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A Church Order with Jewish Roots?

9/9/2021

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9/9/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 9: The Didache Community and its Jewish Roots (Did 11-15)." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 330-364.

Didache chapters 11-15 are very like a church order, discussing disciplinary practices and other matters pertaining to living in an ordered community (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 330). Van de Sandt and Flusser discuss this passage's literary composition, then its view of apostles, prophets and teachers, then the Jewish roots of the ideas (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 331).

The relatively scattered organization of materials in Didache 11-15 suggest that this protion of the Didache is not the responsibility of a single author (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 331). Van de Sandt and Flusser discuss the views of Niederwimmer, Patterson, and Draper, who have traced redactional layers based on the clusters of ideas in Did. 11-15 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 331-334). Van de Sandt and Flusser do find "a coherent legal style and a logically consistent line of thought" in chapters 11-13 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 334). Of interest to my research, van de Sandt and Flusser discuss a ontrast in views of composition. J.P. Audet sees the text as originally written by an apostle, then later undergoing readaction. Rordorf and Tuilier consider that particularly chaptesr 11-15 are the product of a community in which the role of different leadres has already changed from any apostolic model (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 336). Van de Sandt and Flusser observe that much of the material in Didache 11-15 has parallels, not only in content, but also in organization, within the canonical letters of Paul (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 339).

Didache 11-13 takes a particular interest in apostles and prophets, who were apparently itinderant in their work (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 340). Teachers, possibly a different group than apostles and prophets, also are discussed in Didache 11-13 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 342). Teachers seem to be part of the community, while apostles and prophets come from other places. Though apostles are to be received, their time in the community is to be brief and their teaching is to be evaluated very closely (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 343). Prophets, hwo would speak "in the spirit," were accorded a good deal of authority (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 344). Their speech was largely to be accepted, counter to the teaching of Paul, who urged testing prophecies. In the Didache, prophets could be tested by the character of their lifestyle (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 345).

The itinerant nature of aposltes and prophets in the Didache can be contrasted with the acocunts of Paul and Luke. However, it seems fairly consistent with the pattern in Matthew 10 and Matthew 7, where people are sent out on itinerant missions (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 347). Van de Sandt and Flusser find other accounts of itinerant preachers, inclduign those fo a dishonest nature, in early documents. This was particularly prevalent in the rural parts of Syria (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 350).

Van de Sandt and Flusser move on to analyze Jewish roots of Didache 11-15. Chapters 14-15 and the emphasis on the Lord's Day could suggest a contrast with those early Christian communities which still recognized the Sabbath rather than the Lord's Day (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 351). Likewise, the references to the bishop, or overseer, is a prallel not only to Greek culture, but also to the Jewish synagogue ruler. References to what you "have in the gospel" may be speaking of a canonical work or some other document. This also may point toward the community rule of Qumran (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 352).  The identities of apostles, prophets, and teachers were common in Jewish thought. They were not only recongized groups, but typically worked in an itinerant manner (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 353). Roles of these apostles, prophets, and teachers can also be seen as consistent with their description in the Didache. Van de Sandt and Flusser describe this at length. Finally, as described in didache 13:3-7, leaders are eligible to receive financial support. This is consistent with Jewish custom as well (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 361). Van de Sandt and Flusser conclude that Jewish customs were at the heart of the context of all the materials in Didache 11-15 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 364). ​
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Borrowed Prayers for Eucharist?

9/8/2021

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9/8/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 8: The Didache's Ritual: Jewish and Early Christian Tradition (Did 7-10)." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 271-329.

Van de Sandt and Flusser recognize that customs of early Christian worship including those described in Didache 7-10 showed a strong influence from Judaism. However, recent research has shown that Jewish liturgical practices in the first century A.D. were not as fixed as was previously believed. Particularly, prayers as recorded were possibly normally examples based on oral traditions (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 271). However, recent research of the Dead Sea Scrolls indicates that the prayers may have been more fixed across time and location than was previously thought (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 272). Within Christianity as well, it is quite possible that liturgical descriptions and prayers were taken with some level of flexibility.

