Category: Harnack-1884 - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Didache Ideas in Latin Passages

8/5/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
8/5/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Ein übersehenes Fragment der Διδαχή in alter lateinischer übersetzung.” pp. 275-286. Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.

In 1747, Martin Kropff’s Bibliotheca Mellicensis made note of a passage in Latin recognized as a Two Ways document (Harnack 1884, 275). By the time of Harnack there was little doubt that this was anything other than a portion of a Latin version of the Didache. The passage is within a manuscript sermon of Saint Boniface, and is published in Migne Patrologia Latina 89, columns 870 and following (Harnack 1884, 276). Harnack reproduces the Latin text, in part, beginning on p. 277. The text does appear at least very like a Latin translation of the Greek original (Harnack 1884, 278). Not only does Harnack observe that, but he also makes comparisons with the Epistle of Barnabas and the Apostolic Constitutions (Harnack 1884, 279-280), also noting the ideas are very present in the Synoptic Gospels.

A natural question to ask is whether there is a Latin version of the Didache. As of Harnack’s time, none had been found (Harnack 1884, 282). However, in Lactantius, there is a version of theTwo Ways, in Latin, found in the Epitome of the Divine Institutes which shows great similarities to both Barnabas and the Didache (Harnack 1884, 283ff). Harnack provides some in parallel columns. The conclusion is that the texts are related and certainly carry the same message. This suggests also ongoing knowledge and use of the Didache into the Middle Ages.

Harnack’s book closes with a detailed bibliography of the works used in preparation of his various chapters.

The Didache as a Pietistic Reform Document

7/29/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
7/29/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Excurs: Die Διδαχή und die Waldenser.” pp. 269-274. Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.

Harnack observes that the conditions of society and the church naturally changed over time (Harnack 1884, 269). He particularly notes the greater institutionalization and organizational structure as limitations on the preaching and teaching. However, from the 3rd until the 15th century, there were moves to restore some sort of apostolic order. For this reason, it is interesting to consult a church order as old as the Didache, which was apparently not used a great deay beyond the 4th century, to evaluate later reform movements. Harnack consulted with an archivist in Munster, Dr. Keller, about a not-yet-released book entitled The Reformation and the Older Religious Parties (Harnack 1884, 270). Harnack finds that the Waldensian reform movement, in attempting to return to early Christian practices, did not create a system very similar to that described in the Didache. They met from house to house, relatively secretly, and pooled their resources so as to provide the best to their teachers. These habits were really not what the Didache describes from the early Christian period. The structure of the divine service is very different (Harnack 1884, 271). They also adopted a different view of bishops and deacons (Harnack 1884, 272).

Harnack considers that a pro-Catholic or anti-Catholic bias may influence reform movements, which react to their biases rather than to actual evidence of historic doctrine or practice, including a fair reading of the New Testament. The Waldensians specifically seem to have been influenced by the Baptist sects of their time (Harnack 1884, 274). The enthusiasm of the prophets, the anticlerical sentiments, and the desire for a vigorous Christianity all fit with that movement but do not necessarily reflect the earliest Chrsitians, who would not be reacting against a supposed less emotive and more hierarchical structure.

Didache, Didascalia, and the Letters of Ignatius

7/22/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
7/22/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 6. "Die Bearbeitungen der Διδαχὴ τῶν ἀποστόλων und ihre Geschichte in der kirchenrechtlichen Literature" pp. 170-268
“3. Die Διδαχή, die Διδασκαλία τῶν ἀποστόλων, die Ignatiusbriefe und der Interpolator dieser Schriften.” pp. 241-268. Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.

Harnack observes that Bryennios identified similarities between the Didache and some parts of the Didascalia (Harnack 1884, 242). Dating from the last third of the third century, Harnack considers that the Didascalia may have used the Didache as a source or that the two works drew on a common source. Likewise, the spurious letters of Ignatius follow a similar pattern (Harnack 1884, 243). The question which arises in Harnack’s mind is what the actual source could be. The question is made more complicated by the fact that considerable interpolation has taken place in both the Didascalia and the letters of Ignatius (Harnack 1884, 244).

Ussher suggested that the interpolator of the Didascalia and the letters of Ignatius was the same person, according to Harnack, citing the same region, time period, extent of interpolations, and some unusual symbolic usage (Harnack 1884, 246). Harnack illustrates Ussher’s argument in some detail (Harnack 1884, 247-253). Harnack concludes that the idea is credible. Yet it is entirely possible that there were two interpolators and that Pseudo-Ignatius knew the Didache. It is also possible that Pseudo-Ignatius is responsible for the interpolations, including those in the Didache (Harnack 1884, 254).

