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The Verbal Art of the Pauline Letters

10/16/2023

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10/16/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Eleven: Aspects of the Verbal Art of the Pauline Letters." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 245-260.

In this chapter, Botha makes a deliberate attempt to highlight the oral aspects of Paul's letters and to show the importance of orality as the context of ancient rhetoric (Botha 2013, 245). He sees orality as the frame of reference in which all aspects of Paul's rhetoric would fit.

In Botha's view, our bias toward modern literacy inhibits our ability to understand the nature of the composition and delivery of ancient rhetoric. Modern studies which are based on "charts, diagrams, structural analyses and tables" (Botha 2013, 246) encourage an understanding by means of analysis. The pursuit of what is visible and can be counted may separate communication from the human situations in which it happened. The manner of composition, writing, correcting, sending, reading, and receiving a letter is a much more important factor than most of us would realize. Though there is a clear logic in rhetorical messages, it is mediated through the entirety of the situation (Botha 2013, 248). Botha thinks this can be lost in our desire to find the precise arrangement and order of material to be analyzed.

Botha goes on to reiterate the oral/aural environment of give and take which would have existed in all Greco-Roman societies. This, coupled with the very real possibility of someone being considered educated and influential without actually engaging in the practice of reading and writing should make us look at communication differently than we normally do today (Botha 2013, 248). Speech, rhetoric, and oral performance were inseparable.

Botha considers that, based on the oral environment of the time, we underestimate the importance of Paul's collaborators and secretaries (Botha 2013, 249). Various settings can place different expectations on those who assist in the production of a written work. It is altogether possible that Paul's "secretaries" ranged from taking letters slowly, one syllable at a time, to taking a topic and filling in the details (Botha 2013, 250). On the other end of the communication as well, there could be substantial variation, as a letter carrier would attempt to interpret the letter as Paul desired. The goal would be that the hearer of the letter should receive the message in the way Paul intended. The letter carrier would also bring news and information which was not included in the letter (Botha 2013, 251). This could be as important, or at times more important, to the relationship than the actual letter. Furthermore, the oral delivery of the letter was of great importance. Ancient rhetoricians write in detail about the need for proper expression of ideas and emotions through pacing, tone, expression, and gesture (Botha 2013, 252).

Through the oral performance of the text, the audience could experience the power and authority of its composer, in this case, Paul (Botha 2013, 253). The people would use the public reading as an opportunity to have Paul himself speak to them, even though Paul was not physically present. The group gathered had an opportunity to have their collective identity shaped by the experience. The rhetoric would focus on memorable statements, both for the benefit of the performer and the listener (Botha 2013, 255). The statements in Paul tend to summarize doctrine in such a way not only to signal an outline but also to be remembered and applied.

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Paul and Gossip

10/13/2023

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10/13/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Ten: Paul and Gossip." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 222-244.

Botha, observing that many of the conflicts in which the apostle Paul found himself could be related to communication issues, suggests that the contextual framework through which to view these communication events may be that of gossip (Botha 2013, 222). A focus solely on the doctrinal issues involved in disputes may obscure the nature of interactional and relational tension.

The Pauline letters regularly address conflicts, often portraying the conflict as existing between the views of Paul and his "opponents" (Botha 2013, 223). Botha considers the ways in which tension was manifested, as well as its purpose, to be of significance. He considers the underlying informal discussions which we would normally consider as gossip to have contributed to the attitudes of people on both sides of the divide. We recall that while gossip is normally considered in negative terms, it is in fact merely an informal communicative process in which a report can be escalated or diffused.

Botha illustrates the caution with which we approach gossip by way of numerous biblical references to the negative type of gossip (Botha 2013, 224). While rumor can elevate a person's reputation, it is not often used for that purpose. The world, throwing caution to the wind, tends to be full of gossip, often of the negative sort (Botha 2013, 225). Particularly in a society attuned to oral communication, the stories people tell about others are easily passed on. This was widely criticized, but remained a significant issue throughout the culture (Botha 2013, 226).

The process of news in the form of possibly unsubstantiated reports reaching Paul, and being responded to by him, suggests that, though he condemned gossip, he became involved in it at times (Botha 2013, 226). A definition of gossip, however, may be helpful. "The implicit definition of gossip seems to be the repetition of hearsay with some moral connotation" (Botha 2013, 227). In essence, it is done personally, and it makes an evaluation about the person about whom it happens. The motivation may be positive. The same method is used as businesses evaluate competitors, customers, and business plans, as politicians learn about opponents or supporters, etc. (Botha 2013, 228). In these functions, the dynamic social interactions may be positive.

Botha suggests that the people involved in the conflict situations reflected in Paul's letters may well have known one another. Disputes, after all, most often occur between people who are acquainted with each other (Botha 2013, 228). He also notes that children are very effective at spreading information about their friends and the families of their friends (Botha 2013, 229). Servants also are privy to a great deal of information which is not normally considered public in nature. Loyalties to various people we care for can often move us to disclose information which will be of value.

Botha notes that Paul's activities, family history, and alliances would all serve to create curiosity and likely discussion (Botha 2013, 230).

Again, Botha observes that the oral nature of the society would have facilitated all sorts of gossip, and would increase its power in society, as those with stories to tell would be readily heard (Botha 2013, 232).

Paul's work, though often focused on a synagogue, would have largely taken place within household contexts, rather than in more neutral, "public" settings (Botha 2013, 233). Further, a traveler such as Paul would often be in the home of someone prepared to provide some level of patronage. The home of a wealthy person would normally serve as a place for lectures and other intellectual activity. Because these events were, at least on some levels, private, others would have a tendency to ask questions (Botha 2013, 234). This facilitates various types of gossip.

Because Paul often held employment to care for his needs, and because of his itinerant lifestyle, he could easily be looked down on both as a servile artisan and as someone who did not have a positive established reputation among local artisans (Botha 2013, 235). 

Paul himself uses reports about others and their situations to build his case for his own point of view (Botha 2013, 236). Sometimes this would work to his advantage, but at other times it would provoke more opposition. Group cohesiveness could increase in his favor or in the favor of his opponents (Botha 2013, 237). The community cohesiveness and loyalty, while a great asset, may also be fragile, if, as Botha suggests of Paul, it is pushed too far and too fast by its participants. The moral assessment may be applied to all members of the group, and can result in expulsion of some.

Botha concludes that the dynamic of informal communication we identify as gossip is an important aspect of understanding the various conflicts which are evident in Paul's letters (Botha 2013, 238).

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Galatians as Oral Communication in a Letter

10/12/2023

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10/12/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Nine: Letter Writing and Oral Communication: Galatians." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 203-221.

A letter in antiquity could have many functions, just as one can today. However, Botha notes that our concept of the letter in a biblical context may tend to obscure some of the purposes intended by the author (Botha 2013, 203). The relationship of the composer to specific situational and cultural context is not always clear, though it is certainly important. The structure of Paul's letters is significant. Botha observes that the overall context is of importance.

Botha again notes the oral compositional context of Paul's letters (Botha 2013, 204). Intelligent discourse and composition is not necessarily based on extensive use of and creation of written documents, reviewed by one's own eyes and written with one's own hand (Botha 2013, 205). The mechanical customs of writing could make learning to read fluently a very challenging task, which would often hinder economic productivity. Though there are suggestions that literacy was higher in Jewish circles, Botha does not find significant investigation of those claims (Botha 2013, 206).

Botha notes that, even though the people in the Hellenistic world may have been familiar with books and writing, they would generally depend on the use of the writing skills of other people (Botha 2013, 207). The letters of Paul would have included collaboration of one or more scribes (possibly including Timothy and Silas), who may have had a significant role in the composition as well (Botha 2013, 208). Among the letters in the Pauline corpus, Botha notes that Galatians stands out by having unspecified authors 1(1:1) and by the strongly personal nature of address with extensive use of the first person singular (Botha 2013, 208). There would be an expectation, regardless, that Paul's work involved other people as well.

Delivery of letters was its own challenge. In general, a wealthy individual could send a messenger, normally briefing that person on the content of a message (Botha 2013, 210). The choice of someone to bear a letter was a matter of considerable importance, as that person would normally bring other details along as well. Though a carrier is not mentioned in Galatians, Botha observes the person chosen would likely not only have delivered the letter, but read it aloud at the destination (Botha 2013, 211). Furthermore, Botha observes that the reading of a letter, a public event, would be done using appropriate tone, gesture, and pacing, as if the composer of the letter were there communicating (Botha 2013, 212). Botha goes on to illustrate the process with statements from ancient sources, describing appropriate reading.