Didache 7 describes baptism in some detail. Van de Sandt and Flusser note that Jewish immersion practices are closely related to early Christian views of baptism (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 273). They do not think the trinitarian concept of baptism from Matthew 28:18-20 is an authentic representation of Jesus' sayings. Therefore, they look elsewhere for an origin of baptism.

Josephus considered baptism among Chrsitians to serve as a sign that their correct behavior had already cleansed their souls (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 274). This is very similar to the view of John's baptism described in Matthew 3:2 and Mark 1:4. The Qumran sect, approximately 10 km away from where John was baptising, practiced immersion as a sign of repentance (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 275). However, baptism was also practiced as an initiation in cases of conversion to Judaism. Van de Sandt and Flusser debate whether it was viewed as one or the other, or perhaps as both, within early Christianity (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 276).

The Didache (7:4) describes a pre-baptismal fast, of both the person officiating and the person receiving baptism. This is also a feature of Justin Martyr's description around 150 A.D. There was also a period of instruction expected (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 280). This is similar to the practice when people would convert to Judaism (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 281).

The specifications of the water used for baptism "are clearly borrowed from Judaism" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 281). In Didache 7:1c-3a it is to be running water, but if that is not available, cold water may be used, or warm, and if there is no adequate supply it is permissible to pour water on the head. Van de Sandt and Flusser observe that running ("living") water was considered the right medium for purification (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 282). However, there are Mishanic sources which allow for other types of water supply. Van de Sandt and Flusser observe that by the end of the second century A.D. the water used was not considered to be of great importance.

The Trinitarian formula in Didache 7:1, identical to that in Mattew 28:19, is significant. Van de Sandt and Flusser consider the "in the name of the Lord" to be an older formulation than the Trinitarian statement (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 284). They debate whether the formula was borrowed from Jewish sources or may have come from Greek originals, based on variations in the prepositional phrase used in different Greek texts. Van de Sandt and Flusser do consider the relation between Didache 7:1 and Matthew 28:18-20 due to the trinitarian formula. However, they do not htink we can make a safe case for dependence on Matthew or the authenticity of the formula in Matthew (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 286). They further question the solidity of a Trinitarian concept in the first century. However, their debate is based on the fact that the formula is not consistently used, rather than any conclusive evidence of its later development. It remains significant, however, that in Hippolytus the tradition, foreshadowed by Didache 7:3, is to immerse three times in baptism (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 290). Curiously, van de Sandt and Flusser also recognize a Jewish custom of threefold baptism.

Didache 8 addresses fasting and prayer, specifically the use of the Lord's prayer (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 291). The fasting is not to be on the same days when "the hypocrites" fast (8:1). In Matthew's Gospel, the hypocrites were the Pharisees (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 292). However, van de Sandt and Flusser consider it most likely that in the Didache the pious Jews are referred to as hypocrites (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 292). The prayers are prescribed in a fairly specific way in Didache 8:2-3 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 294). Thsi formula departs from the customary Jewish prayers, effectively replacing a Jewish thrice daily prayer with a Christian one.

Didache 9-10 moves on to the eucharist (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 296). The text uses the verb εὐχαριστεῖν to describe the prayers over the cup and the bread, which are recognized as holy. Van de Sandt and Flusser do not tind the text to serve as a parallel to the New Testament accounts, though. There are no words of institution. The actual body and blood of Jesus are not spoken of. Counter to typical practice, the cup preceds the bread. For these reasons the meal has often been taken as something other than the eucharistic meal. Van de Sandt and Flusser consider what kind of meal is described so as then to interpret the prayers surrounding the meal (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 297).