Regardless of the actual identity of the interpolator, Harnack finds it likely that Ussher’s hypothesis about the interpolator being the same is correct (Harnack 1884, 256). Harnack goes on to make his own arguments for the interpolator being one person, mostly by comparing the different interpolations with one another.

Harnack observes that Ussher’s hypothesis has not been universally accepted (Harnack 1884, 259). Harnack traces the objection of Zahn in some detail. The objection seems to be centered around a view of younger men serving as bishops in some source material and not other places. The objection does not seem to persuade Harnack (Harnack 1884, 261). It depends on changes which were not made, though they could have been made. Harnack illustrates this with several parallel passages (Harnack 1884, 262-263).

Harnack concludes by summarizing the point of view he adopted, very like Ussher’s, described above (Harnack 1884, 266 ff). There are sufficient similarities in the interpolations among these documents that they certainly seem to have received treatment by the same redactor, probably in the 3rd or 4th century.

Relation of the Didache and the Apostolic Church Order

7/15/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
7/15/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 6. "Die Bearbeitungen der Διδαχὴ τῶν ἀποστόλων und ihre Geschichte in der kirchenrechtlichen Literature" pp. 170-268
“2. Die Διδαχή und die sog. apostolische Kirchenordnung.” pp. 193-241.

The tradition of a “church order” comes from Eastern Christianity. Harnack, seeing that the Didache also comes from the East, asks whether it is an example of a church order (Harnack 1884, 193). Harnack provides a review of some church orders, which has been collated and combined at various times, gathering the common statements, from different sources (Harnack 1884, 194-195). He finds reference to works such as Apostolic Constitutions, the Didache, writings of Hippolytus and Clement, among others. This points to early roots of the content (Harnack 1884, 196). The content is consistent with early 3rd century writings. Harnack, along with other scholars, would readily admit that the various documents and traditions exercised an influence on others.

A question arose in 1854 whether the Didache might have been translated into Latin as part of the ‘Duae viae vel iudicium Petri” of Rufinus (Harnack 1884, 198). Though comparative studies could be made, without a Greek manuscript of the Didache, it was impossible to be certain. A further challenge has been the actual presence of the Latin work, which was attributed in antiquity to various authors, and seems to come possibly as early as the second century (Harnack 1884, 203).

In 1883 a new edition of the Apostolic Church Orders was released. Harnack notes that in this edition, Lightfood concludes that the Ethiopic text tradition seems to follow that from Thebes, probably beint a translation of the Thebaic manuscript (Harnack 1884, 205l The etiology of the Two Ways narrative is thus pushed back to a possible Egyptian source, though there is a claim that the idea came from Peter. The proximity of the church order and the epistle of Barnabas is made more plausible (Harnack 1884, 206). The source becomes more clearly earlier than the time of Apostolic Constitutions (Harnack 1884, 207). Harnack takes all this analysis to urge a very early existence of the Two Ways material. His assumption, probably valid, is that the narrative was in circulation somehow before being adopted by a number of sources, apparently around the second century (Harnack 1884, 208).

Based on the conclusions he has made of the early time and place likely for the Two Ways narrative, Harnack provides a series of further conclusions or propositions for debate. They center around the material common to different documents, the possibility that any or all could be based in reality or a literary fiction, and what work or works may have influenced others (Harnack 1884, 210-211). He asks how much influence on the Church Order there may be from the Didache, outside of the Two Ways narrative, as well as what parts of either document may be original or the work of an interpolator (Harnack 1884, 212). If, in fact, the Church Order is largely a compilation of material from the Didache, the Epistle of Barnabas, and other unspecified texts, by the end of the 2nd century, the editorial selection and choice of texts could be very enlightening to our view of early Christianity (Harnack 1884, 216).

Harnack continues with a discussion of the manuscript tradition of the Church Order and the codices in which it is found. He also considers the documentation of the title to some degree. The claims to apostolic origins are a matter of considerable debate. They also, clearly, would have an influence on the authority granted to the text. Harnack does not consider that dispute to be one which can be resolved definitively (Harnack 1884, 223). The time span between the time of the apostles and the earliest evidence of a title is too great to be certain.

The section closes with a text of the Apostolic Church Order in Greek (Harnack 1884, 225-237). There follows a table of the probably literary influences leading to the Apostolic Church Order (Harnack 1884, 237-238). Harnack concludes that there is an influence, dating back at least nearly to the apostolic period, but that the credit of particular apostles for different segments is probably an overstatement (Harnack 1884, 240).