Galatians makes significant statements about Paul's apostolic authority (Botha 2013, 214). Through his letter, his intention is to show himself actually present with the Galatians. His emissary, who brought and read the letter, was to be taken as if Paul were there in person. In the case of Galatians, other teachers with another message had presented their message, which Paul considered to endanger the Galatian Christians (Botha 2013, 215). To counteract this, Paul needed to provide his message with sufficient force and eloquence. The messenger would have been extremely important to achieving the goal. While Paul's doctrine undergirds the letter, the doctrine apart from the forceful delivery would be to little or no avail (Botha 2013, 216). Through a variety of emotional appeals, Paul seeks to turn his Galatian audience back in the direction of the doctrine he has previously delivered to them.

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Mark as Oral Traditional Literature

10/11/2023

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10/11/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Eight: Mark's Story as Oral Traditional Literature." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 174-201.

Modern scholarship is nearly unanimous in understanding Mark as traditional material (Botha 2013, 174). Mark took material about Jesus, at least largely received from others, to construct his Gospel account. He engaged in some level of redaction, assembling and making narrative emendations, to create the actual composition he would consider final. As with other portions of the New Testament, the significant question is the extent of his interpretation and creativity.

Gerhardsson, among others, takes Mark to have maintained a high level of continuity with the actual events and statements documented (Botha 2013, 174), taking the development to have a relatively linear process from notes to larger narrative blocks, to selection and assembly. The Twelve would then have been a group of eyewitnesses who served as an authoritative source of a particular tradition, delivered to them by Jesus and passed on to others, including Mark.

Others posit a tradition, but the composer of the Gospel account as one who bears a greater role in making interpretations, thus turning the evangelist into a person engaged in criticism of the tradition (Botha 2013, 175). An important question in Botha's opinion is whether the view of the evangelist as a creative critic removes the work from its appropriate historical and cultural context. In essence, the role of the evangelist as interpreter may require that we be able to distinguish what existed as tradition from the inventive work of the composer. While we can make plausible conclusions, proof evades us (Botha 2013, 175).

Botha suggests we make an attempt to consider Mark as "oral traditional literature" (Botha 2013, 176). This allows the work to be a matter of composition and recitation including some variation in the material presented, and for the version of Mark which we have to represent one of multiple "performances." This coheres with the formulation of Parry and Lord of folklore traditions. Botha moves on to describe the process by summarizing Lord's formulation.

In Lord's formulation, oral traditional material is not simply memorized, but consists of a dynamic reconstruction of the material (Botha 2013, 177). The structure and phraseology fits into a known, authoritative pattern. In the performance, the performer is actively trading a version of the material to an audience. However, it is "re-composed" each time it is told. The audience, with its specific background context, will influence the presentation of material as well (Botha 2013, 178). The narrator uses particular formulas and themes, drawing them in as appropriate to the setting and audience. This is especially pronounced in the case of poetry, but it can be found in other materials as well. Motion through the content can be adjusted at will, using more or fewer episodes for illustrations, descriptions which are more or less dense in their arrangement, etc. This same pattern may be relevant in our understanding of the composition of a Gospel account (Botha 2013, 179).

Botha observes that rather than being a means by which tradition would develop, the oral traditional narrator would see himself as one who preserves content (Botha 2013, 180). Variations are seen as part of the narrative art, but the art itself is not developmental in nature. Content tends to be very stable.

The oral traditional theory does remain theoretical. The scholarship normally focuses on the process rather than the actual outcome (Botha 2013, 181). Formulas and themes are clearly present in oral works, as in written compositions. Yet it remains difficult to analyze a work and identify it as definitively an oral composition. Lord, however, does suggest that it is possible to identify such works (Botha 2013, 182). As to the outcome of the process, however, he is clear that the oral process necessarily creates a stable product, rather than anything innovative. Innovation is the product of written, not oral, composition.

Botha notes that many aspects of the oral theory do not apply well to prose works, and that Mark's Gospel can be shown to be based on oral composition by means of historical argument. He does, however, take Mark to be an example of the textual outcome of oral composition (Botha 2013, 183). His greater interest is in the process of the transmission.

Formula tends to be closely tied to meter. Botha notes that Parry and Lord had a close relationship to the Homeric writings, in which many of the formulae serve a metrical purpose (Botha 2013, 184). Within folktale formulas, the meter may be lacking. However, the content fits into a thematic frame which remains stable.

Botha notes an argument, made by Talbert, that the gospels are "literary and interdependent" (Talbert, "Oral and Independent," page not cited) (Botha 2013, 184). On the other hand, Lord sees the gospels as substantially distinct and therefore unlikely to depend on each other from a literary standpoint (Botha 2013, 185). Talbert views the agreement of the Synoptics in order of events as a sign of literary interdependence. However, this is not necessarily the case, as an oral framework often includes a sequence of events. Botha observes that the type of literary dependence described by Talbert reflects a typographic bias which would have been impracticable given the technology and customs of the time (Botha 2013, 185). 

Based on the practicalities of writing customs and the real nature of human communication, Botha suggests that Mark is appropriately evaluated as an oral work, and that the traditional statistical analyses used to evaluate oral work are not of much use. Quantitative evaluations of syntactical patterns do not lend themselves well to human speech patterns (Botha 2013, 186). The patterns and formulations of oral storytelling are more relevant. The association of stock patterns and illustrations which further a particular element of content can be discerned in oral storytelling, though the minutiae of particular words, phrases, and grammatical constructions may differ (Botha 2013, 187). For instance, the use of epithets as found in Homer is largely absent. However (note at least the Kindle version, apparently erroneously, refers to "epitaphs"), certain formulaic presentations of names exist (Botha 2013, 188). Introductions of speech are quite regular as well. Mark's Gospel also frequently uses narrative elements in the same order in different narrative events (Botha 2013, 189). His use of motifs which can be combined into different contexts suggests an oral type of storytelling. This all suggests to Botha that Mark is working from an extensive "narrative grammar" to create his Gospel account (Botha 2013, 190).

In short, Botha has identified numerous features of Mark's Gospel which point to the compositional tactics of an oral storyteller (Botha 2013, 191). The tradition is brought to life through the art of a storyteller. This is distinctly different from the view of Form Criticism, in which there is a definitive message with definitive wording (Botha 2013, 192). Botha describes the apostolic band and those who followed them as itinerant, prophetic voices, retelling the story of Jesus. At some point, the narrative was dictated and a version reproduced in writing (Botha 2013, 193). The particular narrative of Mark could move toward a particular depiction of Jesus and one or more aspects of his work. This, of course, could differ from the narrative goals of other evangelists who would draw on remarkably similar events using similar structures (Botha 2013, 194).

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Transmitting the Jesus Traditions

10/10/2023

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10/10/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Seven: Transmitting the Jesus Traditions." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 146-173.

The way in which the Gospel, and other elements of early Christianity are transmitted is important to our understanding of the resulting message (Botha 2013, 145). It is part of understanding the source as a whole. Botha emphasizes that this task is critical in understanding the growth of "the Jesus movement" in all regards. The interplay of orality and literacy serves as a key to understand the nature of the compositions we now have.

Botha sees the developments between the time of Jesus and the publication of the Gospels as an essential part of the equation. For insight, he turns to classic works of form criticism. Bultmann took the period to be one of "informal and uncontrolled oral tradition" (Botha 2013, 147). Botha rightly describes both the terms "informal" and "uncontrolled" as current oral traditional scholars would interpret them.

Bultmann sees the resurrection as the point at which tradition became uncontrolled. Botha, however, thinks the nature of the community would imply a controlled, though possibly informal, spread. The apostolic group was influential in maintaining the message (Botha 2013, 147). There is reason to think the existence of eyewitness testimony would tend to regulate the content presented. Botha notes that the idea of a radical change has been influential in New Testament scholarship. As an example, he adduces the work of Kelber, who, in a rather sophisticated way, shifts the time of change to the time of inscripturation (Botha 2013, 148).

Dibelius, in contrast to Bultmann, takes the process to be controlled. Botha even characterizes it as "static" (Botha 2013, 148). Birger Gerhardsson goes farther than Dibelius by seeing "the primary situation within the community for the transmission of Jesus tradition as tradition itself" (Botha 2013, 148). The acts and words of Jesus were guarded and passed on as a matter of authoritative teaching. Botha finds this as analogous to the rabbinic transmission of oral Torah.

Botha finds a difficulty with these critical views because they fail to explain the variety in the written Gospels and the inconsistencies in identifying Jesus' "ipsissima verba" (Botha 2013, 149). Botha suggests that there is a way forward. He suggests "the possibility of re-applying the concept of informal, evolutionary models in a social-scientifically responsible way to parts (emphasis his) of the tradition process underlying some of the gospel traditions" (Botha 2013, 149).

