Category: Daly 1978 - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Definitions of Eucharist and Sacrifice

4/6/2022

4/6/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Appendix." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 498-508.

Daly considers whether the eucharist was considered as a sacrifice in the New Testament and by the early church. A challenge in this matter is the fact that the terms "eucharist" and "sacrifice" both are open to various definitions (Daly 1978, 498). The rituals described as eucharist in the New Testament are associated with particular times and places, as we would anticipate of a sacrificial ritual. They are also clearly associated with blood and specifically the blood of the passover. This leads Daly to take the celebration of communion as a self-consciously sacrificial act (Daly 1978, 499).

Within early Christianity, Daly finds the prayers of Didache 9, 10, and 14 to have eucharistic significance but he considers them to have changed in their usage from being eucharistic prayers t o an association with an agape meal (Daly 1978, 502). Didache 14, Daly still associates with the eucharistic meal.

Daly finds that 1 Clement describes the life of the Church largely in terms of sacrificial language (Daly 1978, 503). The bishop was expected to lead in offering sacrifices, among which the eucharist was possibly included.

Ignatius considered sacrifice to include acts of prayer and praise, among which was the eucharist (Daly 1978, 503).

Justin Martyr specifically considered the eucharist to be the Chritian sacrifice (Daly 1978, 504). It is not altogether clear to Daly whether Justin would recognize anything else as Christian sacrifice. Daly finds the same opinion in Irenaeus, though he possibly makes more of an association of the eucharistic prayer and thus other prayer with sacrifice (Daly 1978, 505).

Hippolytus not only considered the eucharist as a sacrifice, but he also applied sacrificial language to baptism and to consecration of a bishop (Daly 1978, 506). Hippolytus also recognized that the actual work in all the prayers and in the eucharist is done by none other than the Holy Spirit or the Logos of God. The prayer is a sacrificial act, but is made so by God (Daly 1978, 507). Daly finds this as a high point in Christian thought and practice.

Patterns of Sacrificial Concepts

4/4/2022

4/4/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Conclusion." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 491-497.

In his conclusion Daly observes that this book was intended to lay groundwork for a future work on Origen. He did find that the pattern of sacrificial concepts based on Christ's sacrifice, sacrifices of Christians, and Christians as the new temple of God was developed in the literature leading up to the time of Origen (Daly 1978, 4391). Christ's death was consistently understood as sacrificial in the New Testament as well as the early Fathers. It is inextricably tied to the concept of the Passover and sin offerings (Daly 1978, 492). The Christian life itself, even more so than the martyrdom of a Christian, could be seen as a sacrifice, and one which is acceptable to God (Daly 1978, 493). Finally the temple and altar, a local setting in the Old Testament, became increasingly spiritualized. The Christian, then, became the true temple, as a place for God's presence to be found (Daly 1978, 496).

Sacrificial Language in 3rd Century Alexandria

4/1/2022

4/1/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 3: The Early Christian Literature Before Origen: Chapter Three: The Alexandrian Tradition: Philo, Barnabas, Clement." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 389-490.

Daly sees the Jewish movement in Alexandria, from about 260 B.C. to be unique in its ability to bring a completely different faith into the Greek philosophy of Alexandria (Daly 1978, 389). Of note for our analysis is the fact that the Jews would take Greek terminology over to express Hebrew ideas, as evidenced by the Septuagint. Daly illustrates this move using Philo, near the end of the Jewish Alexandrian Hellenistic movement (Daly 1978, 390).

Philo discusses sacrifice specifically in De specialibus legibus I.66-298, though he makes mention of the ideas incidentally in many other places. Daly fnds in Philo a rich, deep, and fairly consistent view of sacrifice (Daly 1978, 391). In the main, Philo takes an allegorical view of sacrifice which spiritualizes and internalizes the meaning of biblical statements. He does normally preface his allegorical statements with a relatively literal explanation of a text (Daly 1978, 392). While the sacrifice is a literal offering, it reflects the intention of the one who offers it. It also remains God's creation and possession, though it has come into the care of the one who makes the offering (Daly 1978, 394).

Daly observes that Philo sees sacrifice as an allegory of the Godward progress of the soul (Daly 1978, 395). As the worshiper engages in sacrifice it moves the soul and its affections into greater unity with God. From the Passover as a foundation, Philo describes the worshiper leaving something behind to progressively move away from the place of bondage (Daly 1978, 396). Other offerings also symbolize laying something aside. This process continues as we increasingly learn what attitude of the worshiper makes the sacrifice acceptable to God (Daly 1978, 399). Daly continues by describing Philo's view of the purpose of sacrifice, first, to honor God and second, to receive blessing from God (Daly 1978, 401). Daly describes this purpose step by step in some detail in the pages which follow. In essence, Philo describes both the individual soul and the cosmos as the true temple and altar of God, where we are perfected in sacrifice (Daly 1978, 422).

Daly next turns to the Epistle of Barnabas, from the early second century (Daly 1978, 422). Daly considers Barnabas to have originated in Alexandria and to be dependent on Philo's methods of interpretation. He also observes that it shows more hostility to Jewish thought than other early Christian writings. Scripture is to be interpreted allegorically, not literally. The covenant of God is intended only for Christian (Daly 1978, 428). The sacrifices of the temple are discarded in Barnabas. However, the true sacrifice is an offering of oneself (Daly 1978, 426). This offering of oneself is an emulation of Jesus, who offered himself for our sins (Daly 1978, 428). Brnabas does see Jesus as the pre-existent Lord of all and unique in that role. Therefore, all the Old Testament sacrifices are to be interpreted in terms of their fulfillment in Christ, as Daly illustrates using various passages from Barnabas. The temple, in Barnabas, is built in the hearts of Christians, rather than as the building in Jerusalem (Daly 1978, 434-435). Daly concludes that Barnabas saw all the Old Testament as directing our attention to Christ, and that he interpreted the Old Testament in light of the New Testament (Daly 1978, 440).