After presenting a parallel version of the prayers of Didache 9 and 10, van de Sandt and Flusser observe that the parallelism of the two passages strongly indicates a parallel occasion, with similar prayers (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 300). The prayers also suggest a meal which is satisfying, not a ceremonial morsel (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 301. One possible interpretation is that 9:2-10:5 refer to a communal meal, but that in 10:6 the text begins referring to a eucharist proper, as it makes a call to repentance and invites the holy to come. The invitation may be to those who are baptized or those who are considered appropriately repentant (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 302). The interpretation which van de Sandt and Flusser reach is that the entire meal is seen as eucharist and that it contains a number of elements. The words of institution are lacking, but may not have been considered necessary in the eucharistic meals of the time (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 303).

Van de Sandt and Flusser do suggest that eucharist may have taken different forms in different time and places, and thus the description given in the Didache may well constitute a eucharistic celebration which would fit in with the liturgy of early Christianity (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 304). Therefore, they consider whether these forms could have become spread more widely in time and place as part of eucharistic practice. A key to this consideration is identifying the practice of receiving the cup first, then the bread (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 305). Van de Sandt and Flusser are able to find evidence of communal meals in which a blessing over wine came before a blessing of bread, both in Jewish and Christian communities. They identify these communities as places where the Didache and Luke's Gospel were used (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 306). They extrapolate that the "bread-wine" order "supplanted the former  non-sectarian type in many Chrsitian communities" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 306).

Van de Sandt and Flusser move on to consider Jewish antecedents of the two different orders of presentation, and extrapolate from their existence that the gospel acocunts do not describe an actual event but are created by Christian communities which read their customs back into the actions of Jesus (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 307). Van de Sandt and Flusser suggest that in 1 Corinthians Paul is doing the same when in 1 Cor. 10 he has the cup first but in 1 Cor. 11 he has the bread first (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 308).

Another tack to take in the invesetigation is the possible source of prayers adapted for use in Didache 9-10. Van de Sandt and Flusser find considerable similarity to Jewish table prayers (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 310). They particularly note Finkelstein's work to connect Didache 10 with the Birkat Ha-Mazon (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 312). The structure of themes is similar, though the contents of the prayers are not so similar. Van de Sandt and Flusser describe their concept of gradual alterations of the texts over time. In the end they conclude that the elements were almost all present in Jewish tradition and were borrowed by a Christian community for liturgical use (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 325).

In conclusion, van de Sandt and Flusser take the Eucharistic prayer of Didache 9-10 to consist of multiple layers of tradition. It borrows a basic structure from the currently evolving Jewish table prayers, which were reorganized and translated into Greek, then taken for Christian purposes. The prayers kept their Jewish background, and were adjusted only slightly to fit Christian purposes (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 329). 

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What Practices Does a Convert Adopt?

9/6/2021

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9/6/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 7: A Jewish-Christian Addition to theTwo Ways: Did 6:2-3." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 238-270.

Didache 6:2-3 reiterates the importance of holding to the Two Ways teaching, but, as van de Sandt, the passage makes allowances for those who cannot keep the entire Law (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 238). Because of the lenient nature of the passage, it may well represent an insertion. The material bears a strong resemblance to Acts 15:20, 29; 21:25, and Revelation 2:14, 20. However, it is not identical.

Van de Sandt and Flusser first question where the overall language of the insertion would originate (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 239). The statement expresses and opinion which would not be compatible with that of 8:1-2, where Jews are considered hypocrites (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 241). However, the similar ideas presented in Acts 15 were a well accepted part of Christian piety. The language of Didache 6:2-3 and Acts 15:20 and 29 is very similar (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 242). Later Christian documents seem to associate the ideas of the Didache and Acts 15. Similar concepts can be found in Jewish documents of the period (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 245-247). Idolatry, sexual immorality, and consumption of blood were fairly universally prohibited among Christians and Jews (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 249). Van de Sandt and Flusser discuss at length whether the sin prohibitions of Revelation 2:14, 20 are related to Acts 15 or more closely to Numbers 25:1-2. Their consideration based on vocabulary usage is inconclusive, but they do recognize this cluster of behaviors as significant and bearing weight in first century Christianity (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 257).

