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Allegory Takes Hold

3/16/2023

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3/16/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Eleven: The Early Middle Ages." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 161-197.

After the fourth century, Mazza finds a gradual move away from understanding the eucharist in terms of typology. Interpretation rather moved toward either "the figural method…(or) the method of sacramental realism" (Mazza 1999, 161). The figural method arose after typology had changed into allegory. The figure of the allegory was understood as the important element in eucharistic understanding. The method of sacramental realism, as we saw in chapter ten, allowed for a typological understanding, but one which may have been considered less important than the emphasis on the real belief in what the sacrament contained (Mazza 1999, 162). This interpretation grew into a philosophy per se. 

Mazza considers Amalarius of Metz (ca. 770/75-850/53) as the fundamental pioneer in medieval eucharistic theology related to the sacrifice of Christ, specifically in allegorical terms (Mazza 1999, 162ff). His work seeks out the origin and the nature of individual rites and their relationships to salvation (Mazza 1999, 163). His commentaries take an allegorical approach throughout. For instance, because "the Mass is the celebration of the passion of Christ, each of the rites making up the Eucharist must represent a stage in that passion" (Mazza 1999, 164). Mazza describes the steps of this process in some detail, as the method of interpretation is less commonly used today. 

Amalarius approaches his understanding of the rites of the church through the context of allegory, allowing various elements of his allegorical interpretation to represent different things at different times. In all, he is concerned with the allegory, not with arguments for or descriptions of sacramentality (Mazza 1999, 169). Amalarius was eventually condemned as a heretic, with charges of "having destroyed the unity of the body of Christ" based on comments made pertaining to the fraction of the bread (Mazza 1999, 171). Mazza considers there to have been political motivations behind the prosecution as well.

After the time of Amalarius, Mazza notes that a number of commentaries on the mass were produced prior to the close of the 13th century (Mazza 1999, 173). Mazza reviews a number of these; particularly works of the 12th century. Much of the work is influenced by Amalarius, whether by spurring agreement or inciting rejection of his allegorical principles.

While the discussion around the eucharist was largely focused on allegorical interpretations, Mazza notes that the eucharistic realism, discussed in the context of the fourth century, was not developed in any of the extant treatises (Mazza 1999, 182). While there was a clear concept of realism (Christ's body becomes bread), it was not questioned. Rather, Mazza finds the realism to serve as one of the normal theological presuppositions. The tenets do show up in some theological treatises (as opposed to commentaries on the liturgy). Mazza reviews in particular the work of Paschasius Radbert (fl. ca. 830), who takes the bread to change in a physical way into the body of Christ; and his colleague Ratramnus, who takes the change to be figural and non-physical in nature (Mazza 1999, 186). From this foundation, theological investigations moved along with the task of describing specifically what happens during the eucharistic ritual (Mazza 1999, 187ff). At issue is what results in creating union with Christ, and in how that union with Christ is described. There is a difficulty especially involving a distinction between physical and spiritual eating and drinking (Mazza 1999, 189). In the eleventh century this issue came to a head with the work of Berengarius, who was hesitant to acknowledge the presence of the body and blood of Chrsit in a "sensible" manner as opposed to being present "sacramentally" (Mazza 1999, 190). Berengarius was considered heretical because he may have been interpreted as rejecting a bodily presence of Christ. Mazza finds that Berengarius can not be proven to hold to the heretical views ascribed to him.

The Middle Ages also saw developments in terms of eucharistic devotion, in which Christians would particularly emphasize their commitment to particular elements of the eucharistic rite (Mazza 1999, 192). While Mazza finds eucharistic devotion as early as the patristic period, at that time the devotion was focused on a Christological view of the divinity of Jesus. In the Middle Ages, he finds it more governed by Christ's humanity and our emotive responses (Mazza 1999, 192). Among the elements of this new devotion were moves to kiss the wounds on a crucifix (Mazza 1999, 194), and to catch a glimpse of the body and blood of Christ in the elevation (Mazza 1999, 196). Dramatization of the events around Christ's ministry were part of the natural outcome of this fervor.

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Physical And Spiritual Reality

3/15/2023

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3/15/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Ten: The Fourth Century." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 139-159.

Mazza finds that, based on the typological concept of the Eucharist based on the Last Supper, by the fourth century there was a strong concept of "sacramental realism" (Mazza 1999, 139). This is especially visible in the various anaphoras we have from the period. Mazza provides the Anaphora of Serapion, in which the bread is called a ὁμοιώμα of the body of Christ, and the cup of the blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 140). The institution serves to explain the sacramental presence of Christ. The Syriac anaphora of Addai and Mari, found in a sixth century manuscript, uses a translation of the same word into Syriac. Apostolic Tradition chapter 21 uses similar language, in Latin (Mazza 1999, 141). The bread and wine are seen as an antitype of the body and blood of Jesus.

We have a fourth century redaction of the Roman Canon done by Ambrose of Milan, presented in De scaramentis (Mazza 1999, 141). There, the bread and wine are not changed, but are already a figura of the body and blood of Chrsit (Mazza 1999, 142). Only after the language of typology fell out of the anaphora is there a prayer that the bread and wine would become body and blood.

The Byzantine Anaphora of Basil prays over the bread and wine, recognizing them as types of the body and blood of Christ (Mazza 1999, 143). Again, there is no hint of a prayer that they would be transformed, but a prayer that they would be recognized as the types which they already are.