Clement of Alexandria was another who showed a close connection with Philo's thought when it came to an allegorical exegetical style (Daly 1978, 440). As with Philo, Daly finds Clement challenging to interpret due to his relatively unsystematic way of approching topics. Daly runs the risk of systematizing Clement by reviewing ideas "under five headings" (1) the interpretation of Scripture; (2) cult criticism and the idea of spiritual sacrifice; (3) the scrifice of Christ; (4) the sacrifice of the Christian; (5) the temple and the altar" (Daly 1978, 443).

While holding to a unity of thought between the Old and New Testments, Clement also engaged in the kind of "flamboyant allegorizing exegesis which was developed by Philo" (Daly 1978, 444). Daly continues with examples. He finds Clement to consider the events of Scripture symbols of other events, to be interpreted in an essential Gnostic manner (Daly 1978, 447).

Clement, like Philo and Barnabas, takes the Old Testament as symbolic in nature. Unlike Barnabas, he does not consider the Old Testaent sacrifices to be idolatrous (Daly 1978, 448). Clement also makes his allegorical, philosophical arguments with little reference to specific passages of Scripture even when the ideas can be readily tied to Scripture (Daly 1978, 449).

Clement, as consistent with Christian orthodoxy, sees Christ as the one who is incarnate so as to serve as the Passover sacrifice (Daly 1978, 452ff). Daly fids that Clement also considers Christ as the fulfillment of the typology involved in the offering of Isaac. This serves Daly as evidence that the motif of the binding of Isaac had been broadly adopted in Christian thought (Daly 1978, 455). Christ further serves as the high priest whose person and garments are all symbolic of the work of God in our world (Daly 1978, 459ff).

Clement's view of the sacrifice of the Christian is also generally consistent with early Christian tradition, though his Gnostic view of a deeply internal spirituality maes worship and the Christian life less focused on the concrete and physical than it might be (Daly 1978, 466ff). As in many authors, the Christian is seen both as one offering sacrifice and as the sacrifice itself. Together, the church at worship makes a sort of communal sacrifice as well (Daly 1978, 470). These sacrifices are primarily seen as embodied in our acts of prayer, as it creates a fellowship with God. To Clement, this is to be a lifelong habit (Daly 1978, 472). Furthermore, the life of prayr identifies anybody as part of a universal priesthood. All are able to partake of this priesthood through their sacrifice offrings of prayer (Daly 1978, 473). Daly describes the priesthood using several passages from Clement.

Daly finds that in Clement the true temple of God is both the individual Christian and the collective church. At the time of Clement this was a view which already had a long tradition (Daly 1978, 481). Clement is not greatly innovative as regards these views. The Christian does remain both temple and sacrifice in some mystical way (Daly 1978, 483). With this in mind, Daly then describes Clement's view of the eucharist. By participation, the Christian inwardly becomes the home for the presence of God, the true temple (Daly 1978, 484).

Daly concludes that Clement built on the precedents of Philo and Barnabas to allegorize Scripture and develop a highly internal Christian spirituality in which the Gnostic was able to offer sacrifices of prayer which are acceptable to God (Daly 1978, 488). His ideas are rooted in Christ's incarnation but lead him to a picture of the role of the Christian.

Sacrifice in Second Century Passover and Martyrological Writings

3/31/2022

3/31/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 3: The Early Christian Literature Before Origen: Chapter Two: The Treatises on the Passover and the Acts of the Martyrs in the Second Century." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 373-388.

Daly identifies two second century Christian commentaries pertaining to the Pascha which are intact (Daly 1978, 373). These each contain an exegesis of Exodus 12 and an exposition discussing Christ, with a focus on his passion (Daly 1978, 374). Daly considers the exegetical portions to be very rich. He comments on them in ome detail. Much of the material finds ways to allegorize the events of the Pasch so as to associate them with Jesus. This, in turn, easily is related to the events of the Eucharist. Daly thus finds the Pasch, Jesus' sacrifice, the eucharist, and the eating and drinking of the Christian all related to eternal nourishment (Daly 1978, 377).

The Acts of the Martyrs, also from the second century, connect the sacrificial death of martyrs with the eath of Christ (Daly 1978, 378). Daly sees this as connected to the late Jewish view that martyrdom played an atoning role. The martyrologies, further, use the verbs typical of sacrificial offerings, describing the act as θύειν (Daly 1978, 380). Additionally Daly describes a number of elements in accounts of martyrs before saying, "In brief, the view of martyrdom, or of martyrdom as sacrifice, which is presented in these works can be described as a kind of Christ-mysticism" (Daly 1978, 382).

Martyrdom is also sometimes cast in terms of a gladiatorial contest. In this fight, the adversary is the devil (Daly 1978, 383). The martyrdom itself is often seen as an act which the martyr offers to God, though this is expressed by implication and not directly (Daly 1978, 384).

Because God is not limited by space, the martyrs themselves, notably Justin, Carpus, and Appolonius, describe themselves as not offering only a physical sacrifice but also a spiritual sacrifice.They are conscious that the Body of Christ is not limited to physicality but that worship is in spirit and truth (Daly 1978, 386).

Christian Sacrificial Language in the 1st and 2nd Centuries

3/30/2022

3/30/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 3: The Early Christian Literature Before Origen: Chapter One: From the Didache to Hippolytus." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 311-372.