The text in Didache 6:2-3 retains the language of "things sacrificed to idols" rather than "idolatry," thus indicating the language had become reasonably common (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 258). It also allows for imperfect or incomplete obedience. This is also consistent with the account in Acts (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 259). Van de Sandt and Flusser conclude that Gentile converts are to keep the same laws which would bind them when they were considering Judaism. The reference to "dead gods" seems to be a reference to any idol (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 261). Van de Sandt and Flusser find this as common language within Judaism applied to any eating and drinking with Gentiles (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 262).

In light of the Apostolic Decree about forbidden practices, van de Sandt and Flusser discuss two views found in early Christianity. On the one hand, some were clear that converts were welcome to participate in as many of the precepts of Jewish law as they could (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 265). Didache 6:2-3 suggests this view, as "perfect" Christians receive the yoke of the Tora. On the other hand, Paul warns against requirements of the Jewish law (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 266). The former view was taken by the majority in early Christianity. Judaism likewise encouraged all to take up Tora as much as possible. However, van de Sandt and Flusser do observe that by the third century there were voices within Judaism which would condemn attempts on the part of Gentiles to keep any of the Law (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 267).

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The Sermon on the Mount and Literary Dependence

9/3/2021

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9/3/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 6: The Two Ways and the Sermon on the Mount." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 193-237.

Van de Sandt and Flusser recognize that the Sermon on the Mount has some similarity to the Two Ways. In Matthew 7:13-14 we are presented with a way which leads to destruction and a way which leads to life (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 193). There are also numerous elements which the Sermon and the Two Ways have in common from an ethical perspective.

As they begin their analysis of the issue, van de Sandt and Flusser make it clear that there opinion is that Jesus had some intentions in his speech that would not be understood correctly by Matthew, and that "not every part of the Sermon can be traced back to the historical Jesus" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 184). Their presupposition is that Q material contained a more accurate record, and was mostly adopted in Luke rather than Matthew (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 195). Van de Sandt and Flusser attempt to reconstruct the source material based on the premise that the Sermon on the Mount is a ring composition based on the Derekh Erets and Jewish Two Ways materials.

After a very brief introduction to the Sermon in Matthew 5:1, the sermon is introduced by the Beatitudes (5:3-12) and the comments on "salt" and "light" (5:13-16) (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 197). Van de Sandt and Flusser observe that this material is similar t o material in the Derekh Erets literature. The body of the sermon starts and ends with a reference to Law and Prophets. There are three paragraphs with similar structures, about charity, prayer, and fasting, then three additional clusters of ideas. There is then a Golden Rule statement (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 198).

While there is a clear parallel between Matthew 7:13-14 and Luke 13:23-24, van de Sandt and Flusser note that Matthwe develops his idea with materials they consider derived from the Two Ways (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 201). The vocabuluary and the either-or choices suggest material from elsewhere than Matthew' s normal source.

Van de Sandt and Flusser also find strong parallels between Matthew 5:17-48 and the Greek Two Ways 3:1-6 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 204) One significant challenge in the passage is Jesus' repeated statements apparently overriding the Law, but his affirmation of the Law. Van de Sandt and Flusser resolve this tension with an appeal to multiple sources and layers of redaction (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 205). They do conclude that the apparent dispute Jesus has is not with theLaw, but with certain interpretations of it. The arguments used are typical of Jewish rabbinic debates (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 213). The antitheses, further seen to be derived from traditional teaching were possibly interjected here from another source (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 214). This applies particularly to those not found in Luke. Jesus' affirmation of the Law and his statement about "the least of these commandments" recalls the Jewish idea of some small sins leading to others which are more serious (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 220).

Van de Sandt and Flusser also consider particular parallels of Matthew 5:21-48 and Didache 3:2-6 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 226). The various prohibitions are not only consistent in their ethic, but they are presented in a similar order (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 227). The lesser sins lead to the greater, so both are to be avoided.