The Didache and the Apostolic Constitutions book 7

7/8/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
7/8/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 6. "Die Bearbeitungen der Διδαχὴ τῶν ἀποστόλων und ihre Geschichte in der kirchenrechtlichen Literature" pp. 170-268
“1. Die Διδαχήund das 7. Buch der apostolischen Constitutionen.” pp. 170-192.

Harnack dates book seven of the Apostolic Constitutions to the years 340-380, originating in Syria or Palestine (Harnack 1884, 170). He sees this as an important time of the development of church orders and symbolic formulae, most of which arise from contentions in the Church.

The discovery of the Didache made it clear to scholars that much of the material of book seven of the Apostolic Constitutions, particularly chapters 1-32, is adapted from the Didache (Harnack 1884, 171). This, in turn, has led to further insight into the accuracy of different manuscript traditions of the Apostolic Constitutions. Specifically, in Harnack’s opinion, the Constantinopolitan manuscript of Apostolic Constitutions gives a whole transcript of the Didache, without interpolations (Harnack 1884, 172). Harnack therefore lists a few, in fact only six, small conrrections he thinks should be made to Apostolic Constitutions based on the Didache.

Harnack is most interested that the inclusion of the Didache gives a picture of the development, or possibly rather the stability, of Christianity over the two hundred years between 150 and 350 (Harnack 1884, 173). In numerous ways, detailed by Harnack, the Didache is affirmed in the Apostolic Constitutions.

While chapters 1-6 of the didache were basically transcribed into the Apostolic Constitutions, chapters 7-10 had more commentary added, along with some passages omitted (Harnack 1884, 176). Chapters 11-16 are reproduced with very little change or comment.

Harnack continues his work with the Greek text of Apostolic Constitutions VII.1-32 (Harnack 1884, 178-192).

The Speculative Nature of Dating the Didache

7/1/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
7/1/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 5. “Die Gemeindezustände. Zeit und Ont der Διδαχή.” pp. 88-170. Die Quellen der Schrift.” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.
“II. Zeit und Ort der Διδαχή” pp. 158-170.

Harnack freely admits that dating the Didache is controversial, to say the least. Speculations may be based on Clement of Alexandria, Barnabas, and Hermas. He suggests the text comes from the end of the first century to the middle of the second (Harnack 1884, 158).

The place of composition is also difficult to identify. The text seems to have been known first in Egypt (Harnack 1884, 159). However, there is also some evidence that suggests it circulated widely in Syria. Harnack considers the similarities to be greater with some Egyptian works.

As to internal evidence, Harnack finds the dating very complex. He finds elements which reflect very early time periods and some which he thinks may have been added later (Harnack 1884, 160). There is, however, no suggestion of a knowledge of a New Testament canon, no clear idea of a rule of faith or “symbol” guiding its doctrine, no idea of a monarchical view of bishops or elders, and no clear order of worship rocognized (Harnack 1884, 161). The instructions about communion, the divine service, and the prayers are not always clear (Harnack 1884, 162). The symbolic actions around baptism are not present, and there is no account for baptism of children. The chief festivals of the year are absent. The ban on eating blood and strangled things is included, as well as teaching on both giving and excommunication. There is teaching on prophets but no evidence of the existence of Montanism (Harnack 1884, 163). The false teachers are mentioned but there are few details of their teaching. Because of the elements included and missing, Harnack takes the text certainly to be prior to the second half of the second century. When asking whether the Didache is of greater antiquity, Harnack says he finds no internal evidence which places it extremely early. He does suggest that based on form and content the text may fit better between 80-120 than 120-165 (Harnack 1884, 165). But there is no direct and definitive internal evidence which requires such a date.

The suggestions of an earlier date include the apparent presence of apostles and prophets, the judgment of prophets based on actions, the suggestions of different levels of morality among Christians rather than a blanket assessment as Christian or not, a description of some Jews as “hypocrites” rather than a sharp distinction between Jews and Christians, and an eschatology which makes no reference to Matthew 24 (Harnack 1884, 166).

