies on the Eucharist and Theology of the Eucharist." (pp. 1-14). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
Bouyer states as his purpose in this book "to try step by step to follow the progressive unfolding of the Christian eucharist" (Bouyer 1968, p. 1). Specifically, he focuses directly on the anaphora of the eucharist (Bouyer 1968, p. 2), which he considers to be the core of worship. Throughout the study, he intends to emphasize the wonder which should accompany reflection on the divine work and presence.
Study of Apostolic Constitutions book 8 has motivated Bouyer and others to seek out the center of early Christian thought and to explore the development of the eucharist (Bouyer 1968, pp. 3-4) The depth of theology to be found is not only a motivation but also a delight. For this reason, Bouyer urges finding the theology of the eucharist as something which emerges from the liturgy rather than imposing a theoretical theology upon the liturgy from outside (Bouyer 1968, p. 5). Bouyer briefly describes a number of theological ideas he considers to be unfairly imposed onto important texts and liturgical elements, such as the notion of the precise moment at which consecration takes place. Bouyer does consider the 16th century Reformation to have isolated the words of institution from the greater concepts of the eucharist (Bouyer 1968, p. 9), something I consider the radical Reformation to have done, but not the Lutheran Reformation. Bouyer disagrees, taking the Lutherans to have stripped away the centrality of the anaphora.

1790 and an American Episcopal Communion

5/26/2026

Academic Reading
5/26/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 43: The Prayer Book of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States of America 1790." (pp. 308-314). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   In 1783, American Anglicans petitioned the Church to provide them with a bishop. After the Anglicans in Connecticut elected Samuel Seabury as bishop in 1783 he was consecrated, not in London but in Aberdeen (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 308). After he took up his work in America he began revisions to the 1662 Prayer Book. The process was lengthy. However, in October of 1790 the American prayer book came into use.
   In general, Jasper and Cuming find the rites to follow Scottish patterns, mostly from the 1662 or 1637 liturgy (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 309). Some minor corrections made in 1793 resulted in a form considered the "standard" text.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 309), Jasper and Cuming provide the text of the eucharistic portions of the rite.

1764 and a Scottish Communion Liturgy

5/21/2026

Academic Reading
5/21/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 42: The Scottish Communion Office 1764." (pp. 302-307). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming observe that beginning in 1660, "there was little essential difference between Episcopalian and Presbyterian public worship" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 302). However, in the early 1700s, the practices began to diverge through interpolations and supplements in different places. In 1731, bishops from Scotland clarified that only the 1637 or 1662 rites were to be used.
   In the early 1700s, Bishop Thomas Rattray emerged as a scholar of early Christian practice with a particular interest in the Liturgy of St. James (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 302). After his death, a revision of his communion liturgy was published in 1764, not with synodical sanction but with the knowledge of the bishops (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 303). The liturgy shows influences of Rattray, of the Nonjurors' Rite, and of the 1637 and 1662 prayer books. Of importance, in Jasper and Cuming's view, is the fact that the rite referenced works from antiquity and sought some sort of continuity.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 303), Jasper and Cuming provide the eucharistic portion of the rite.

1748 and an American Lutheran Liturgy

5/19/2026

Academic Reading
5/19/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 41: Henry Muhlenberg: The Church Agenda 1748." (pp. 298-301). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   In response to requests from Lutherans in America for a unifying leader, in 1742 Henry Melchior Muhlenberg was sent from Halle (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 298). His work with a number of local congregations, many of which were in Pennsylvania, led to the adoption of a common liturgy by the first North American Lutheran Synod in Philadelphia in 1748.
   Though there are some suggestions that the liturgy depended on the Lutheran liturgy in use in London, Jasper and Cuming see a much greater influence of a variety of church orders in use (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 298). "This liturgy was never printed. Each minister was responsible for making his own manuscript copy" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 298). The text, with revisions, was printed in 1786 (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 299). Jasper and Cuming use the text from two remaining manuscripts of the 1748 version.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 299), Jasper and Cuming provide an English translation of the eucharistic portions of the liturgy.