If I understand Botha rightly, he is suggesting a synthesis of recent insights from the worlds of oral tradition and storytelling with the classic practices of hermeneutics, as an attempt to rightly identify the context in which the message was derived from an initial event to the point it was presented in essentially the written form in which we find it.

Botha moves on to discuss the transmission of the Jesus traditions in terms of rumor and folklore research (Botha 2013, 149). He observes that the nature of rumor suggests unreliable information, which is usually negative in its assessment of the subject (Botha 2013, 150). However, the dynamic may be applied appropriately to positive information. Rumor tends to follow a particular logical pattern based on the credibility of certain fundamental claims. A rumor, by its nature, is not an attempt to create something incredible, but to make sense of (often jumbled and confused) reality (Botha 2013, 151). There is regularly an element of imagination, though some rumors are predominantly constructed from factual information. They always, however, bear some sort of cultural or sociological selectivity (Botha 2013, 152).

Botha moves on to discuss the early research in rumor phenomena, in which details are quickly omitted from a message 152). After a period of reduction of the message, some details receive greater emphasis and elaboration. The elaboration tends to emphasize culturally acceptable standards (Botha 2013, 153). Counter to the experiments, however, oral exchange of rumors is not one-directional. A narrative held in community involves interaction of the community. In essence, there is a communal consensus which governs any developments.

Within the context of the Gospel accounts, there may well have been a particular ritual function (Botha 2013, 154). Within the first century community which gave rise to the canonical Gospels, the disciples who were involved in the fishing industry would have had access to a wide variety of settings in varied social strata, in which oral "news" would have spread readily. The communication by these disciples may well have opened relational doors with people and groups from varied backgrounds (Botha 2013, 155). Botha describes the interactions of these groups. indicating means by which an oral tradition about Jesus could have penetrated to many in the culture. The presence of a number of people who were eyewitnesses to events could tend to control the development of content (Botha 2013, 156).

Botha notes that stressful conditions, such as economic uncertainty or social or religious upheaval, can tend to increase rumor activities (Botha 2013, 157). Uncertainty in terms of health and mortality could be a strong factor in spreading discussions of Jesus' healing and raising the dead. Military conflicts and policies which led to conditions of poverty would only have increased uncertainty (Botha 2013, 158). This would make the message of Jesus increasingly attractive, especially among the extensive peasant population. Economic difficulties in the general population could easily account for a misplacement on the calendar of a census, which may simply have reflected a typical explanation for Joseph and Mary's presence in Bethlehem, or the particular sudden need to move to Egypt. The situation could be very real, even if the provocation was not at the exact time (Botha 2013, 160). Botha suggests that some details which may have been ambiguous could have been asserted as plausible reasons for actions. He goes on to describe a number of concepts, such as the work of the Magi, the penetration of legal imperatives into village life, and the presence or absence of political figures which could certainly influence explanations of the forces impelling actions recorded in the New Testament. What people thought the government was doing or not doing may have been more important influences on real actions than the actual deeds or inaction of governmental officials.

Another important feature of rumor is the use of counter-rumors, those intended to disarm harmful rumors. Botha sees evidence, in Matthew 28:11-15, of an official report of some sort with verses 1-10 and 16-20 constituting a Christian response to the report (Botha 2013, 164). This concept may explain many of the polemical statements recorded in the Gospels.

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Memory, Performance, and Reading

10/6/2023

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10/6/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Five: Memory, Performance, and Reading Practices." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 102-143.

Botha describes differences between our modern Western engagement with reading and that in Greco-Roman antiquity (Botha 2013, 102). In a time when most activities were communal in nature, before easily obtained lighting and corrective eyewear, reading and studying would be quite different activities than most of us in the Western world would imagine. The mode of engagement with texts naturally results in different ways of processing the content.

Reading would have been done aloud, usually by someone performing the work for others, from a text often at least mostly memorized, and including some types of physical motion (Botha 2013, 103). It was considered perfectly normal to read by means of listening. While silent reading was known and practiced, in general reading aloud and in public was considered as the norm.

The form of written materials may be of assistance in understanding the work of reading and writing (Botha 2013, 106). Typographical conventions have given us a presupposition that books are generally compact units and that all the copies will be identical. Reference to and comparison of manuscript books on scrolls is cumbersome at best. Each one is at least a little different (Botha 2013, 107). Though the codex was known in one form or another at an early date, scrolls remained the preferred medium until the seventh century C.E. Botha suggests that "ancient readers did not imagine their texts to be easily accessible and manageable, nor to be diverse sources of information" (Botha 2013, 107). People who had some books normally had only a few, which were read repeatedly and in groups of people.

Paragraphing, spacing, and other formatting conventions we tend to consider standard were far from standardized in antiquity (Botha 2013, 108). It was the responsibility of the reader, not the author or copyist, to make interpretive decisions. Divisions and punctuation are simply not a priority in a written text. The oral communication was clear. The written version did not normally assist in making the decisions inherent in the oral event.

Botha compares reading aloud in antiquity to our tendency to play a piece of music on an instrument. While it is quite possible to look at musical notation and silently recreate the tune, it is more normal to turn the notation into something audible. This was the conventional way of dealing with written words in antiquity (Botha 2013, 111).

Related at least in part to the nonstandard production of writing, Botha notes that making citations and reference to works was not practiced with regularity until the 13th century (Botha 2013, 112). Rather, references would be made generally by memory based on extensive familiarity with wording which had been heard repeatedly.

Ancient reading entailed extensive memorization as well. Botha notes Quintilian's counsel to read aloud, murmuring, to avoid distractions (Botha 2013, 113). This, of course, adds to both muscle memory (not mentioned by Botha), and auditory memory.

Botha further notes the assumption that reading and listening were interactive. As noted by Pliny (Ep. 6.17) it was very rude not to respond and interact when listening (Botha 2013, 114). Because of these interactive dynamics, composition, normally done orally, would naturally be oriented toward the patterns used in performance. It was purposely tailored for its function (Botha 2013, 115). A composition event would have its roots in extensive mental preparation. This goes almost without saying in the case of (oral) poetry. Yet it was also applied by Quintilian and others to prose composition (Botha 2013, 116). Botha further references Pliny and Plotinus as examples of authors who clearly composed mentally.

Botha notes a tacit assumption made by modern readers, that readers and writers in antiquity would focus largely on structures dictated by modern textual methods (Botha 2013, 118). He urges that we find the more appropriate emphases for the original setting, based on orality and memory. This extends not only to our understanding of compositional tactics, but also to the way we attempt to grasp the composition itself (Botha 2013, 118).

Based on his previous argument, Botha suggests we should take a very different approach "to the synoptic problem and the Q hypothesis" (Botha 2013, 119). In its simplest terms, assuming orality fundamentally changes our view to literary criticism, and may well compel us to reject many of the presuppositions of textual and form criticism.

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Writing in the First Century

10/5/2023

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10/5/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Four: Writing in the First Century." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 75-101.

Botha evaluates the actual physical process of writing in the first century as a means to approach understanding the move of a message from oral to written form (Botha 2013, 75). Writing at a table or a desk, as we might picture today, was unknown. Rather, the illustrations and descriptions we have indicate either making a brief note on writing material while standing or doing more extensive writing either seated on the ground, a stool, or a bench, balancing the writing material on the thighs or knees (Botha 2013, 76). Ink would be in a container either set on the ground or held in the hand. This would have been difficult at best. Botha notes the column width roughly corresponded with the width of a human thigh and that writing tends to be larger at the bottom of a column. Depictions of writing desks appear in the eighth century and multiply thereafter (Botha 2013, 77).

Of importance to our understanding is the fact that reading and writing were considered labor, which would not necessarily be engaged in by those who held wealth and status (Botha 2013, 78). The lack of ability or practice in reading or writing was not seen as a hindrance. At this point, I feel compelled to observe that the inability to read was cited in chapter three as a means by which government and powerful people could oppress others. Yet here it does not serve in that way.

The use of a scribe was a common practice. Botha notes that reading and the physical act of writing were not closely associated among Greco-Roman societies as in ours (Botha 2013, 79). I observe that the ability to write with a regular and clear hand remains elusive to many in my society, which has made extensive use of typographical tools. In antiquity, penmanship was considered far less important, and a completely different skill than the ability to create intelligent arguments. Writing the argument was the work of a scribe. Botha observes that this was a practice recognized adequately well, that laws were promulgated stating minimum allowed prices to be charged to military personnel in exchange for writing (Botha 2013, 80).