Because there are no suggestions within the Didache of locality, Harnack recognizes we are entirely dependent on external evidence (Harnack 1884, 167). While Harnack observes that Asia Minor is clear as a location in the works of Polycarp and Ignatius, yet Irenaeus does not assign Asia Minor to the Didache, Harnack’s conclusion that Asia Minor is ruled out may be an overstatement. Likewise, because Lucian does not recognize itinerant prophes in Syria, Harnack assumes the Didache cannot comes from tha region, a conclusion he recognizes as somewhat speculative. Palestine would be a candidate, but the text seems to point strongly toward a Gentile audience, which seems unlikely (Harnack 1884, 168). Harnack thinks there are two primary arguments for the text to come from Egypt. First, the recognition of teachers as “apostle” continued for a relatively long time in Egypt (Harnack 1884, 168). Second, the use of the Lord’s Prayer with the doxology at the end is more common in Egyptian manuscript tradition than elsewhere (Harnack 1884, 169).

While Harnack does not find definitive answers to the problem of time and location of composition, he does think Egypt is a probable source.

Elders vs. Beginners

6/24/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
6/24/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 5. “Die Gemeindezustände. Zeit und Ont der Διδαχή.” pp. 88-170. Die Quellen der Schrift.” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.
“4. Die Beamten der Einzelgemeinde: Episkopen und Diakonen” pp. 140-158.

Harnack observes that bishops and deacons are the two offices described specifically in the Didache as locally governed offices. They had relatively clearly defined qualities (Harnack 1884, 141). Harnack does note that these are qualities, as opposed to duties. The only duty actually articulated is that of speaking God’s Word. Harnack emphasizes that the bishops are to be respected, that they are treated as fathers, and that they have a corresponding responsibility to engage in right teaching (Harnack 1884, 142).

Harnack’s strong opinion is that originally bishops and deacons were identical but that their roles differentiated rather quickly (Harnack 1884, 143). Probably the earliest differentiation came about in the matter of care for the poor, which became more closely related to a diaconal role. The bishops and deacons serve as guides and leaders for the people. Yet there is a sense in which the teaching and care of the leaders continues to be carried out in the community as a whole (Harnack 1884, 145). Harnack also considers that in the Didache the role of the bishop is not magisterial in nature. The importance, rather, is that these people have a responsibility in service to God’s Word (Harnack 1884, 146). The difference he sees, then, between the “elders” and the “novices” has to do with their experience in God’s Word. This difference may well have placed them in roles corresponding to the Roman concepts of Patron and Client, respectively (Harnack 1884, 147). Harnack goes on to describe the numerous roles the Fathers would identify for various people, roles which do not denote authority but do describe functional differences. The more specific idea of a magisterial episcopacy, Harnack concludes, probably arose within Gnostic beliefs, rather than from any concept found in the Didache (Harnack 1884, 153). The concept appears to infiltrate Christianity rather later, showing up in Hippolytus and in Apostolic Constitutions (Harnack 1884, 156).

Doctrinal Review as a Community Effort

6/17/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
6/17/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 5. “Die Gemeindezustände. Zeit und Ont der Διδαχή.” pp. 88-170. Die Quellen der Schrift.” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.
“3. Die Einzelgemeinde” pp. 137-140.

Harnack evaluates the role of the community, as described in the Didache. The community has a responsibility to evaluate wanderers, to determine which are false teachers and which should be recognized as prophets and teachers (Harnack 1884, 137). It is based on a preservation of correct teaching. The community also sees that those who would settle there could have appropriate work, so there should be no unemployment, as well as guarding against offenses and disputes. The community, according to Harnack, is obligated to judge fairly, without regard to appearance (Harnack 1884, 138). This applies specifically to their understanding of baptism and the Lord’s Supper, which must be administered in an orderly and proper manner.

All in all, Harnack finds that the governance belongs to the community, rather than to one or more leaders of the community (Harnack 1884, 139). He thinks the Didache creates this unified community concept through a common agreement on the Sunday worship, the work of bishops and deacons, and the practice of establishing peace and reconciliation. All of this may well be solidified by the regular public reading of God’s Word.

Apostles and Prophets in Early Christianity

6/10/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
6/10/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 5. “Die Gemeindezustände. Zeit und Ont der Διδαχή.” pp. 88-170. Die Quellen der Schrift.” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.
“I. Die Organisation der Gesammtkirche und der Gemeinde nach der Διδαχή unter Vergleichung der anderen Urkunden.” “2. Die Geehrten in der Christenheit: Apostel, Propheten und Lehrer.” pp. 93-137.