Dally treats the idea of sacrifice in authors arranged chronologically in this chapter. He begins with the Didache, which, following Audet, he places between 70 and 90 (Daly 1978, 311). The eucharistic prayers of chapters 9 and 10, as well as sacrificial statements in chapter 14, certainly make it clear that the theme of sacrifice was known to the author. Didache 14.1 calls for confession of sins so as to celebrate the Eucharsit as a pure offering (Daly 1978, 312). Daly finds this as a parallel to the Old Testament call for purity on the part of the one offering a sacrifice.

Clement of Rome insists that all sacrifices must be made in accord with God's will. All is to be conducted in an orderly manner and to be somehow consistent with the biblical record (Daly 1978, 314). Clement also suggests a spiritualizing view of the sacrifice, doing this by quotations of spiritualizing Psalms at strategic points of his work. Daly notes that Clement makes particular offerings a part of Christian liturgical practice at particular times. In this he is unique among early Christian authors (Daly 1978, 315). Daly does observe that it would be possible for the spiritualizing to erode the culture of institutional sacrifice, but that Clement scrupulously avoids this attitude (Daly 1978, 317).

Ignatius of Antioch, in his view of sacrifice, compares the individual and the community to God's temple and sees the altar as representing the Church (Daly 1978, 318). Christians are the stones of the building purposefully arranged by God. As to the community, Ignatius has a strong sense of the Christians gathered as a unified body, particularly in regard to the leadership of their bishop (Daly 1978, 319). Daly notes that Ignatius makes no specific mention of Christ's sacrifice, concluding that it was an accepted presupposition. However, Ignatius does see his coming death as a sacrifice before God in Christ (Daly 1978, 320).

In Hermas, "fasting is spoken of as a sacrifice" (Daly 1978, 321). The Church is depicted as a tower of which the construction is not complete. This allows God to select and reject the stones (representing people) he wants to build various parts of his tower (Daly 1978, 322).

Polycarp refers to sacrifices several times, using Pauline ideas of Christ as our scrifice. Daly does not consider Polycarp's use of the concept to be particularly innovative (Daly 1978, 322).

Justin Martyr, in hs Apologies and his Dialogue with Trypho, describes a Chrsitian view of sacrifice in some detail (Daly 1978, 323). Justin considered Christian sacrifice to be fundamentally different from Jewish or pagan sacrifice (Daly 1978, 325). He specifically rejects pagan sacrifices, as well as worship of images. At times, Daly notes, the rejection of pagan sacrifice is transferred to Jewish sacrifices because they are performed in a temple made by hands (Daly 1978, 326). He further saw the Old Testament sacrificial system as a concession on the part of God to a people who insisted on taking some sort of hands-on role in worship (Daly 1978, 327).

On the contrarly, Justin understood Christ's sacrificial death to fulfill numerous types included in Old Testament rites (Daly 1978, 328). Surprisingly, in Daly's estimation, Justin considers the sacrifice of the Christian as something to be affirmed and defended. Counter to paganism and Judaism, the Christians doe not make sacrifices in the form of animals or other food and drink, but in prayer and thanks to God (Daly 1978, 331). Especially, Justin treats the Eucharist as the sacrifice which remains in the Christian life (Justin - Dialogue 117). This has replaced the offerings of Israel. It also fucntions to remind the Christian of Jesus' death for his people (Daly 1978, 332). Justin makes other comparisons of offerings to the elements of Jesus' work or the elements used in the Eucharist.

Athenagoras, writing about 177, takes similar views to Justin. His view of Christian sacrifice, presented in his Plea for the Christians ch. 13, observes that God already owns everything and needs nothing (Daly 1978, 338). For this reason Christian sacrifice is of a spiritualized nature.

Daly finds Irenaeus to contain "a wealth of unsystematized references to sacrifice" (Daly 1978, 339). For the most part the ideas are not significant developments in the tradition. Like other authors, Irenaeus is not accepting of pagan sacrifices, classifying them as works of the hands rather than works of God (Daly 1978, 340). He significantly thinks that it is we, not God, who need the sacrificial acts, because we need to do good through making offerings (Daly 1978, 340-341). Consistent with theological orthodoxy, Irenaeus considers Christians to serve as God's temple, in a manner Daly identifies as "in obvious dependence on Paul" (Daly 1978, 345). Specifically, Irenaeus does not picture Christian spirits as the spiritual temple of God, but he depicts them to function bodily as God's temple (Daly 1978, 346). Daly finds little to comment on regarding Irenaeus' view of the sacrifice of Christ. It is thoroughly orthodox and not innovative. Irenaeus does speak more of the sacrifices of the Christian than other early authors do (Daly 1978, 349). He cnsiders the Eucharist to be the primary and proper sacrific of Christians. However, prayer is also considered a sacrifice made by Christians (Daly 1978, 351). Daly does consider Irenaeus to be at least somewhat vague in his discussions of Christian sacrifice. Daly notes that Irenaeus considers the purpose of the incarnation to be preparation for the sacrifice of Christ (Daly 1978, 355). Further, the sacrifice of Jesus is not only an expiation, but also a propitiation. In expiation, the human is placed into a right relatino with God. Propitiation changes the disposition of God rather than simply covering the sin. Daly sees this a a new development in Irenaeus, described in several passages (Daly 1978, 356ff).