Botha calculates the price of various copies of New Testament and early Christian documents. While not extremely expensive, compared to a laborer's wage it would be costly to purchase a copy of a Gospel (Botha 2013, 84). Methods of speedwriting and abbreviation were known. This would enable a secretary to take notes or transcripts in real time, then go back to make a clean and generally legible copy (Botha 2013, 85). The creation of an early Christian text, such as a Gospel, would have required several days' work of dictation, copying, editing, and preparation of a final version. "Whatever the case may have been, the creation of most early Christian documents reflects dedication and commitment. Though nothing wildly exorbitant, we are once again reminded of a fairly serious investment of resources" (Botha 2013, 88).

It is important to consider the role of the scribe. Botha notes that, as far as we can tell, the scribe was rarely a mere copyist, but also normally played a role in gathering information and editing (Botha 2013, 90). The role of the secretary would vary depending on the level of collaboration or edition desired. Botha notes that this causes difficulty in our attempts to ascribe communication to a named author or that person's assistant (Botha 2013, 91).

Botha moves on to describe the assistant in terms of someone who was societally servile and who was forced into a subservient role, even reflected in the typical posture used for writing (Botha 2013, 92). He emphasizes the domination of the named master in the writing project. The ideas were considered worthy of merit and were expressed orally by those who had attained a high level of education and standing. The writing was considered the work of a laborer and would receive little or no credit (Botha 2013, 93).

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Growth and Use of Writing

10/4/2023

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10/4/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Three: Greco-Roman Literacy and the New Testament Writings." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 52-74.

Botha evaluates the concept of increased literacy in the early Christian period. At issue, in his opinion, is whether modern authors who make claims about literacy conceive of it in the same way as people in the early Christian period would (Botha 2013, 52). A second, more challenging question is how the author's work governs the reader's response.

In addressing the alleged breadth of a reading public, Botha observes that almost all widely distributed texts in antiquity were Homer and Euripides, with other pieces of literature in very limited circulation. He also finds little evidence of a book selling industry, let alone publishing (Botha 2013, 53). In the empire as a whole, while it certainly would have been possible to make many copies of a wide variety of works, and while alphabetic languages are relatively easy to read, in fact we don't find it happening widely. The usage was, rather, fairly limited, including noteworthy inscriptions (Botha 2013, 54).

Among the difficulties inherent in studies of literacy are different definitions. Botha notes while some equate it with reading, others equate it with writing, competencies which require very specific skills and admit of varied levels of proficiency (Botha 2013, 55). Further, orality and literacy only very rarely could be considered to exist entirely apart from each other. In the presence of literacy there is necessarily an oral element. Botha additionally observes that inscriptions may well have been seen merely as part of the decoration of a monument. Graffiti, though apparently plentiful, does not tend to show a high level of literacy and may have been engaged in by a relatively small group of people (Botha 2013, 57).

For literacy to become widespread, access to schooling is required (Botha 2013, 59). Botha asserts public funding as necessary for building literacy, and the lack of such public funding in small communities to have severely limited literacy throughout the Roman empire. Elementary schooling was available to the wealthy, both free children and some slaves of wealthy people (Botha 2013, 60).

Botha turns to Roman Egypt for evidence of education, finding that extensive finds of papyrus have yielded some documentation of life (Botha 2013, 61). Both school exercises and evidence from homes indicate Homer as the primary literary figure. Schoolwork done on pieces of papyrus suggest a prosperous economy. Literacy seems widespread among the wealthy. In less prosperous villages there are fewer signs of literacy. Though writings of a more technical nature can be found, Botha considers them to be highly theoretical or technical, not useful for a general purpose (Botha 2013, 62). This emphasizes the utility of oral tradition as a means of imparting practical learning. Orality remained the default means of spreading information (Botha 2013, 63).

Because of the usefulness of orality, Botha observes that many in antiquity would have had little use for writing. It would not be the first means of communication for most purposes (Botha 2013, 64). Literacy would, however, have purposes. Botha cites Levi-Strauss, as well as Graff, following Gramsci, who takes literacy as a primary means to keep secrets, thus exercising oppressive power over others (Botha 2013, 64). Governmental use of writing could therefore be a tool of power, thus discouraging the desire to spread literacy (Botha 2013, 65). Letters might be written, but often simply to introduce a messenger. Many religious practices did not require literacy either (Botha 2013, 66). Religious writings were generally intended to be read aloud so as to be received by others.

Because of the cultural context of orality, Botha extrapolates, "Early Christian writings must be seen in their historical environment" (Botha 2013, 67). Citing Ong, Nelson, and Lord, Botha describes early Chrsitian literature as not having the structural and rhetorical features which have frequently been assumed of literature (Botha 2013, 68). Botha's argument suggests that the way we interpret the Gospels is through the lens of redaction criticism, as the work of  self-conscious editors using pieces of other works. Likewise, with Paul, if we assume a listening audience rather than a reading audience, some methods of text dissection can be seen as irrelevant.

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An Oral Culture with Writing

10/3/2023

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10/3/23
Scholarly Reflections

Botha, P.J.J. "Chapter Two: Living Voice and Lifeless Letters." Orality and Literacy in Early Christianity. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2013, 34-51.

Writing, re-introduced into the Greek world about the 8th century B.C., was seen by the Greeks as foundational to their preservation of knowledge (Botha 2013,34). The use of a fully alphabetic means of writing with recognizable letters made writing well known. However, comfort with books and reading remained relatively scarce (Botha 2013,35). The culture, as a whole, remained one of orality. Through the Hellenistic period, including the time period in which the New Testament arose, composition remained oral in nature, written works were produced to be read aloud, and learning focused on memorization (Botha 2013,36). Botha describes this in terms of classical literature, intended to be spoken.

Botha observes that a variety of factors influenced maintenance of an oral culture (Botha 2013, 38). Ranging from eye care to industrial conditions to the availability and difficulty level of education, many factors limited the population of fluent readers. The use of more literate persons to assist less literate ones was common throughout the period (Botha 2013, 39).

Plato's attitude toward writing may be instructive. Botha illustrates numerous passages in which it is clear that writing is limited in that a written work cannot explain itself and may equally be used by those with a good or an inferior understanding of it (Botha 2013, 40). A written text was inferior to the testimony of an expert who could explain, illustrating and answering questions.

Botha further adduces Papias' desire, quoted in Eusebius, that living testimony be relied on for ascertaining truth (Botha 2013, 42). The "living voice" is also considered by Galen, Quintilian, and Pliny to be the pinnacle of communication. Clement of Alexandria, moreover, described his writing as that which would guard him against future forgetfulness (Botha 2013, 43). This indicates that he considered his writing to serve as his personal notes which could guide his real communication. 

Botha does observe that there were voices in antiquity who expressed negativity toward oral tradition. Cicero spoke favorably of written records, as did Seneca (Botha 2013, 46).

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Orality and Mute Manuscripts

10/2/2023

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Orality and Pauline Epistles

3/30/2023

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3/30/23
Scholarly Notes


Winger, Thomas M. "Introduction: Orality and the Interpretation of the Epistles: A Brief Introduction." Ephesians. St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 2014, 3-20.

Winger introduces the New Testament Epistles in terms of orality. In his estimation, the adaptation of oral sources into written documents was part of the process of creating the Gospels (Winger 2014, 4). Winger suggests that the written Epistles should best be understood as "a script for an oral production" (Winger 2014, 5). The habit in antiquity of reading aloud is an indicator of the importance of orality. Winger does briefly consider that writing was considered from Plato through Papias as inferior as a means of gaining information, an interpretation I would dispute (Winger 2014, 6). Yet it is clear, as winger affirms, that proclamation, oral delivery of a word, is considered the superior means of receiving testimony (Winger 2014, 8).

The Epistles of Paul were likely expected to be read in their entirety at worship gatherings. Winger notes Justin Martyr saying that reading lasts "as long as time permits" (Winger 2014, 10, quote of Justin's First Apology, 67). Most of Paul's letters require no more than 15 minutes to read. There are, additionally, liturgical features present, most notably invocations and benedictions. Winter notes comparisons here between the end of 1 Corinthians and the end of the Communion rite in Didache 14 (Winger 2014, 11). 