Harnack notes that aside from the role of the bishop and deacon, the other roles which have been widely researched are the apostle, prophet, and teacher (Harnack 1884, 93). The role of bishop and deacon, because of ongoing church polity, have received more attention. In contrast, the Didache describes the apostles, prophets, and teachers in action, with little attention given to bishops and deacons (Harnack 1884, 94). Harnack observes that in the time of the Lutheran Reformation the heirarchy of the Church was an important issue. The Augsburg Confession allowed for flexibility in modes of governance. This seems consistent with the fact that the Didache could be an example of considerable diversity in organizational structure (Harnack 1884, 96). Harnack further sees that the three “offices” of apostle, prophet, and teacher are divided into two classes, with the prophet and teacher together (Harnack 1884, 97).

Harnack points out that the bishops and deacons are never said to be elected, but that they are appointed by laying on of hands. The New Testament speaks of apostles, prophets, [evangelists,] pastors and teachers as gifts from God (1 Cor. 12:28, Eph. 4:11). Harnack further observes that some prophets are identified by name in Acts, and that Saul and Barnabas are identified among the apostles (Harnack 1884, 97). The work of prophet or teacher may have been considered uunder one general category, keeping too many from engaging in the preaching office and urging people to engage especially in teaching.

In the text of the Didache it becomes apparent that there are apostles, prophets, and teachers, working in an itinerant manner in at least Greece and Asia Minor (Harnack 1884, 98). While Harnack recognizes that there were significantly fewer people known as apostles than as prophets or teachers, he does not particularly speculate at this point about an end to the apostolic office (Harnack 1884, 99). Harnack considers that the Didache may have been written about 100 years after the time of Paul, but that the role of an apostle was still a present reality, although he admits we don’t know what may have happened in the intervening years (Harnack 1884, 99). The roles of apostle, prophet, and teacher, according to Harnack, are given in a ranked order, with apostle being the office of greatest respect (Harnack 1884, 100).

Harnack briefly entertains the possibility that the Didache is very old, even composed before Ephesians (which he considers to be not Pauline), but such a proposition he considers too hasty (Harnack 1884, 101). Yet the Didache recognizes both apostles and prophets, while Hermas has only prophets. This could suggest a very early date. Yet Harnack admits we simply don’t know enough about the step by step development of the Church to say (Harnack 1884, 102).

An attempt to recapture apostolic practice in Christianity tends to return the Church to an idea of the appointed office. This most often is manifested in a high view of the preaching office, or that of the pastor, but rarely in the apostle, prophet, and teacher. Harnack doesn’t find this threefold office in the Fathers (Harnack 1884, 103). Though they are given great honor in the New Testament and in the Didache, they largely disappear from discussion rather early. Harnack considers it possible that, as church order and a knowledge of catholicity spread, the work of apostles and prophets would become less important (Harnack 1884, 105). We have clearer information about the organization of Christianity in the third century and beyond, when it seems an episcopacy is governing matters (Harnack 1884, 109).

Apostles and prophets, in Didache 12, are to be examined according to their doctrine (Harnack 1884, 111). Harnack observes that in the later chapters, prophets and teachers are treated together. Harnack observes that the prophets are said to wander without possessions. This may also be the case with the apostles (Harnack 1884, 113). Harnack suggests this is not necessarily the Christian custom such as a Franciscan view of poverty for spiritually serious people, but more as a qualification for those called to the preaching ministry. The expectation Harnack finds in Eusebius is that an apostle would work tirelessly for the Gospel, even if it cost him all he had (Harnack 1884, 114). The idea in the Didache of providing hospitality for just two days may point to the idea of a true apostle, doing his work and moving on without thought of enduring comfort (Harnack 1884, 114). If he wanted money rather than bread, he was a false apostle or a false prophet. Harnack observes this would prevent people from seeking apostleship out of any sort of covetousness. The apostles were devoted to the mission (Harnack 1884, 115). In defense of the idea of a multiplicity of apostles, Harnack notes that Paul was not one of the twelve and that he refers to “all the apostles,” as well as recognizing there are “other” apostles referred to (Harnack 1884, 116). The extrapolation Harnack makes is that there are some special apostles, called “the twelve” to distinguish them from the rest of the apostles. He suggests that the Seventy sent by Jesus in Luke’s Gospel may well be considered apostles (Harnack 1884, 117).