A challenge which strikes van de Sandt and Flusser is the fact that the statements in Matthew which are apparently based on the Greek Two Ways add additional requirements. The rigorous attitude is a challenge (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 234). A rigorous attitude was also present among the hassidim, which suggests that Jesus, as Matthew protrays him, would not have been outside of normal bounds in his application of the Law.

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Demonstrating That a Text is Culturally Possible

9/2/2021

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9/2/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 5: The Two Ways as a Jewish Document." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 140-190.

The Two Ways material in the Didache has long been considered to have a strongly rabbinic character. There remains some debate regarding the extent of Jewish influence (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 140). Some have suggested an influence from dualistic Iranian folklore. Others have taken the material to have numerous layers of progressive development which could obscure the source (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 141). One way or another, both dualistic and non-dualistic tarditions were adopted in early Christian literature. This phenomenon is illustrated by the presentation of the Way of Life with ethical expansions and the Way of Death having simply a list of vices (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 142).

Van de Sandt and Flusser use their reconstruction of a hypothetical Greek Two Ways for their analysis, as they consider their case to have been adequately demonstrated (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 143).

The Hebrew Bible contains many passages in which people are given a choice between good and evil or life and death. The Targums on the various passages reflect an understanding of the choice as well (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 143). For this reason it seems quite natural for the Two Ways to be similar in nature. Of particular interest to van de Sandt and Flusser is the either-or characteristic of dualism, as opposed to a one-sided point of view expressing some things as wrong, others as neutral. They find this dualism in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, particuulary in Siarch 33 (36): 7-15 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 144), as well as other locations. Van de Sandt and Flusser provide several examples and elaborate on the dualistic nature.

The dualistic ideas of the Two Ways may also be seen in the Essene tradition, particularly in the Treatise of the Two Spirits from the Manual of Discipline (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 147). Van de Sandt and Flusser find numerous direct parallels between this Hebrew material and their Greek Two Ways document (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 148-149). However, they consider both documents to be dependent on an earlier document due to what they see as a doctrine of double predestination in the Qumran scrolls, rather than dualism (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 149-150). The community as a whole would not have embraced an idea of real human choice.

Van de Sandt and Flusser also identify traditional materials which remain in the Greek Two Ways. First, they observe that the way of life is particularly dualistic, though they consider Jewish thought on the whole tobe predestinarian (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 156). The command of love for God and neighbor in conjunction is also an old tradition, as illustrated by numerous passages. The presentation of the "Golden Rule" is also evidence of an old tradition (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 159). 

The precepts from the Greek Two Ways 2:2-7 cover the ideas in the second table of the Ten Commandments (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 162). This is rather clearly an identification with early Jewish tradition. The concept, in the New Testament, is frequently tied explicitly to love for the neighbor (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 163-164).

The text makes a comparison between sins which are more serious and less serious. Van de Sandt and Flusser see this as a pattern which was borrowed into the Two Ways as its structure differs from other portions (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 165).

Van de Sandt and Flusser conclude that the Greek Two Ways is a composite of four strands of materials which they have identified. The overall ethic expressed is similar to that articulated "in the rabbinic Derekh Erets tractates" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 172). This traditionr epresents teaching about the way godly people would live on the earth. Though these materials in their final form may date to the late 8th century, van de Sandt and Flusser consider many of the saying sto be considerably older (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 173-174). They also make comparisons between the ideasof the Tractates and the Two Ways.

Van de Sandt and Flusser consider whether they can reach an approximate date for a Greek Two Ways. As it influence both the Didache and Barnabas, it needs to be prior to 100 A.D. (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 179). The Essene community in which many of the ethical teachings appear to have developed is a likely candidate for a community to assemble such a document, and the group on the fringes of that society, which preserved the T.12 Patr. was known to espouse dualism (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 181). This is characteristic of the Greek Two Ways as well.