Winger briefly details the use of a variety of oral patterns to be found in Paul's Epistles, and especially Ephesians. Some features of rhetoric common to Aristotle and others are evident (Winger 2014, 13). Paul uses a number of commonplaces, such as lists of virtues and vices. He is fond of alliteration, not always as word choice for meaning, but sometimes for sound. Rhythmic speech is also evident, along with repetition of elements to emphasize or order concepts (Winger 2014, 14). Paul uses parallelism frequently for emphasis (Winger 2014, 16). Winger also provides examples of chiasm in Paul, as well as inclusio, which he uses more as a tactic for paragraphing (Winger 2014, 17). Winger particularly illustrates this sort of construction with a chart based on Ephesians 2:1010, then one based on Ephesians 5:21-33 and, within that, on 5:21-24 (Winger 2014, 19). Paul also uses lists, often marked with conjunctions or other formulaic word patterns. All these are aids to organization and flow of ideas (Winger 2014, 19-21).

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Talking Through Texts Together

10/13/2021

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10/13/21
Scholarly Reflections

Miller, Shem. "Oral Tradition and the Dead Sea Scrolls." Oral Tradition 33:1 (2019), 3-22.

Considering Dead Sea Scrolls scholarship, Miller observes there has been extensive work on the material from a text-centered perspective, which is natural considering the fact that the scrolls did need to be brought into print for study. However, in the meantime, study of their oral roots has been neglected (Miller 2019, 4). Miller notes that John Foley described four basic categories of oral traditional materials (2002, summarized in Miller, p. 5). Written oral poems, voiced texts, voices from the past, and oral performance materials generally suffice as categories, though Miller is quick to observe that works often seem to blur into multiple categories. Some of the Dead Sea scrolls can be classified as "voices of the past" and as "voiced texts" (Miller 2019, 6).

To illustrate the importance of orality Miller reviews an element from the Community Rule materials (Miller 2019, 8). In this narrative, participants in evening gatherings read from a book, interpret it, and engage in a corpirate blessing. Both reading and interpreting would be understood in terms of a corporate, oral activity (Miller 2019, 9). In all likelihood, the blessing would also be understood as corporate and oral in nature.

Miller goes on to describe the community understanding of laws as a combination of revealed and hidden laws. The revealed laws were articulated clearly in Scripture, while the hidden laws were matters of teaching engaged in orality (Miller 2019, 11). Miller takes the statements about interpretation to indicate the process of articulating the hidden laws (Miller 2019, 12). These materials also fit into the "voice from the past" since the interpretation does not seem to be novel in nature.

Miller does observe that the category of "oral performance" is very difficult to analyze in the Dead Sea scrolls since it specifically has no reference to writing at all (Miller 2019, 13). Yet there are references to material called "mysteries" which would seem to have been intended as entirely oral in nature. It remains unclear to Miller how these sublime mysteries are actually revealed to us (Miller 2019, 15). This raises difficulties for interpretation, of course, but it is clear that the expectation was that the mysteries would be studied and pondered.

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Analysis Based on Sensible Chunks of Text

10/11/2021

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10/11/21
Scholarly Reflections

Livesey, Nina E. "Sounding Out the Heirs of Abraham (Rom. 4:9-12). Oral Tradition 27:1 (2012), 273-290.

Livesey considers "oral cues such as repetition and word placement" (Livesey 2012, 273) as very important elements of reception of complex oral material. The auditor, thus, is a very active listener, possibly more so than a scholar reading a text. Sound mapping, identifying the natural breaks of the spoken material, proves useful in building an interpretive framework (Livesey 2012, 274). To assist scholars in their research, Livesey demonstrates with an analysis of Romans 4:9-12. The goal is to adequately identify the ethnic group referred to in the last phrase of verse 12.

At issue in the question of Romans chapter four is whether Paul considers both Jews and Gentiles to become heirs of Abraham on the same terms. At issue is a dative plural article which, if present, equates the Gentiles with the Jews on completely equal terms (Livesey 2012, 275). Livesey provides an extensive review of the challenge centered around the article, including a summary of the relevant critical apparatus in a number of Greek editions (Livesey 2012, 276). The article itself is not a matter of dispute, but whether it is appropriate to interpret the passage taking account of the article is the issue (Livesey 2012, 277).

Livesey maintains that the use of the article "contributes to the balance and harmonic quality of the entire unit" (Livesey 2012, 278). The repeated reference to the uncircumcised in the passage shows them to be a principal focus.

After providing a Greek and English text which divides the material into sensible chunks (the term I have typically used as a language educator), Livesey observes that the emphasis is on the uncircumcised throughout (Livesey 2012, 280). Not only do we see this in the vocabulary but also in the rhythm and harmonious arrangement of the words. The placement of the word δικαιοσύνην ("righteousness") in the second period associates it with ἀκροβθστίαν ("uncircumcision") in the first period (Livesey 2012, 281). One of these two word units ("lexemes") ends all but the last two periods. The hiatus before the first use of Abraham's name here also draws him into the passage as the critical figure of both righteousness and uncircumcision (Livesey 2012, 282). In the end, Abraham received the sign of circumcision after he received righteousness by faith. The purpose, judging from this passage, was so he could "be the father to all those who trust through foreskin, or while they are themselves in foreskin" (Livesey 2012, 283). The use of the article creates the rhythmic pattern needed to complete the sound set up by the words for righteousness, circumcision, and uncircumcision (Livesey 2012, 284). It rightly contributes to drawing our attention to the uncircumcised as recipients of righteousness.

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Performing the Bible?

10/8/2021

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10/8/21
Scholarly Reflections

Rhoads, David. "Biblical Performance Criticism: Performance as Research." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 157-198.

Rhoads proposes we should study the New Testament writings as transcripts of materials composed and performed orally, rather than as documents composed on paper to be studied as part of a print culture (Rhoads 2010, 157). This represents a paradigm shift in the scholarly methods common over the last several centuries. As a tool for scholarly methodology, Rhoads views contemporary performance as a proving ground of sorts, allowing us to evaluate scholarly methods (Rhoads 2010, 158).

The New Testament arose in a primarily oral culture. Rhoads cites numerous scholars suggesting the literacy rate was between three and ten percent (Rhoads 2010, 158). Rhoads ties an oral/aural culture to one in which personal and familial boundaries would be weak, a more communal life than we would see in literate cultures. Knowledge would be shared in community and spread through group encounters. Rhoads does not provide evidence for this conclusion (Rhoads 2010, 158). He goes on to note that memory is considered very important in oral cultures, though some level of creativity in performance may be encouraged. It is significant to Rhoads that composition was done with particular attention to the sound patterns of the language. Material was selected and presented so as to be memorable (Rhoads 2010, 159). Rhoads sees this as highly likely in the case of the New Testament documents as well. The work of writing, then, would serve orality rather than governing it.

Rhoads goes on to describe scrolls as "peripheral to performance" (Rhoads 2010, 160). A possible challenge to this idea, in practice, is the known habit of actually reading from Moses and the prophets in the course of a synagogue meeting. This would tend to indicate at least some level of authority given to a written document intended to be spoken and heard. Rhoads' argument against such a situation is that "readers" would study the manuscript, or have it present if needed, as a prompt for memorized performance (Rhoads 2010, 160).

Rhoads observes that scrolls were, by nature, expensive and therefore rare. Because he alleges that "early Christianity was predominantly a movement of the peasant class and the urban poor with the presence of some elites" (Rhoads 2010, 161), he concludes that the presence of written texts would be unlikely in Christian communities, especially prior to the end of the first century. While he makes a valid point which could be applied to individuals, a community would be more likely to retain a text of a letter which was brought to them, even if it would be retained for occasional reference. Rhaods' argument is not conclusive. He does, however, make a valid point as he speaks of the primacy of oral performance, which is also reflected in the dynamics of the texts.

Rhoads says boldly that the New Testament writings "were not originally conceived of as scripture" (Rhoads 2010, 162). While he doesn't define "scripture" clearly, he does discuss it in terms of a written tet which would be studied as writing, but would more likely be heard and performed. The performance would presumably tbe of the work as a whole, rather than in parts as smaller elements within a worship service. The early audience would have treated the entire letter or Gospel as a whole work.

Because the New TEstament works would have been "performed," Rhoads urges work of "performance criticism" (Rhoads 2010, 164), which moves to envision the nature of early presentations of parts of the New Testament, and to present them in performance as well. Rhoads describes each element in turn, whith the majority of his discussion based on actual performances.

To imagine the performance event in its original context, we would consider portrayals of public readings or performances in or around the time period of the original presentation. We would also consider the purpose of the performance as well as the way a performance would take place (Rhoads 2010, 165).

Performance criticism could require a major shift in the orientation of New Testament scholarship. Rhoads sees multiple different disciplines contributing to his model of scholarship. He lays out roles of traditional historical/critical methods (Rhoads 2010, 166), then addresses more recent scholarly methods, many of which already attempt to deal with oral and rhetorical elements (Rhoads 2010, 167).