Hippolytus, the last author Daly considers in this chapter, differs from Justin in that he operates from an assumption that the Old Testament specifically serves to prefigure the New Testament (Daly 1978, 360). Christ's incarnation is for the express purpose of his sacrificial death. He would not have come for any other purpose (Daly 1978, 361). The sacrificial acts o Christians do not serve the same purpose as the work of Christ. Rather, offerings are made by Christians for the good of others, including those in need (Daly 1978, 363). Hippolytus dos clearly consider the eucharist to be a sacrifice. Daly quotes tests from Apostolic Tradition in which the theme is quite plain (Daly 1978, 36ff). Not only is the eucharist a sacrifice, but it is effective in delivering forgiveness and reconciliation. Hippolytus sees it as accomplishing exactly what it promises (Daly 1978, 369).

Sacrificial Language and the New Testament

3/28/2022

3/28/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter Seven: The New Testament." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 208-307.

Daly considers the New Testament to have relatively little interest in the sacrificial concepts of the Old Testament (Daly 1978, 208). Despite the lack of systematic teaching on sacrifice, however, there are many references to sacrifice.

The infancy narratives, found in Matthew and Luke, use language common in sacrificial contexts. This suggests a connection in the minds of the evangelists (Daly sees it as community development) between Jesus and sacrifice (Daly 1978, 210).

Daly spends a good bit of time discussing the sacrificial idea in the teachings of Jesus (Daly 1978, 210ff). One central concept is the great importance of reconciliation, which is of enough value it should interrupt the making of sacrifice. Forgiveness also is of great importance to Jesus (Daly 1978, 211). Yet in Mark 1:44 and other similar passages Jesus affirms the importance of sacrifice, having people consult with priests in accord with the Law (Daly 1978, 212). Jesus' compliance with Judaism is not unqualified. In Matthew 12 Jesus defends his disciples' violation of the Sabbath. His claim, which Daly considers "startling" is that he is greater than the temple or the Sabbath (Daly 1978, 213).

Daly finds in Jesus' cleansing of the temple an attitude that "the temple was more a place of prayer and preaching than of sacrifice" (Daly 1978, 214). Jesus, in his trial, is accused of saying he would tear down the temple and build it again in three days. He again here indicates that he is greater than the temple. Further, in the parable of the Samaritan the priest and Levite who choose not to help the victim are considered inferior to the Samaritan who shows mercy (Daly 1978, 215).

Daly also finds Jesus' language of the rejection of the Son in Mark 12 and the concept of Jesus as a ransom in Mark 12 to be consistent with the late Judaic idea of the community as the body of sacrifice and atonement (Daly 1978, 216-217).

The accounts of the Last Supper and of the Passion are, by nature, accounts of sacrifice which tie Jesus' death to the Passover (Daly 1978, 219). The Gospels clearly place Jesus' death in conjunction with Passover. The terminology used of the cup in the Last Supper strikes Daly as corresponding to sacrificial blood language, particularly in Exodus 24:4-89. This ties it directly to an atoning sacrifice for forgiveness (Daly 1978, 221). Daly sees it as also tied to the theme in late Judaism as a person or community becoming a suffering servant who atones for sin (Daly 1978, 222-223).

The Book of Acts discusses the concept of sacrifice through the themes of the suffering servant and the temple. Daly finds the suffering servant in Philip's discussion with the Ethiopian eunuch in Acts 8:26-40 (Daly 1978, 226). Here Christ is the fulfillment of Isaiah's suffering servant. The temple in Acts is portrayed in both a positive and negative way. It remains a place of prayer and of healing. Yet it also symbolizes that which has become obsolete in Jesus (Daly 1978, 227).

Daly finds in Paul "a rather full theology of Christian sacrifice" (Daly 1978, 230). In this section Daly also discusses the portions of the New Testament he considers contested, as well as James and 1 Peter. Paul's language of κοινωνία is reminiscent of the Old Testament priests sharing in the offerings made. His teaching of Christian leaders being provided for is also easily associated with an Old Testament view of the priesthood (Daly 1978, 231).

In Daly's estimation, Paul considers Christians collectively to function as a new version of the temple (Daly 1978, 233). This is akin to the late Jewish idea of the community as the spiritual unit of sacrifice and forgiveness. Secondly, Daly finds in Paul the concept of Christ as the particular sacrifice (Daly 1978, 236). He is presented in numerous texts not only as a sacrifice but specifically as a sin offering. Daly provides a brief exegesis of numerous passages in which Jesus is cast as an atoning sacrifice for our sins. Finally, Daly sees in Paul examples of the death of faithful Christians being compared to the death of Jesus. The Christians who die are, in some way, seen as serving as a sacrifice for sin alongside Jesus (Daly 1978, 240). Daly finds a vivid association between the Christian life and laying down one's life for Jesus. He comments in some detail, though inconclusively, on the start of Romrnas 12 (Daly 1978, 243ff). The life of self-sacrifice becomes a pleasing offering to God, enabling the Christian to live a holy life before the Lord. Daly finds similar concepts in Romans 15:15ff (Daly 1978, 246), as well as in 2 Corinthians 2:14-17 (Daly 1978, 249).

Departing from Paul, Daly considers 1 Peter 2:1-10 as "the most comprehensive of all NT texts on the theology of sacrifice, for it contains important direct witness to . . . the idea of the Christian community as the new temple and the sacrificial nature of Christian life" (Daly 1978, 250). The sacrificial nature of Christ's death is Peter's underlying presupposition. The text goes on to indicate that the Christian gives himself over to God as a living sacrifice, similarly to the concept in Romans 12:1 (Daly 1978, 253).

Daly has previously mentioned the Qumran community's view that the community as a whole functions as the temple for purposes of sacrifice. Here he continues the thought by articulating an eraly Christian view of the gathered church serving to replace the work of the temple (Daly 1978, 256ff). This thought is most clear in Paul, in Hebrews, and in John. Daly analyzes this theme in a number of passages in turn. Particularly in Hebrews, Daly finds the tempe as replaced by Christ and his sacrifice (Daly 1978, 264). The entire old covenant has been replaced by Christ. He functions not only as the sacrifice but also as the high priest, who makes offering for his people (Daly 1978, 268). Daly describes the work of a high priest and how his work is similar to that of Jesus in some detail.