The social mileau of the Greek Two Ways may be characterized by the statements about charity (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 182-183). There is a great commitment to sharing with one another, not seen uniformly within Judaism, but present in the Essene communities. These ideas have strong parallels in the New Testament writings of Paul and Luke as well (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 187-189). 

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Reconstructing Hypothetical Text

9/1/2021

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9/1/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 4: A Reconstruction of the Two Ways." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 112-139.

Because van de Sandt and Flusser consider the Two Ways material to be derived from a source outside the Didache, they undertake a re-publication of the Two Ways ased on the version in Rordorf and Tuilier, then compare this to the version which actually appears in Didache chapters 1-6 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 112). They then reconstruct a Greek version which they think would like behind the text used for both the Didache and the Latin texts.

The Doctrina Apostolorum, which exists in two medieval manuscripts, has a version of the Two Ways. The two manuscripts show signs of using the same Two Ways source, which is different from that used for the Didache (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 113). The Latin text is provided (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 114-116), with a critical apparatus.

Van de Sandt and Flusser find some structural elements which provide an outline with the Way of Life, its description, then the Way of Death (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 117). The Way of Life is first defined, then explained. The explanation can be divided into several topical categories as well. Van de Sandt and Flusser describe these statements in some detail, also comparing them to potential sources. They conclude of Doctrine and the Didache that "both Two Ways versions share a source that must have been derived from an earlier form of the Two Ways tradition than the one underlying the Two Ways tradition in the letter of Barnabas" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 118). The pattern of groups of statements suggests this quite strongly, hence the use of the word "must."

Although van de Sandt and Flusser take the Doctrina Apostolorum as the best representative of the Jewish Two Ways, they still think some elements of its text in the Didache and Barnabas show evidence of an earlier version (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 121). For this reason, they attempt a reconstruction of the Greek text which may have served as a source for all three documents. In general they assume that the Greek of the Jerusalem manuscript is the best witness for the parts where there is agreement. There follows the reconstruction, including indicators of text added, omitted, or moved (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 123-128), then a translation of the text into English (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 128-130).

Van de Sandt and Flusser continue with a textual commentary, explaining their decisions in determining the reading (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 131ff).

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"Getting Behind a Text" to find a text

8/30/2021

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8/30/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 3: The Influence of the Two Ways in Christian Literature." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 81-111.

Van de Sandt and Flusser consider the influence of the Two Ways material on Christian literature. While they concede it is difficult to identify a definitive version, they consider the Latin version as recorded in Doctrina Apostolorum to be the most accurate rendition (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 81).

In post-apostolic Christianity, Clement of Alexandria makes several allusions to commands of God, but they are phrased in ways similar to the same statements in the Didache (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 82). However, Clement shows no signs of knowing about Didache chapers 7-16. This suggests to van de Sandt and Flusser that the Two Ways was known as a separate document.

By the early fourth century there are a number of Latin references to the Two Ways in terms very similar to the Latin material from the Doctrina Apostolorum (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 83). Further, the source material is referenced in various ways by different authors. However, it is not identified as the "teaching of the twelve apostles." Rather, it tends to be referred to as "the Two Ways" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 85). The materials are frequently found among instructions prior to baptism (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 87-89).

In later time periods, it is important to consider the continued use of the Two Ways materials. For this reason, van de Sandt and Flusser move to the Merovingian and Carolingian periods (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 89). Among the important works is the Rule of Benedict, particularly in chapter four (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 91). Van de Sandt and Flusser consider it very likely that the material which bers a similarity to Two Ways statements was borrowed from elsewhere, somewhere in the distant past (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 92). Since the passages do not seem tobe taken directly from the Didache, van de Sandt and Flusser comment on the passages as separate entities (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 92ff). 