Rhoads discusses the recent develoments in performance of biblical portions (Rhoads 2010, 168). The act of performing is helpful to understanding the materials which were produced for performance. Rhoads understadns both performing and hearing the New Testament materials as a new discovery, though some in the world of pastoral care would certainly disagree with him. However, he continues by detailing ways that performance can assist us in our understanding of the New Testament (Rhoads 2010, 169). The experience of the audience member, hearing the material in real time without the opportunity to stop, reflect, and review is very different from the experience of one who reviews a document.

In performance, Rhoads suggests, the performer discovers the aesthetics of a work to a greater degree than is normal when doing exegesis of a text (Rhoads 2010, 170). The manner of presentation, including pacing, posture, and expression, is important in the artistic presentation of the material (Rhoads 2010, 171).

Modern-day performers of biblical materials must make some choices which will govern their approach. Rhoads comments on choice of language for the performances, whetehr to use one's own translation or one prepared by someone else, and how to translate for best oral presentation (Rhoads 2010, 172). Rhoads does consider whether performances would normally present a story verbatim or would include spontaneous elements of composition. He prefers to stay as close to a verbatim account as possible, partly because the texts we have appear to be transcriptions of a performance, and partly due to the rabbinic tradition of remaining very close to a text (Rhoads 2010, 173).

Rhoads ginds as he performs a text that he continually becomes aware of different nuances (Rhoads 2010, 174). The performer, in a sense, is able to enter into the world of the selection. The world, then, comes alive to the audience in the performance (Rhoads 2010, 175). All the elements of the presentation serve a purpose, all geared toward the ultimate purpose of transformation. The transformation may well be applied to both the performer and the audience (Rhoads 2010, 177).

The performance Rhoads envisions is not speaking the text aloud. It is more akin to acting the text out. The performer attempts to supply what would otherwise be left to the imagination (Rhoads 2010, 179).

The performer becomes a narrator but also in some way expresses the emotions and actions of the characters being narrated (Rhoads 2010, 181). Each character is important in some way. Rhoads urges finding means of communicating them as individuals. In som instances, the narrator will address on-stage issues, some times off-stage, and sometimes the audience. These moves need to be deliberate and clera (Rhoads 2010, 183).

Rhoads considers the issue of a subtext to be very important, though often left inadequately addressed (Rhoads 2010, 184). The subtext becomes more prominent in a performance setting simply due to the oral presentation. The way an idea is expressed orally demonstrates a subtext (Rhoads 2010, 185). All this contributes to an adequate interpretation of the emotive nature of the material presented (Rhoads 2010, 186). Drama, humor, disappointment, and victory all appear in the biblical narratives. The temporal element is also important, as events unfold in order (Rhoads 2010, 188).

In the end, Rhoads considers the elements of performance to be foundational to entrance into the biblical materials, both as an exegete and as a recipient of the message (Rhoads 2010, 190).

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"Reduced" to Writing?

10/7/2021

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10/7/21
Scholarly Reflections

Kelber, Werner. "The History of the Closure of Biblical Texts." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 115-140.

Kelber acknowledges Ong's view that technology used in communication effectively changes us (Kelber 2010, 115). His question, in this paper, is how the biblical texts actually moved from oral beginnings, through manuscript, and eventually "to their trimphant apotheosis in print culture" (Kelber 2010, 116).

The journey begins in a primarily oral context, but one where literate people might have a manuscript available for reference. The goal of study would be recitation and internalization of the message (Kelber 2010, 117). These features of study, however, are rarely the focus of scholarly research.

Kelber considers this style of study, aimed at internalizing the message, to suggest a different view of ancient scholarship than that of tediolus, painstaking copying of texts letter by letter (Kelber 2010, 118). The textual-critical views were reinforced with the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls and attempts to verify an authoritative reading (Kelber 2010, 119). However, Kelber sees a world of manuscripts which are pluriform, showing adherence to a message but not always specific wording.

Kelber asserts that pluriform literary traditions were widely acceptable in the period around the start of the Christ era (Kelber 2010,120). Sadly, he does not give examples which would broaden the scope of our understanding. It would be very interesting to analyze what level of manuscript divergence would be considered acceptably similar to be counted as an accurate reading, and whether that could differ in various genres.

Another challenge to the idea that there is one authoritative version of a teaching is easily illustrated by the simple fact that Jesus went to various places and spoke to different people. If he delivered some teaching in one place, then the same teaching in another place, butworded differently, we are at a loss when we attempt to identify "the correct wording." Kelber expects that a written tradition could also face similar issues, especially a tradition which attempts to harmonize various events (Kelber 2010, 121). Further, Kelber considers that some level of fluidity of wording, but not of content, would have been considered appropriate, especially for important texts (Kelber 2010, 122). This effect is likely related to the frequency with which the topic and its ideas would be stated.

Kelber considers that the development of the codex could have been very critical in the change he observes in the way the biblical message was treated. The codex foreshadowed typographic norms, with relatively standard page formats (Kelber 2010, 123). The actual gathering of the works into one volume was rare, but eventually there were volumes which implied canonicity based on the texts which were selected and bound together (Kelber 2010, 124). 

Origen's work with the Hexapla shows the pluriform nature of the biblical texts represented in it, though the work was later seen as a tool to harmonize the distinct text traditions (Kelber 2010, 125-126). Attempts to harmonize the Gospels, likewise, as early as Eusebius, also demonstrate variability in the expression of ideas (Kelber 2010, 126). However, the collections of various works into one bound volume, with some books being produced with the same content on the same page in each copy, very likely contributed to the idea of a single authoritative manuscript document (Kelber 2010, 127).

Kelber observes, however, that the oral readings, such as those from a lectionary, as well as the readings and preaching in church, which has its own context, would erode an idea of an authoritative text. Thus he says that the idea of Sola scriptura would not be practical prior to the advent of the printed book (Kelber 2010, 127). The Bible had an authority which was inherent in orality. It was as the Middle Ages progressed that the idea of definitive textuality developed, particularly leading to the Scholasticism which analyzed specific wordng in such detail (Kelber 2010, 128).

Kelber also observes that the production of texts prior to mass printing was different than we might imagine. Rather than one person looking at a text and making a copy, generally one person would read aloud while others transcribed (Kelber 2010, 129). The chapter and verse divisions were a relatively late development as well. When we step behind the technological advances we arrive in a world where the work of hermeneutics was aking to an exercise in spiritual discernment.

Around the start of the 14th century, with William of Ockham, the idea of an authoritative text with a definitive meaning took hold (Kelber 2010, 130). This concept of a textual economy, followed by the development of the movable type printing press, brought about a commitment to a written document which would retain one definitive and authoritative ud erstanding (Kelber 2010, 131). Kelber observes that even though the Protestant Reformers treated the Bible as an authoritative text with a particular meaning, they also hold to the oral dynamic which recognized the power of the spoken word (Kelber 2010, 131).

The growth of print, particularly in the vernacular languages, spurred growth in lteracy as well as specific preservation of older texts in a fixed form. Kelber sees this changing the nature of national identity, language, culture, and scholarship (Kelber 2010, 134).

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Religion of the book?

10/6/2021

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10/6/21
Scholarly Reflections

Kelber, Werner & Sanders, Paula. "Oral Tradition in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam: Introduction." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 3-6.

Kelber and Sanders collaborated on a conference related to orality and literate elements in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. This conference led to the contents of Oral Tradition 25:1 (Kelber & Sanders 2010, 3). The ideas presented in the conference and its papers suggest that, counter to some popular traditional wisdom, it is inappropriate to call Judaism, Christianity, and Islam "religions of the book" due to the extensive interrelationship between orality, scribality, and memory (Kelber & Sanders 2010, 3).

The papers presented in this issue of Oral Tradition have retained any references to other works presented or suggested for presentation in the conference, even if not published in the journal. This was done to suggest an ongoing dialog (Kelber & Sanders 2010, 4). ​
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Mark as an Oral Work

10/4/2021

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10/4/21
Scholarly Reflections

Horsley, Richard A. "Oral and Written Aspects of the Emergence of the Gospel of Mark as Scripture." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 93-114.

Horsley observes that numerous challenges exist in our common presuppositions which underlie much biblical scholarship. The way authors approached their work, a time of New Testament texts existing without being recognized as authoritative and the nature of the distance between Judaism and Christianity are all difficult topics worthy of study (Horsley 2010, 94). Horsley takes the Gospels in particular to be problematic due to their lack of rhetorical polish and erudition. He sees this as a likely problem in what he understands to be an adoption of the texts in the fourth or fifth centuries by ecclesial authorities.