In Hebrews, not only is Christ the sacrifice, but in some ways Daly finds the Christian, laying down his life for Christ, to be envisioned as a sacrifice (Daly 1978, 273). Jesus remains the high priest, placed over a priesthood which extends to all Christians, who serve as a spiritual sacrifice. Daly unpacks these ideas in turn (Daly 1978, 274ff). Daly concludes that Hebrews is in firm agreement with Paul about sacrifice (Daly 1978, 285).

Daly continues by evaluating sacrificial language in John's Gospel and in 1 John (Daly 1978, 286ff). From the outset, John's Gospel describes Jesus as the temple dwelling with us. This theme recurs many times. Daly also finds an element of the inner, spiritual life as of high importance. This is a feature he has already discussed as important in Qumran and in other parts of the New Testament (Daly 1978, 289). At the same time, John describes the actual atonement for cleansing as performed by Jesus' blood. The Christian's inner life does not accomplish atonement, but does appropriate it (Daly 1978, 293).

Daly finally observes that in Revelation the same sort of themes can be found - Chrsit the new temple and sacrifice is especially prominent (Daly 1978, 295). The image of God on his throne is central to the visions. The goal of the Christian is to be with God, before his throne (Daly 1978, 297). On the throne, Jesus is described as the lamb, shedding his blood to make atonement for his people. Daly sees this as clearly sacrificial language (Daly 1978, 298). In the presence of God there is also an altar. Daly does not consider this to be an altar of sacrifice. Rather, it is more like the altar of incense, where prayers ascent (Daly 1978, 302). In this place, the redeemed serve as a priesthood before God. Everyone present at God's throne is considered a priest and is engaged in the priestly role of making prayers and worship before God (Daly 1978, 304).

The Passover and Sacrifice

3/25/2022

3/25/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter Six: The Pasch." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 196-207.

Daly notes that the Pasch is not only considered the greatest of the Jewish feasts but that Origen in particular considered the identification of Jesus as our Pasch (1 Cor. 5:7) as an essential motif in Christian thought (Daly 1978, 196).

The sacrificial elements of the Pasch are undeniable. However, among the sacrifices, the Pasch was unique due to the sacred meal which accompanied the sacrifice (Daly 1978, 197). Daly identifies three different stages in the concept of the Pasch: first an Egyptian deliverance from Exodus 12, then a feast from Deuteronlmy 16 centered around temple observance, then a Jewish compromise of the former two, practiced at the time of Jesus (Daly 1978, 198).

Daly finds in the Pasch as celebrated at the time of Jesus and re-cast in the New Testament as the Last Suipper, three important time elements. As a remembrance of the past, it commemorates the Exodus (Daly 1978, 199). Those eating become participants in God's rescue of His people from Egypt. In the sacrificial aspect of the meal, Israelites confessed that God was present with them and for them, thus creating a present dimension of the celebrations (Daly 1978, 201). The future element is also present as the partakers look forward to their final salvation, an event which they gradually came to associate with a future Passover meal (Daly 1978, 202).

The lamb of the Pasch was to be without blemish. Daly observes that in Exodus 12 and 2 Chronicles 35 a kid goat was equally acceptable and that Deuteronomy 16 includes cattle (Daly 1978, 203). However, the lamb became the commonly used animal.

The lamb became associated with Christ due to the Old Testament idea of redemption of the first born through a sacrifice. Jesus as the "first born" was thus readily associated with the lamb. Though the idea of a substitutionary atonement or a penal sacrifice may not have been present in the time of the Exodus, it was certainly present by the time of Jesus (Daly 1978, 205). The New Testament descriptions of Jesus as the Passover lamb were easily derived from the Paschal observances of the time (Daly 1978, 206).

Circumcision and Sacrifice

3/24/2022

3/24/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter Five: Circumcision." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 187-195.

In Daly's opinion, circumcision was taken over by Israel from a primitive rite in Canaan, a ceremony of which we do not know the significance (Daly 1978, 187). He speculates that it may have had some relationship to marital intercourse but was later applied to babies and possibly took on a relationship to sacrifice, though it was more commonly understood as a rite of initiation (Daly 1978, 188).

The narrative of Moses' circumcision, from Exodus 4;24-26, a challenging passage which refers to Moses as "a bridegoom of blood," is expanded upon slightly in the Septuagint and the targums, saying that the circumcision's blood is the essential element (Daly 1978, 189). This suggests that Moses' recovery is due to blood shed as a substitute for his death.

The blood of circumcision is also sometimes associated with the Passover, as the people who had not been circumcised in the wilderness received the sign just before celebrating Passover in Canaan (Daly 1978, 191). The various midrashim discuss this connection and consider the relationship to hold together through the concept of blood making atonement. Ezekiel 16:6, referring to "two bloods" is also traditionally taken to refer to the blood of circumcision (Daly 1978, 192).

Though circumcision was primarily seen as the sign of entrance into God's covenant, the idea of sacrificial blood was not absent (Daly 1978, 193). However, Daly observes that in the New Testament, Paul does away with the blood significance of circumcision and uses it rather as the cultural attribute of Judaism (Daly 1978, 194). This was a radical departure from Israelite thought.

Abraham, Isaac, and Sacrifice in the New Testament

3/23/2022

3/23/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter Four: The Sacrifice of Isaac." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 175-186.