While Mazza recognizes liturgical documents such as those mentioned above as the definitive sources of information due to the conservative nature of liturgy, he also finds evidence in nonliturgical sources. Eusebius of Caesarea considers the eucharist as an αἴκων or an archetype (Mazza 1999, 145). What is significant to Mazza is that in Eusebius' conception, as a Platonist, the image of an archetype is not purely physical in nature. Form must be coupled with substance. While there was, in Eusebius' time, a painting in Caesarea which was considered an accurate likeness of Christ, the true image of Christ was not there but rather in the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 146). As the Medieval period ensued, the concept of Eusebius eroded, allowing many to accept pictoral representations as images of the truth of Christ.

The second half of the fourth century saw the rise of mystagogical catechesis, which saw the saving event displayed in the sacrament, and passed that theology on to disciples (Mazza 1999, 147). Mazza adduces Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine of Hippo as the luminaries in this movement. Mazza surveys the five theologians in turn. Cyril, Chrysostom, and Theodore all tend to make arguments for a realism which is not dependent on typology, a departure from earlier authors (Mazza 1999, 148-150). All show that they are able to make a typological argument, but all show that they are willing to make non-typological ones as well. This is also the case in Ambrose, whom Mazza discusses in more detail (Mazza 1999, 151ff). Ambrose first makes his typological arguments, then moves on to those of sacramental realism (Mazza 1999, 151). He approaches it in two ways. In one, he treats salvation as a mystery, which he ties to the concept of a sacrament through a physical likeness (Mazza 1999, 152). Alternatively, at times, Ambrose effectively leaves the typology behind and allows room for teaching of a change of elements from wine to blood and bread to body (Mazza 1999, 153). This step opens the door for debate about exactly when the bread and wine become body and blood.

In contrast to the other four authors discussed above, Augustine's goal is more similar to that of an exegetical theologian. He is not primarily concerned with mystagogical instruction, and draws his material from texts which are directly related to the Eucharist (Mazza 1999, 155). He associates the body of Christ in the eucharist with the Church as the body of Christ. The parallel is not universal, but only applies "in a certain way" (Mazza 1999, 156) The association is something grasped by knowledge of the intellect rather than any knowledge of the senses. Augustine speaks of the need to understand spiritually (Mazza 1999, 157). 

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Real Presence Understood Typologically

3/14/2023

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3/14/23
Scholarly Reflections

Mazza, Enrico. "Chapter Nine: Tertullian and Cyprian." The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press/Pueblo, 1999, 117-137.

Tertullian (155-ca. 220) leaves us with a typological interpretation of the eucharist. The body and blood of Christ are present, and they serve to nourish the soul (Mazza 1999, 117). He views the bread and cup as the actual body and blood of Christ, not as figures. For this reason, the elements are treated with the respect we would give Jesus in person (Mazza 1999, 118). Tertullian's argument was against Marcion, who held that Jesus' body was only a body in appearance. Tertullian held to a real incarnation of Christ and his actual bodily presence in the eucharist. The reality of the elements is representative of the reality of the body and blood of Jesus (Mazza 1999, 120). Tertullian's use of the word "represent" is not to be taken symbolically, but, in Mazza's understanding, as a sign of literal presence (Mazza 1999, 121). Tertullian likewise took the Lord's Prayer reference to "daily bread" to be a reference to Chrsit as the bread of life, received in the eucharist (Mazza 1999, 123).

Cyprian of Carthage (ca. 200/210-258) knew Tertullian's works and respected him greatly. All that Cyprian wrote about the Eucharist is in Letter 63 (Mazza 1999, 125), written about 253. Not only does Cyprian make it clear that the eucharist is definitively derived from the Last Supper, but he makes it clear that the proper approach to the liturgy is seen in relation to the events of the Last Supper (Mazza 1999, 125). 

While Tertullian was accepting of a layman presiding over the eucharist, Cyprian sees the celebrant as fulfilling the priestly role of Christ, so assigns the role to a priest or bishop (Mazza 1999, 126). The priest has the place of Christ in the sacrament. It is of critical importance to Cyprian that the priest should do precisely what Jesus did. A specific controversy of his time was use of a cup of water, rather than wine mixed with water. This was unacceptable to Cyprian as Jesus used wine (Mazza 1999, 127). The eucharistic prayer, patterned on Jesus' prayers in the Supper and on the night of his arrest, is the standard, and is to be prayed in a heartfelt manner (Mazza 1999, 129). Cyprian relates the Last Supper with the passion, Jesus' broken body and spilled blood. It is, then, a sacrifice foreshadowed in the Old Testament and completed in Christ (Mazza 1999, 130). For this reason, Cyprian considers the eucharist also to be a sacrificial meal. It is a re-enactment of the passion of the Lord (Mazza 1999, 131). The cup must contain wine since Jesus used wine. His reference to his blood serves as the reference to his passion. Cyprian insists on this reference being plain (Mazza 1999, 132).

Mazza concludes that Cyprian took the eucharist to include the real body and blood of Christ and to serve as part of the typology of Christ's passion. Mazza distinguishes a typological interpretation from allegory. Typology is focused on realism, rather than symbolism (Mazza 1999, 134). 

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    Twelftree 1984
    Two Ways
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    Van Der Merwe 2017
    Van Der Merwe 2019
    Van Der Watt 2008
    Van De Sandt 2002
    Van De Sandt 2007
    Van-de-sandt-2010
    Van-de-sandt-2011
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    Van Deventer 2021
    Varner 2005
    Vatican II
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    Veith-1993
    Veith-sutton-2017
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    Visitation
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    Voobus 1969
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    Wednesday In Holy Week
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    Wenham 1992
    Weston-2009
    Wilson2011
    Wilson-2011
    Wilson20113470b5cf10
    Wolmarans 2005
    Wright 1984
    Young 2011
    Ysebaert-2002
    Zechariah
    Zephaniah

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