By evaluating Mark as an oral work which became widely distributed and respected before being written down, Horsley thinks it may have been more acceptable to leaders (Horsley 2010, 95). Horsley takes this to be a more plausible scenario if we first recognize that print culture did not exist in the first century.

Horsley asserts that it is more appropriate to think of texts as functioning primarily in the memory of monks and scribes, rather than being primarily written documents (Horsley 2010, 96). To take this view moves the scholar away from the assumption of the Gospel as a text composed in writing by a person consulting other written texts. Horley cites numerous recent studies which suggest a more oral culture, especially in Roman Judea, than we have previously assumed (Horsley 2010, 97). 

Mark's Gospel, with its frequent references to biblical texts, introduced by "it is written," suggests the existence of authoritative texts (Horsley 2010, 98). However, the quotation introduced normally seems to be quoted from memory. A similar pattern is present in the Didache.

Horsley also considers it important that Mark's Gospel is addressed to "ordinary people" (Horsley 2010, 99). This largely presupposes an oral environment. Copies of the Scripture would not have been readily available and could not be read by ordinary people. They would know the Scripture by means of those who spoke of God's word (Horsley 2010, 100).

In the culture, then, Horsley takes Mark to have been transmitted through oral performance, not through study of a written text (Horsley 2010, 101). This attitude is borne out through several statements of early Christians, who would seek out a speech, not a document, looking for authority.

It is important that a text which will be widely performed and come into common use must be particularly approachable by its audience (Horsley 2010, 104). Horsley sees this as the case in Mark's Gospel. The text refers to well known cultural events and stories. Jesus is readily seen as a parallel to other figures in Scripture, thus also a fulfillment of the areas where they come short (Horsley 2010, 105). The introductory and concluding statements signal a shift of an oral storytelling setting. The narrative also tends to progress using memorable triads of activity (Horsley 2010, 106). Concentric or chiastic elements also often serve as an aid to memory.

Horsley continues by outlining the narrative structure of Mark's Gospel in terms which illustrate how it could well be memorized for oral performance (Horsley 2010, 107). The steps and scenes are quite logical and memorable.

Horsley concludes that we need to reach behind our presuppositions, which build strongly on print technology, to find the oral model used (Horsley 2010, 109).

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Teaching Networks

10/1/2021

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10/1/21
Scholarly Reflections

Hezser, Catherine. "Oral and Written Communication and Transmission of Knowledge in Ancient Judaism and Christianity." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 75-92.

Hezser notes the relatively difficult means of communication in antiquity compared to today. Written, eyewitness, and in-person communication were certainly available, but could sometimes prove complicated (Hezser 2010, 76). In times of conflict it could even be dangerous to serve as a messenger. Hezser observes that letters of introduction or instruction were considered imporant and fundamental, especially to relationships which cross class boundaries (Hezser 2010, 77).

The New Testament has a relatively limited focus on written texts and letters, normally assuming that writing could be used but that oral messages stood at the center of biblical communication (Hezser 2010, 78). Messages were delivered by going to a person and speaking. However, at the same time, Paul would send letters which were to circulate and reinforce the teaching he engaged in through his personal visits (Hezser 2010, 79). Hezser observes that this pattern of extensive letter writing was continued by Christian leaders as the growth of Christianity continued. She sees it as a means of asserting power and control over far-flung communities (Hezser 2010, 80).

Rabbinic Judaism progressed along similar lines as well. After 70 A.D., Judaism became less centralized, yet developed noteworthy networks of rabbis, who traveled extensively and communicated ideas through letters, which were published and read publicly (Hezser 2010, 81). Because the rabbis typically engaged in the business world, Hezser understands the development of teaching networks as a secondary concern, contrasted with the travels of Christian teachers, which may well have had evangelism as their primary goal (Hezser 2010, 82). 

Hezser describes the growth of a mobile and epistolary rabbinic culture, especially in the third tofifth centuries, in some detail, resulting in extensive communication networks as well as written records of decisions and teachings (Hezser 2010, 87). The network among Christian missionaries was also relatively extensive and served to codify doctrines in a consistent way throughout the Mediterranean world (Hezser 2010, 88).

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The New Testament as a Written Work Intended for Hearing

9/30/2021

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9/30/21
Scholarly Reflections

Hearon, Holly. "The Interplay Between Written and Spoken Word in the Second Testament as Background to the Emergence of Written Gospels." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 57-74.

Hearon observes there is a complex interaction between the written and spoken word in first century Christian experience (Hearon 2010, 57). Her study focuses on primary sources, particularly Greek and Roman texts, as well as Luke and Acts.

The non-Christian world considered spoken and written communication to be highly intertwined. There are also repeated references to reading and speaking together in the New Testament (Hearon 2010, 58). The relationship, however, seems to be one-sided. While the written word can be seen as an extension of the spoken word, the reverse is not demonstrated very much. Hearon takes the spoken word to be the default authority (Hearon 2010, 59). However, Hearon sees the boundaries as porous.

Speaking fits into certain social contexts in the New Testament as well. It seems clear to Hearon that certain settings bear expectations of speeches, and that those speeches are to fit the contexts (Hearon 2010, 60). Hearon also concludes based on the verb used for speaking that there are different expectations plalced on different speakers.

Letters and documents fit into their own contexts, as do speeches. Hearon notes that various documents have different technical uses, but that the authors are normally quite matter-of-fact about their motivations.

Hearon further sees evidence for New Testament attitudes toward the Old Testament. Those characters found reading the Scripture in the work of the Church regularly suggest that the Old Testament is an authoritative written text which must be tested by fire in some way (Hearon 2010, 62). The Scripture is assumed to be a written word which demands attention through listening (Hearon 2010, 64).

Proclamation and teaching are normally considered oral activity. However, in some instances, proclamation and teaching may involve use of the Scriptures, which becomes a scribal application of oral material which has had contact with additional people since writing (Hearon 2010, 66). The method of interaction is not made clearly, but the fact of interaction is clear.

Hearon considers the New Testament use of "word of God" and concludes that here, the word is normally considered as something which would be presented orally, though it does have written roots (Hearon 2010, 68). Tradition, also, is typically understood as an oral transmission of a written text.

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Orality as the Heart Repeating Tradition

9/29/2021

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9/29/21
Scholarly Reflections

Carr, David. "Torah on the Heart: Literary Jewish Textuality Within Its Ancient Near Eastern Context." Oral Tradition 25:1 (2010), 17-40.

Much scholarly study has been done regarding theories of textual transmission of the Old Testament. These studies have influenced our view of other texts from the Ancient Near East, particularly those which, like the Hebrew Bible, have endured for many generations (Carr 2010, 17). However, relatively little interest has been shown until recently as regards the method of reliable oral transmission of materials through multiple generations. Carr considers it very likely that a combination of oral and textual materials were used, particularly in education of the elite cultural class, to pass on traditional teachings (Carr 2010, 18).

Literacy in antiquity, in Carr's view, consists not only of learning to read and write, but also mastering the material of the religious and cultural worls in which one is to be literate (Carr 2010, 18). Carr compres the process of learning literature to the process of mastering a musical score, in which the material is internatlized and largely committed to memory, but the score remains available for consultation and to correct the recall (Carr 2010, 19).

Carr surveys and compares education as we know it from Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Greece, before turning to Israel and drawing conclusions.

Mesopotamian documents show many instances of written words as prompts for a larger body of material known by memory (Carr 2010, 20). The memorized materials appear to be a rather standardized canon, with emphasis on the Epic of Gilgamesh. Likewise, Carr finds evidence of Egyptian writings with mnemonic prompts for students who were to memorize the teachings presented (Carr 2010, 21). Greek education differs somewhat from that of Mesopotamia and Egypt. The fully alphabetic script sets it apart, as does what has been assumed to be a high rate of literacy (Carr 2010, 22). However, Carr still finds a strong emphasis on memorization of imporant stories, again, guided by some written prompts.

Carr observes that we have relatively less information about education in ancient Israel partly because of the more perishable writing materials used there and the climate which was less conducive to preservation (Carr 2010, 23). However, the information available does point to a system similar to that found in other cultures from similar times and regions. Reading and writing were tools used in education, which consisted of mastering the knowledge base required for participation in society. The point of education was internalizing the cultural message (Carr 2010, 24).