The incident from Genesis 22 speaking of the near sacrifice of Isaac was considered very important both in late Judaism and early Christianity. Daly observes its importance in terms of "(1) the rejection of human sacrifice; (2) the identification of Mt. Moriah with the site of the Jerusalem temple; (3) Abraham's faith obedience relationship with God" (Daly 1978, 175).

Daly considers the narrative to have originally been related to a sanctuary for human sacrifice, then to have been adapted by a redactor (the Elohist) for insertion into the Genesis narrative (Daly 1978, 175). Regardless of the etiology, the passage does establish Mount Moriah as a site of sacrifice, which is later associated with Jerusalem as the place of sacrifice. It also establishes the faith of Abraham in God (Daly 1978, 176).

Daly finds the passage discussed in the Targums, where there ae expansions for homiletical purposes. The passage about Isaac is connected with Passover, describing Isaac as mature, consenting to the offering, and being really presented to God before receiving a vision in conjunction with God's rescue (Daly 1978, 177).

Jubilees (late 2nd century B.C.) treats the event as a foreshadowing of Passover, having happened on Mount Zion on 15 Nisan (Daly 1978, 178). Philo's treatment of the event emphasizes the unity of Abraham and Isaac and God's acceptance of the offering based on Abraham's obedience. IV Maccabees sees the sacrifice of Abraham and Isaac "as models for the Jewish martyrs" (Daly 1978, 179). Jophus describes it in similar terms, and, in Daly's opinion, in the terms which were generally adopted into Christian thought. By the time of the New Testament the common Jewish thought made the offering of Isaac into an event which made all other sacrifices effectual (Daly 1978, 180).

The New Testament makes little reference to the offering of Isaac. here are only a few other references, as well as a number of possible allusions. Daly considers Hebrews 11:17-20 to be a significant and direct passage (Daly 1978, 181), along with James 2:21 and Romans 8:32. In these passages Abraham's offering of Isaac is considered in terms of God's giving of his only son (Daly 1978, 182). Daly further considers the statements of Christ as the "only son" to normally allude to the offering of Isaac.

Sacrificial Language in Qumran

3/21/2022

3/21/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter Three: Qumran." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 157-174.

In the Qumran scrolls, Daly finds consistent symbolism of the community as the embodiment of the temple (Daly 1978, 157). Sacrifice then is the life of the community at prayer. The similarity of this view to the New Testament view of the gathered Church asan embodiment of God's presence strikes Daly as significant, suggesting that the Qumran culture influenced early Christianity in this regard (Daly 1978, 158).

The Qumran documents show a spiritualization of sacrificial concepts (Daly 1978, 160). Though this was not an innovation of the Qumran community, it was common in the Qumran literature to understand the inner life of the community as central to sacrifice.

Daly proceeds to evaluate a number of texts in order. 1QS, The Manual of Discipline, shows a high degree of spiritualization as regards sacrifice (Daly 1978, 161). Daly reviews a number of instances in the text, indicating that atonement comes not through the sacrifice itself but through the attitude of the one making an offering, including offerings such as prayer or receiving teaching. Daly briefly notes the same conception in 4Qflor, the Florilegium, as well as in CD, the Damascus Document (Daly 1978, 169). Counter to these examples, Daly notes 1QM, "the War Scroll, where sacrifice is considered entirely realistic" (Daly 1978, 170).

The Qumran texts contain a pervasive "idea of heavenly liturgy and the theme of union with the angels" (Daly 1978, 171). Again, Daly considers this to have influenced Christian thought. He provides a number of passages in which the members of the community are required to be holy due to their standing in the presence of angels.

In sum, Daly finds in Qumran a spiritualized view of offering and atonement in which the worship of the community celebrated a heavenly liturgy and served as the atoning sacrifice (Daly 1978, 174).

Sacrificial Language between the Testaments

3/18/2022

3/18/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter Two: The Pseudepigraphical (Intertestamental) Literature." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 145-156.

Daly, recognizing that the sudepigraphical literature is an extensive collection, evaluates its ideas of sacrifice using a relatively small sampling of six works.

In the Story of Ahikar, dating from the 5th century B.C. or earlier, sacrifice is tied firmly to intercessory prayer (Daly 1978, 145). Sacrifice is performed in order to obtain requests from God.

The Book of Jubilees, from the late 2nd century B.C., recounts the events of Genesis but adds detailed information and instances of sacrificial rituals (Daly 1978, 146). The author(s) made numerous applications of sacrificial practices, possibly reading back into the patriarchal accounts the significance assigned in their own time.

The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, also probably from the late 2nd century B.C., but with many later interpolations, takes an interest in angelic presence, in sacrifice as a spiritual event, and in the priestly role in forgiveness and in prescribing right actions, especially as regards offerings (Daly 1978, 147).

The Fourth Book of Maccabees, from the middle of the first century B.C., shows a combination of Alexandrian and Stoic ideas, as well as a vivid Jewish faith. Sacrifice, including martyrdom, does function as vicarious atonement. At the same time, it is grasped by reason, not passion (Daly 1978, 149).

The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, probably of the first century B.C., but edited by an Alexandrian in the early first century A.D. (Daly 1978, 150), speaks of sacrifice as a means God uses to test his people's faith. The right preparation of the one making the sacrifice is of paramount importance (Daly 1978, 151).

Daly dates the Letter of Aristeas about a hundred years later than the early 3rd century B.C. time it purports to come from, in conjunction with the creation of the Septuagint (Daly 1978, 152). The reasons for its writing is unclear. Sacrifice represents the inner attitudes of the one making the offering. In this work also the distinctions among different types of offering are broken down (Daly 1978, 153).