1712 and a Rejection of Anglican Liturgy

5/14/2026

Academic Reading
5/14/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 40: The Nonjurors' Liturgy 1718." (pp. 290-297). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming identify the Nonjurors as "those who refused to take the oath of allegiance to King William and Queen Mary in 1689 and in consequence were deprived of their livings or offices in the Church of England" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 290). Many used the 1662 Prayer Book. Others had strong objections, many with a preference for the 1549 Prayer Book. In 1716, debate broke out regarding what changes might be appropriate.
   These debates led to the publication in 1718 of The Nonjurors' Liturgy (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 290). The work combined elements from the 1662 and 1549 prayer books, as well as material adapted from Apostolic Constitutions book 8, as well as the rites of St. Basil and St. James (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 291).
   After a bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 291), Jasper and Cuming provide the eucharistic portions of the liturgy.

1713 - Communion as a Moralistic Testimony

5/12/2026

Academic Reading
5/12/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 39: J.F. Osterwald: The Liturgy of Neuchâtel and Vallangin 1713." (pp. 283-289). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Osterwald, who served in Neuchâtel from 1683 until his death in 1747, had a desire to bring unity and revitalization to the Church through a unified, biblical liturgy (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 283). By 1707 the liturgy he had created was in use locally, and in 1713 it was published more broadly.
   Jasper and Cuming note that Osterwald understood communion in a moralistic manner, with no suggestion of Christ being present, but only of our engagement in the love of Christ (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 283). As found in the Anglican Prayer Book, he did have a prayer of consecration. He did not consider communion to be closely related to the Service of the Word. Many elements were borrowed from a variety of Calvinist, Zwinglian, and even Roman sources, while some elements were newly composed.
   Osterwald's liturgy remained in use in various locations into the twentieth century (Jasper & Cuming 1990, pp. 284-285).
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 285), Jasper and Cuming provide the eucharistic portions of the liturgy.

1662 - Concessions to Presbyterians

5/7/2026

Academic Reading
5/7/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 38: The Book of Common Prayer 1662." (pp. 277-282). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   A conference "called to consider the revision of the Book of Common prayer . . . ended inconclusively" in 1661 (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 277). However, Jasper and Cuming note that before the 1604 version could be imposed on the church by the House of Lords, the constitutional body responsible for the Prayer Book took up the matter of revision. The revisions were completed by December 21, and the book was approved by Parliament and the king by May 19, 1662).
   While there were over six hundred changes, most were minor in nature. Of note, some of the prayers were re-titled, including the eucharistic "Prayer of Consecration" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 277). The bread was specifically to be broken, which was of importance to the Scottish faction (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 278). Remaining consecrated elements were to be veiled and consumed later, rather than being for the priests' use.
   As another significant concession to the Presbyterians, "the words 'corporal presence' replaced the earlier 'real and essential presence,' thus turning it into a denial of one particular mode of Christ's presence in the bread and wine and not of his presence altogether" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 278). Jasper and Cuming observe that the compromises in the rites, though they are not fully aligned with any one theological position, have remained in use in England for over three hundred years.
   After a bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 278-279), Jasper and Cuming provide the eucharistic portion of the rite.

Baxter's Compromise of 1661

5/5/2026

Academic Reading
5/5/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 37: Richard Baxter: The Reformation of the Liturgy 1661." (pp. 270-276). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   After Charles II returned to England in 1660, he worked toward creation of a liturgy which would be satisfactory to Anglicans, Presbyterians, and Independents (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 270). After gathering exceptions and suggestions, Richard Baxter produced The Reformation of the Liturgy in 1661. This was a series of alternative rites to be used alongside what were considered acceptable in the Prayer Book.
   The eucharistic rite was intended for the end of "the normal Sunday services" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 270). It included prayers of penitence, prayers addressed to each member of the Trinity, and "a declaration that the elements were no longer common bread and wine, but sacramentally the body and blood of Christ" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 271). The prayers and the manner of distributing the elements were flexible in nature.

   Jasper and Cuming observe that the work of Baxter had little actual influence on liturgical practice or on future revisions of the Prayer Book (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 272). no parties to the dispute found it adequate to advance their points of view.
   After a bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 272), Jasper and Cuming provide the eucharistic portions of the liturgy.

Reformed or Anglican? Communion from 1645

4/30/2026

Academic Reading
4/30/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 36: A Directory for the Public Worship of God throughout the Three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1645." (pp. 265-269). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming observe that by about 1643, in England and Scotland the English and Lutheran Reformations were "regarded as defective and incomplete" by some, who lobbied for a rejection of existing prayer books and the establishment of one which reflected the outlook of Scotland and Geneva (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 265). The outcome of these discussions was The Directory for the Public Worship of God, which made a compromise between the two major groups involved. There were text formulae for baptism, marriage, "the words of delivery at communion" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 265) and the Lord's Prayer as "a pattern prayer." The work was authorized by parliaments of England and Scotland in 1645.
   While communion was to be "frequent," Jasper and Cuming consider the direction to have been "widely ignored" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 265). Communion was handed out, normally at the pew or around a table, and was considered as a memorial meal emphasizing our humble reception and being in Christ's presence (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 266). By 1660 the book was largely no longer used.
   After a bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 267), Jasper and Cuming provide the texts pertaining to communion.