Carr continues his survey by evaluating biblical texts from a text-critical perspective, considering variant readings (Carr 2010, 24). Parry's work suggests that memorized texts have different patterns of variations than texts preserved by literary copying (Carr 2010, 25). Carr describes this phenomenon in considerable detail.

Carr describes what he would consider "memory variants" as occurring frequently in the manuscripts we have of ancient works (Carr 2010, 28). They differ in their nature from the errors which would be made by someone looking at and copying a document. The pattern of memory variants rather than strictly literary copyist errors appears widespread throughout the cultures Carr surveys (Carr 2010, 30). Texts expand or contract, but when memorized, they tend both to expand and to harmonize in content with other sections of a text (Carr 2010, 31).

In effect, Carr finds that the important texts are preserved, with no change of meaning. However, they may undergo change of wording (Carr 2010, 32). The message is taken inoto the heart and mind of the student, and reflected accurately.

​
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Written Letters Intended To Be Heard

9/27/2021

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9/27/21
Scholarly Reflections

Tsang, Sam. "Are We 'Misreading' Paul?: Oral Phenomena and Their Implication for the Exegesis of Paul's Letters." Oral Tradition 24:1 (2009), 205-225.

Tsang notes that the Pauline letters were presented in a society which had extensive verbal mediation of written messages. This may lead us to different exegetical assumptions in our interpretation of the works (Tsang 2009, 205). This re-evaluation of modes of interpretation has been developed in biblical studies to some extent, particularly in the Uppsala School, and especially by Susan Niditch in Oral World and Written Word (1996). The analysis of oral patterns was very important to her in this work (Tsang 2009, 206). The work of C.W. David (Oral Biblical Criticism, 1999), and J. Harvey (Listening to the Text, 1998), approaches Paul's epistles by applying oral studies and classical rhetorical analysis from the standpoint of a listener (Tsang 2009, 207). 

The social context of the recipients of the Pauline letters may well be of greater importance as a starting point than a literary context. According to Tsang, "There are five social and literary factors that demand attention in this kind of oral communication: the role of rhetoric ,the role of memory, the relationship between letter writing and speech, the practice of reading letters publicly, and euphonics" (Tsang 2009, 208).

The rhetorical methods of the Sophists, particularly in their oral pedagogy, would be an important part of the context for Paul's letters (Tsang 2009, 208). Spoken words, including the way they were spoken, were considered of paramount importance. For this reason, rhetorical studies were often considered more important than a study of philosophy (Tsang 2009, 209).

Memory, both in oral and literate cultures, is of great significance. Tsang observes that memory is aided by the style of the composition (Tsang 2009, 210). Some works are more memorable than others, and a study of rhetoric includes learning to make memorable messages. Presentation of letters in a pattern which the recipients could remember would be of great value.

Letters would be written using speech patterns familiar to the audience. This also aids in memory and understanding. Tsang observes that training in memorization was not limited to pre-literate societies but extended through the time of Paul (Tsang 2009, 211). The voice of the author is part of the means of identifying the origin and content of a message.

The Pauline letters, as works intended for public reading, would have expected a great deal of comprehension on the part of the reader. Tsang notes, "The Christian scribes wrote fewer lines to a page with fewer letters to a line and paid stronger attention to breathing marks than in contemporary literature" (Tsang 2009, 212). This suggests a desire that the public reading should be very clear.

Euphonics, or the sound of the words when read, is a very important part of communication for oral reception (Tsang 2009, 213). Tsang particularly notes this as a difficulty in imperial Rome, where there was little uniformity in language use.

Paul's letters contain suggestions that he composed them orally. They also seem to expect to be read aloud in public, such as in 1 Thessalonians 5:27 (Tsang 2009, 215). Public reading is known to be common in contemporary synagogue practice. Paul further tells who he is sending with his letter. This suggests to Tsang that the person who brought the letter was prepared to help with interpretation of its underlying meaning as well. After presentation, it is reasonable to conclude that the letter would be copied for further circulation (Tsang 2009, 216). 

Paul's use of repeated sounds, words, and concepts makes his intent to be understood and recognized clear (Tsang 2009, 217). Sound patterns abound in the text of Paul's letters, indicating oral expectations.

Tsang concludes that our interpretation of Paul's letters needs to be sensitive to the oral context of their recipients. This may well have had a strong influence on the way the letters were written and presented (Tsang 2009, 218). Memory was very important, thus the means of guiding a listener through an argument would be critical (Tsang 2009, 219). The rhetorical arrangement must be considered as critically important.

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Oral Tradition May Imply Interaction between Speaker and Audience

9/24/2021

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9/24/21
Scholarly Reflections

Hearon, Holly E. "The Implications of 'Orality' for Studies of the Biblical Text." Oral Tradition 19:1 (2004), 96-107.

Hearon observes that the twentieth century saw a ground shift in biblical scholarship, particularly as the scholarly community began to consider orality after Kelber's ground-breaking (1983) The Oral and the Written Gospel (Hearon 2004, 96). Hearon's intention in this paper is to suggest directions in which further studies might progress, particularly in New Testament scholarship.

The written record we have may be best considered as a transcription or interpretation of an oral work. The works of the Bible were primarily experienced by hearing. This should influence the way we try to understand them (Hearon 2004, 97). Interestingly, Hearon finds this to argue for, rather than against, a written "Q" document, though it is also possible that the "Q" material was a solid kind of oral tradition (Hearon 2004, 98).

Because biblical texts emerged from a highly aural culture, we should expect a meaningful choice of words and sentence structures which would particularly move understanding and emphasis in a direction which may be different from that expected in a fully literary work (Hearon 2004, 99). There would even be likely interactions between the performer and the auditor. Because the relationship between the performer and the audience could differ, there may be some variation in the way ideas would be expressed (Hearon 2004, 100).

The actual transmission of a written text could also be understood differently in light of orality studies. Hearon observes that there has been tension concerning how a text is reproduced. An eyewitness model places significant demands on the memory of eyewitnesses. On the other hand, it is possible that authoritative texts emerge from some sort of communal memory in which a collective tradition governs the shape of the information (Hearon 2004, 101). The model of a rhetorical culture of a community, which governs the general speech patterns and ways of managing topics may be valuable in terms of dealing with the divide between orality and literacy (Hearon 2004, 102). Hearon emphasizes the limited scope of literacy in the time when biblical texts arose (Hearon 2004, 103).

In conclusion, Hearon simply observes that we have taken great strides in terms of understanding the interaction of orality and the biblical texts. She trusts the progress will continue.

​
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Tradition!

9/20/2021

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9/20/21
Scholarly Reflections

McKean, Thomas. "Tradition as Communication." Oral Tradition 18:1 (2003), 49-50.

McKean observes that tradition is a form of social communication, which combines memory, orality, and literacy as it passes ideas from one generation to another (McKean 2003, 49). In this sense, then, oral tradition is a living means of communicating an authority figure's information over time. However, McKean also acknowledges the instrumentality of the performer, who is, in a sense, creating a newly autoritative version of a work. The tradition, then, has both private and public elements, often oral and written sources, and multiple levels of connection among generations and cultures (McKean 2003, 50).

​
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Should Scholarship be Based on Technology?

9/17/2021

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9/17/21
Scholarly Reflections

Kelber, Werner H. "Oral Tradition in Bible and New Testament Studies." Oral Tradition 18:1 (2003), 40-42.

Kelber observes that biblical scholarship has generally operated on the assumption that the Bible is a printed work, something that was not conceived of until the technology of the 15th and 16th centuries (Kelber 2003, 40). Form criticism, which arose to deal with the role of orality, has had a strong influence on biblical scholarship, but the discipline is running aground, largely because it, too, makes assumptions which could be taken as "post-Gutenberg." The complexity of the oral and literary environment which brought forth the Bible deserves a more nuanced scholarly approach.

Kelber suggests that "the search for the historical Jesus, the nature of pre-gospel tradition, and the interrelationship among the synoptic gospels" are areas which require special study (Kelber 2003, 41). 

​
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Orality as a Rearranger

9/16/2021

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9/16/21
Scholarly Reflections

Jaffee, Martin S. "Oral Tradition and Rabbinic Studies." Oral Tradition 18:1 (2003), 37-39.

Rabbinic literature compiled in the Middle Ages is normally assumed ot have developed and been transmitted orally for multiple generations before its redaction and condification in writing (Jaffee 2003, 37). The oral style is evident throughout. Jaffee observes that scholarly work has recently been focused on the relationship between oral tradition, written sources, and written outcomes. One critical issue Jaffee mentions is the way rabbinic narrative can rearrange historical details as moral or philosophical narrative. An understanding of the purpose of the actual narrative is key to this area of scholarship.

​
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