Daly also considers the Sibylline Oracles nooks three and four to be of valuen. Book three, from the second century B.C., probably in Egypt (Daly 1978, 154) looks for a holy nation making offerings with great honor and piety. Book four, probably from about 80 A.D., describes the temple sacrificial system as an abomination, rightly replaced by worship separated from the things made by hands (Daly 1978, 155).

The Septuagint Translations of Hebrew Sacrificial Language

3/17/2022

3/17/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 2: From the Old Testament to the New. Chapter One: The Septuagint." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 139-144.

The Septuagint is important in the early Christian understanding of sacrifice not because of any introduction of new material, but because of its work to articulate the Old Testament ideas in Greek, thus establishing a vocabulary framework for later developments (Daly 1978, 139).

Daly observes that the Septuagint may well have drawn from some oral or other cultural sources at the points where it diverges from the Masoretic Text. This idea of a "lviing" interpretation of the text is consistent with much rabbinical interpretation (Daly 1978, 140). However, whatever the means of developing the text, there is relatively little explanation of the meaning of the sacrifices, apart from the translation of Leviticus 17:11, discussed in the previous chapter.

The language of the New Testament was heavily influenced by the translation decisions made in the Septuagint (Daly 1978, 141). It provided a ready-made technical standard to discuss and interpret Jewish tradition and thought. Daly notes a trend in vocabulary. "The LXX [also] invented numerous neologisms, but they are so similar to already existing Greek terms that they cannot have been invented in order to make a clear distinction between the Hebrew and the Greek terms. The neologisms seem rather to be making a conscious use of pagan terminology in order to make the Scriptures understandable to all; and at the same time they introduce a slight difference, apparently in order to call attention to the distinction between pagan and Jewish" (concepts) (Daly 1978, 142). (S. Daniel Recherches sur le Vocabulaire du culte dans le Septante 363-366). These coinages are similar to existing Greek words and also normally have a resemblance to the Hebrew text.

Daly concludes this brief chapter with Septuagint translations of some common Hebrew terms (Daly 1978, 143-144).

Sacrificial Blood and the Laying on of Hands

3/16/2022

3/16/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 1: Sacrifice in the Old Testament. Chapter Three: Sacrificial Blood and Atonement." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 87-136.

By the start of the Christian era, Daly observes that blood was closely associated with sacrifice, though the fire was also prominent (Daly 1978, 87). The functions of blood to give life, to express catharsis, and to signify cleansing in a sacramental manner were all readily recognized (Daly 1978, 87).

Daly describes the blood and atonement rituals from a variety of passages which discuss sacrifice (Daly 1978, 89ff). Among these, the rite regarding the Passover receives a relatively extensive treatment. The ritual regarding the blood at this event was of such importance that by the early Christian period the blood of atonement was considered central to Passover (Daly 1978, 94). Sacrifice and atonement were strongly associated. At the same time, Daly illustrates, within rabbinic culture, by the time of the temple's destruction in 70 A.D., the community had effectively replaced the temple and sacrifice as the means of atonement (Daly 1978, 95). Fasting, aswell as communal actions of humility were understood to atone for sins, particularly in the Diaspora (Daly 1978, 96). Daly considers this idea to be rooted in two concepts which interacted with one another. Sin was seen to bear a communal aspect, in which the community would share in the uilt of individual sins. This concept was coupled with that of a strongly material idea of atonement in which physical actions completed the act of forgiveness (Daly 1978, 99). The idea of a more abstract individual spirituality never caught on.

The laying on of hands at a time of sacrifice, as well as in the scape goat ritual, is an important symbolic action. In some way it associates the person making the offering with the victim. However, Daly is unsure what agreement can be made on the nature of the specific association (Daly 1978, 101). Yet laying on of hands retained a prominent place in Judaic and early Chrsitian rituals.

Application of the sacrificial blood was a prominent part of the sacrifice. In Ezekiel 43, the altar is purified by putting blood on it (Daly 1978, 109). This cleansing is also featured in other descriptions of preparation for services of atonement.

Leviticus 17:11 makes an important connection between blood and life, as it prohibits consumption of blood. This concept, in Daly's estimation, makes sense of much of the Old Testament understanding of sacrifice (Daly 1978, 113). Daly therefore discusses this passage, along with Genesis 9:4 and Deuteronomy 12:23, which also speak against consumption of blood. Critical to the understanding is that since God is the God of life, he can direct how the blood which is associated with life may be used (Daly 1978, 115). After several pages of exegesis of verse 11, Dalty concludes that the sacrificial blood makes atonement because it contains the power of life. He then considers the importance of the concept of substitution in the Old Testament (Daly 1978, 120).

While Daly affirms substitution to be a central Old Testament idea, he considers penal substitution to have been refuted (Daly 1978, 121). His argument is based on the relative lack of interest in the suffering of a sacrificial lamb. Although atonement was made through the lamb's death, the pain of the lamb was not considered important. Daly sees the concept of vicarious suffering of one person for another or for a group to arise in Hebrew thought relatively late, possibly not until the Christian period (Daly 1978, 123). Isaiah 52-53 is considered an outlier and a cryptic text. The concept of martyrdom, which is adjacent to that of penal substitution, arises relatively late in Judaism as well, possibly around the second century B.C. (Daly 1978, 124). However, the idea of a martyr atoning for someone else's sins remained foreign.