Communion in the Scottish Book of Common Prayer 1637

4/28/2026

Academic Reading
4/28/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 35: The Scottish Book of Common Prayer 1637." (pp. 258-264). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   After at least 18 years of debate, in 1534, Scottish bishops were directed by Charles I to "draw up a liturgy as near that of England as might be" (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 258). After attempts and negotiations, there emerged a version approved in 1636. The rite, which blended elements from 1549 and 1552 versions of the Book of Common Prayer was received with some hesitation, chiefly due to an allowance of the presbyter to function in some ways similar to the role of a priest, as well as some references to the presbyter "offering up" the bread and wine (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 259). Language of commemoration remained constant throughout the prayers.
   Jasper and Cuming observe that there was strong opposition to the book when it was introduced in 1637, including riots (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 259). The book was quickly dropped, and in 1638 the General Assembly repudiated the book and abolished the episcopacy (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 260). The rite itself was used, however, as an influence on a 1662 revision of the Anglican rite, as well as in Scottish rites of 1764 and American rites of 1790.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 260), Jasper and Cuming provide the order of Communion.

Communion from John Knox 1555

4/23/2026

Academic Reading
4/23/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 34: John Knox: The Form of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments 1556." (pp. 250-257). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Among those in Frankfurt-on-Main who favored Calvin's rite was John Knox, who, in 1555 prepared a liturgy which he hoped would appeal both to the followers of Calvin and to those who preferred Cranmer's 1552 prayer book (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 250). The Form of Prayers was never adopted until revised early in 1556, representing the first English language Calvinist (Reformed) liturgy.
   In 1559, the English exiles in Geneva returned home due to the toleration of Queen Elizabeth. Knox returned to Scotland, where in 1560 the Church of Scotland called for Genevan rite sacraments (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 250). By 1564 The Form of Prayers became the standard in Scotland, gradually becoming known as The Book of Common Order, and remaining in use until 1645.
   The liturgy allowed much room for the minister's discretion (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 250). Communion, though, according to the rubric, was monthly, was actually normally celebrated quarterly (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 251). Most of the service was led from the pulpit.
   In this liturgy, since the minister was in the pulpit, the preparation of the bread and wine was done by assistants (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 251). The minister read an Institution narrative based on 1 Corinthians chapter 11, but paraphrased. Jasper and Cuming say, "Clearly it was in no sense consecratory but was the warrant in Scripture for what was about to take place' (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 251). The communicants and pastor would then sit together at the Table. A number of prayers would follow, but no specific consecration of elements.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 252) Jasper and Cuming provide the eucharistic portions of the liturgy.

Eucharist in the Book of Common Prayer 1552

4/21/2026

Academic Reading
4/21/26

Jasper, R.C.D. & Cuming, G.J. (1990). "Ch. 33: The Book of Common Prayer 1552." (pp. 244-249). In Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. 3rd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. (Personal Library)
   Jasper and Cuming had previously regarded the Book of Prayer from 1549 as not well received. Even when it was being published, ideas for revisions were being gathered. A new edition was therefore published in 1552, characterized by a more self-conscious rejection of Roman features (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 244). The eucharist was now regarded as a memorial meal, vestments were not used, and the altar was replaced by a wooden table.
   In the new Book of Common Prayer, alms were collected by wardens who circulated, separating the offering from the eucharist. The prayers were revised to make no mention of sacrifice or of the saints, and to remove any adoration of the elements. The prayer did not ask God to sanctify the bread and wine, but to make the recipients faithful (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 245).
   Though the Book of Common Prayer moves concepts toward a Zwinglian view, Jasper and Cuming consider Cranmer to have been more similar to Bucer in outlook than to Zwingli (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 245). The rite from the 1552 Book of Common Prayer was in use without substantial change until 1662.
   After a brief bibliography (Jasper & Cuming 1990, p. 246), Jasper and Cuming provide the text of the eucharistic portions of the rite.