The fifteenth sermon of Ps. Boniface, with manuscripts dating back possibly to the ninth century, preserves material from the Two Ways (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 95). Here baptism is present as well, though a renunciation of Satan takes place followed by baptism, then the presentation of the Two Ways teaching. Van de Sandt and Flusser provide a photograph of the text (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 98-100). It is curious that the form of the Two Ways material does not seem derived from either the Greek text that ended up in the Didache text or from the Latin text which was related to that of Benedict (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 101). The text of the sermon, in Latin and English, is reproduced (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 101-103).

In this sermon, with its baptismal context, the renunciation of the devil and the pledge to live a holy life is phrased in terms of the Two Ways materials (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 105). The materials have been arranged to show parallel structures of evil and good.

Finally, van de Sandt and Flusser refer the reader to a series of six teachings, Ratio de Cathecizandis Rudibus, found in a collection of homilies (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 107). The work is possibly based on some catechetical work of Augustine. However, this was probably not prepared until about 800 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 108). A number of the commands are in the form used in the Two Ways sources. Van de Sandt and Flusser conclude that some sort of a Two Ways document was available to the authors of these catechetical works (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 111).

​
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A Frequently Borrowed Tradition

8/27/2021

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8/27/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 2:The Jewish Source of Didache 1-6: The Two Ways." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 55-80..

Van de Sandt and Flusser observe that Didache 1-6 is substantially different from the remainder of the work. In this chapter they describe the contents, build a case for multiple compositional layers, and describe the relationship of this section of the Didache with other texts representing the Two Ways tradition (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 55). This is a fairly common emphasis found in much Didache scholarship, especially in the 20th century.

The contents of the Two Ways have been described many times. The way of life is presented, followed by prohibitions. Commands which will assist in pursuing the way of life are presented. Next comes a chapter about the overall precepts of life and duties which are enjoined (ch. 4). The way of death is presented in chapter five, with a catalog of vices and of evildoers. Chapter six presents a conclusion and a clarification of standards (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 56). 

The Two Ways tradition, in a Jewish form predating the Didache, was demonstrated to exist in 1952 with Jean-Paul Audet's work on the Qumran Manual of Discipline (1Q5 3:13-4:26). This material not only included the important concepts but did so in a sharply dualistic manner, in a form similar to that of the Didache (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 59). Van de Sandt and Flusser, building on Audet's work, describe Two Ways traditions in other places in the early Christian tradition. Specifically, they consider the Letter of Barnabas ch. 18-20 (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 60), the Doctrina Apostolorum (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 61-63), the Apostolic Church Order and the Epitome of the Canons of the Holy Apostles (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 64-65), the Arabic Life of Shenoute (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 66-67), and the Ps. Athanasian Syntagma Doctrinae and the Fides CCCXVIII Patrum (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 68-69).

Van de Sandt and Flusser conclude that the Two Ways material had Jewish roots but was taen over into Christian writing at an early time (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 70). However, the bulk of the Christian material does not "show familiarity with Did 7-16 nor acquaintance with the evantelical section in Did 1:3b-2:1" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 70). This suggests a tradition drawn upon by the Didache and by the other works independently. Van de Sandt and Flusser then propose the existence of what they call a "Greek Two Ways" differing from the non-Greek records of Two Ways teachings (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 71). Though they admit the postulated document is not widely recognized, they continue by building a case for Barnabas and the Apostolic Church Order drawing on a different source than that of the Didache (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 74ff). Their case is built based on verbal similarities, illustrated by passages presented in parallel.

​
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Influence Comes and Goes

8/26/2021

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8/26/21
Tour of Christian History

van de Sandt, Huub, & David Flusser. "Chapter 1: Introduction: History and Text of the Didache." The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002, 1-52.

For the purposes of this first chapter, van de Sandt and Flusser treat the Didache as a unity, rather than a composite (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 1). They will add considerations of redactional layers in subsequent chapters.

The Didache went through a time of popularity in early Christianity, but van de Sandt and Flusser note that its reputation declined by the start of the fourth century (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 1). There is some evidence for a Latin version by about 300 C.E. Augustine, in the late 4th and early 5th century, was aware of the Didache, and introduces an idea from 1:6 as "Scripture" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 2). 