Daly finally turns his attention to the Septuagint's translation of Leviticus 17:11, which he suggested early to be possibly misleading (Daly 1978, 127). The heart ofthe problem, as Daly sees it, is the use of the word ψυχή. Where the Hebrew term indicates "life" the Greek rendering is associated with the soul (Daly 1978, 128). In addition, the phrasing ἀντὶ τῆς ψυχῆς makes a strong suggestion of vicarious atonement, which Daly considers to be an unnecessary interpretation of the Hebrew text. Though it may be acceptable, he considers it to point in an interpretive direction not required by the Hebrew (Daly 1978, 131). The line of interpretation was adopted in subsequent translations and interpretations, which led to an assumption that Leviticus 17:11 was necessarily speakingof a vicarious, penal substitution (Daly 1978, 133).

In conclusion, Daly takes blood sacrifice and atonement to be central to Old Testament thought, but not necessarily in the form of a vicarious, penal substitution.

The Burnt Offering and Acceptable Sacrifice

3/14/2022

3/14/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 1: Sacrifice in the Old Testament. Chapter Two: The Burnt Offering." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 33-86.

The burnt offering, which Daly identifies specifically as an offering of an animal which is entirely burned up on the altar, is the most important of the Old Testament offerings (Daly 1978, 33). Many of the sacrificial themes of early Christianity can be traced to the burnt offering.

As he did in chapter one, here Daly describes the various words used for burnt offerings in some detail (Daly 1978, 34ff). Daly takes the practice of burning a whole animal to belong specifically to the Canaanites, not to a nomadic or Mesopotamial origin (Daly 1978, 37). It was taken on by Israel at a slightly later time than the origin of practice in Cannan.

The function of the burnt offering is a matter of some speculation, as Daly notes (Daly 1978, 41). In the sacrificial codes we are told how to make the offering, but not what it should accomplish. Daly is able to identify a number of themes which emerge from an inspection of the passages discussing burnt offerings. They largely center around three themes, "sacrifice (1) as a gift to the divinity, or (2) as a means or expression of communion with God, or (3) as a means of propitiation of expiation" (Daly 1978, 42). Daly illustrates this through examination of a variety of passages.

Because of the importance of the sacrifice, the altar and, in particular, the fire maintained on the altar, was a matter of great significance. Daly notes the care with which fire on the altar is described (Daly 1978, 50). He proceeds to describe a number of related Old Testament passages.

Sacred fire had a long history in Israelite practice, being related to various annual or occasional observances as well as the daily offerings (Daly 1978, 54). Daly ties the concept repeatedly to primitive forms of sun-worship, indicating a gradual development of religious belief from a naturalistic view to a form of monotheism which adopts much of the culture of sacrifice we find in the Old Testament. He then discusses, in some detail, religious significance of sacred fire, seeing it as a means by which earth and heaven would be linked so as to give gifts to God. The fire "was seen as the symbol or even the mode of God's presence" (Daly 1978, 62).

The rites of incense provide another facet of the emphsis on fire and the presence of God. Daly considers these rites both as a form of sacrifice and in relation to other religions' practices (Daly 1978, 64ff). Oferings of incense were common not only in Israel but also in the surrounding nations. Daly suggests it may have been cosndiered a specially effective kind of offering (Daly 1978, 66). The smoke of the incense was commonly compared to the prayers sent up to God. "The time for offering incense in the temple was also a time of most solmen prayer and psalm singing" (Daly 1978, 68).

With any sacrifice, it is critical that it be accepted by God. All offerings were to be made according to specific instructions (Daly 1978, 70). Daly discusses the terminology of acceptable and unacceptable offerings in some detail.

Of some considerable importance is a cultural view of acceptance of a gift or offering. Daly notes, "Accepting a gift or tribute from someone means that the receiver acknowledges himself to be bound in some way or other by ties of favor to the donor" (Daly 1978, 78). The opposite would apply as well. For this reason, making an acceptable offering to God could be seen as a means of obtaining his favor. In Daly's understanding, the view of acceptance or rejection of sacrifices underlies much of the Old Testament teaching of the need for sacrifices (Daly 1978, 80). The critical issue in acceptance, asside from the specified forms of offering, was to be the repentant attitude of the one making the offering. This was acceptable to God (Daly 1978, 84).

Old Testament Texts Show Sacrifice as a Central Concept

3/11/2022

3/11/22
Scholarly Reflections

Daly, Robert J. "Part 1: Sacrifice in the Old Testament. Chapter One: The Texts." Christian Sacrifice: The Judaeo-Christian Background Before Origen. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1978, 11-32.

Daly begins his survey of the concept of sacrifice by reviewing the text information from the Old Testament which he considers essential to building his case. He freely admits that much of the work in this chapter is closely related to Rolf Rendtorff's 1967 book, Studien zur Geschichte des Opfers im Alten Testament (WMANT Neukirchen-Vluyn). "This chapter is little more than a summary of Rendtorff's work, taken up and rearranged a bit in order to suit our own purposes" (Daly 1978, 11-12).

Daly asserts a typical higher critical point of view regarding Old Testament redaction. Since he assumes a priestly layer of redaction as some of the last revisions, he assumes the concept of sacrifice to be heavily influenced by a priestly perspective (Daly 1978, 12). Having said this, Daly proceeds to describe the rich vocabulary used for sacrifice in the Old Testament. His description is fairly technical, requiring knowledge of both Hebrew and Greek. Daly then provides an annotated catalog of the sacrificial texts which he considers priestly in nature (Daly 1978, 14ff), describing the content in brief. He concludes that the various sacrifices bear different levels of frequency and importance (Daly 1978, 20).

Outside the texts Daly would identify as priestly, he finds texts on sacrifice to be relatively scattered and to speak of sacrifices rather incidentally. He does proceed to catalog these texts as well (Daly 1978, 21ff). In his summary, Daly observes considerable difference in the usage of various words denoting sacrifice (Daly 1978, 32). The distinctions among the various terms and the nuances of their usage pose an ongoing challenge to scholars.