The differences in eucharistic practice between the Didache and the New Testament are significant. This may have contributed to the decline in influence of the Didache (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 3). It is also possible that the attribution to the apostles was considered less authoritative as time went by. The Twelve do not appear in the content, making it difficult to consider the apostles as the source (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 4).

Van de Sandt and Flusser emphasize that it is not easy to trace influence and use of the Didache, in part due to the indistinct references to "teaching of the Apostles," which, without a quotation, could refer to many different traditions.

Van de Sandt and Flusser next present a translation of the Didache prepared by A. Cody, based on the Rordorf and Tuilier edition of the Greek text (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 6-16). The Greek text itself is considered almost complete, existing in one eleventh century manuscript. There are a few other partial witnesses to the text (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 16). The main witness, the Jerusalem manuscript (H), was discovered in 1873, published in 1883, and has remained a subject of study since that time.

Van de Sandt and Flusser note that the manuscript can be assumed to have undergone various stages of redaction and interpolation, based on the date of composition as compared to the date given on the manuscript (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 17). However, we don't have an earlier manuscript, so it is impossible to make much meaningful comparison to earlier ideas (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 18). The codex in which the manuscript is found shows signs of careful evaluation of historic sources. This suggests reliability (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 19).

Chronoloigically, van de Sandt and Flusser place the Didache in its current form before the middle of the second century, roughly at the same time as Barnabas and 1 & 2 Clement (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 21). Some portion at the end is likely missing, evidenced by the blank lines after the end of our text (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 23).

Van de Sandt and Flusser note there are two additional direct witnesses to the text. Two fragments (POxx 1782) which contain 64 words from 1.3c-4a and 2:7b-3:2a show some variants in the text, probably indicating the existence of a divergent tradition (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 24). There is also a Coptic fragment containing 10:3b-12:2a (P Lond Or. 9271). This text is significantly different from the Jerusalem manuscript, including an expansion of the Eucharistic prayers (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 25). Didache 11:3-13:7 and 8:1-2a is also preserved in the Ethiopic Church Order in one version, though not all (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 26).

Indirect textual sources include texts such as the Apostolic Constitutions, which contain adaptations of material in the Didache, particularly the Two Ways material (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 26). It is important to note that these are adaptations and not quoted text.

Van de Sandt and Flusser consider the Didache to be a composite of several blocks of traditional material, each of which could stand on its own (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 28). They consider these blocks from a form-critical perspective in an attempt to identify the redactional layers. The basic degments they identify are chapters 1-6, 7-10, 11-15, and 16. The different parts are considered in the subsequent chapters of the book.

The Didache, despite having clear divisions into various topics, is one document, intended to work as a coherent whol (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 31). The teaching moves from pre-baptismal instruction to baptism, prayer, community life, and eschatology. Van de Sandt and Flusser express uncertainty about the reason for the instruction (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 33), though they acknowledge that such training traditions can be found elsewhere in Judaism and Christianity of similar times. They speculate at length that the text emerged as Christianity differentiated from Judaism, descriging a relatively late, though unspecified, time (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 34). They suggest, particularly in regard to chapter 16, a dependence on Matthew 24, but the actual relationship is unclear(van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 39). The passage of 1:3b-2:1 shows a strong similarity to Matthew and Luke. Van de Sandt and Flusser consider it "a later addition to the basic tradition of the Jewish Two Ways" (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 40).

Van de Sandt and Flusser engage in some interesting comparison of passages from the Didache and the Synoptic Gospels as they evaluate possible dependence. Though their findings are inconclusive, their method may be of value to inform further studies (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 41-47 passim).

The date and provenance of the Didache are, admittedly, a matter of guesswork (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 48). Van de Sandt and Flusser summarize the popular opinions, which are gradually moving to the end of the first century, around Antioch (van de Sandt & Flusser 2002, 49).

​
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