The prophets are considered after the apostles in the Didache. Like the apostles, these are itinerant people who seem to be lacking in possessions (Harnack 1884, 119). Prophets are spoken of more than apostles or teachers in the Didache, with 15 mentions as opposed to three mentions of apostles. They are compared in their role to high priests. Unfortunately, Harnack notes that their function is not described (Harnack 1884, 120). We do see that the prophets, like the apostles, did not settle in the community, but visited it for a short time. While in the community, however, the prophets were given gifts of the firstfruits. Yet, rather than drawing a profit, the prophets were to give to the poor (Harnack 1884, 121). Harnack sees that false prophets may be recognized and rejected based on a refusal to live according to the rules in the Didache or based on false teaching, which would be evaluated in the community (Harnack 1884, 122). Harnack reviews the likely views of the prophets’ work and background, then concludes that the roles described in the Didache are not unlike those described in other early Christian literature (Harnack 1884, 125). For that matter, these prophets bear a striking resemblance to the canonical accounts of John the Baptizer and Jesus (Harnack 1884, 126). Harnack also notes that many of the church Fathers used terms such as prophet freely to speak of people in similar functions, whether or not it was an office of the church.

What Is Unity of Faith?

6/3/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
6/3/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 5. “Die Gemeindezustände. Zeit und Ont der Διδαχή.” pp. 88-170. Die Quellen der Schrift.” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884.
“I. Die Organisation der Gesammtkirche und der Gemeinde nach der Διδαχή unter Vergleichung der anderen Urkunden.” “1. Die Christenheit oder die Kirche.” pp. 88-93.

Harnack observes that the Didache never specifies any one community but rather speaks of Chrsitianity as if it is addressing a universal whole (Harnack 1884, 88). This attitude is similar to that of Tertullian, who views Christianity as a body joined by a particular faith and unified practice. Harnack considers both Tertullian and the Didache to describe a relatively universal form of Christianity, as opposed to a localized form (Harnack 1884, 89). The text of the Didache even speaks to numerous life situations common to all, from instruction to baptism, to prayer, reception of the Sacrament, Christian living in the community, and finally an eschatological hope.

Harnack recognizes that unity of the faith does not always indicate uniformity of practice (Harnack 1884, 90). The idea of a guest-friendship, for example, may be carried out in different ways according to needs and abilities. Harnack also sees a variety of practices which, while considered Christian, may have more tendencies toward Enthusiasm, different views of order and worship, and differing approaches toward community life (Harnack 1884, 92).

Similarity? Dependence?

5/27/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
5/27/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 4. “Die Quellen der Schrift.” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884, pp. 63-88.

Speaking to the source of the text, Harnack immediately sings its praises, particularly in originality. He considers it far and away the best and oldest example of extracanonical literature of early Christianity (Harnack 1884, 63). Haarnack catalogs references in the Didache to the Old Testament, to the overall ideas of the Gospel, to the letter of Barnabas, and to the Shepherd of Hermas (Harnack 1884, 65). It seems to Harnack that the references to New Testament ideas but not texts suggest knowledge of traditions but not of a defined New Testament canon. This could reasonably push the author to give such detailed explanations of both doctrine and practice to the readers (Harnack 1884, 66). Harnack provides a detailed list of passages with references to other works of early Christian literature (Harnack 1884, 66-68). He follows it with a chart of statements from the Didache in parallel columns with the synoptic gospels and with other early witnesses (Harnack 1884, 70-76). Of the 23 segments, Harnack observes that 17 are dependent on Matthew’s Gospel (Harnack 1884, 76). Many are related to Matthew and nothing else. Harnack proceeds to speak about each segment and its comparisons to other passages in turn. While Harnack sees a clear relationship between the Didache and Matthew, he also sees a close relationship with the Episle of Barnabas (Harnack 1884, 82), especially in its moral teaching. Harnack goes into some detail, specifically and frequently comparing passages in chapter 19 of Barnabas. It is interesting, though addressed almost as an afterthought by Harnack, that no Pauline letters are referred to in the Didache (Harnack 1884, 87). There are certainly many topics which are common to both Pual and the Didache, but here is no evidence of interaction. Harnack does provide a list of passages which would lend themselves to comparison (Harnack 1884, 88).

Organization of the Didache

5/20/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
5/20/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 3. Die Disposition und der Inhalt der Schrift” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884, pp. 37-63.

Harnack sets out in section three to evaluate the structure of the Didache. He finds it to have a strong and orderly arrangement, comparable to other documents from early Christianity (Harnack 1884, 38). Harnack provides a detailed outline without elaboration (Harnack 1884, 38-40). This he follows with some comments about the content. Harnack observes that major sections typically begin with a prepositional phrase, such as, “about baptism” or “about the eucharist” (Harnack 1884, 41). Harnack also notes that the concern for catechesis is very serious. The convert is called without question to take on “the whole yoke of the Lord” (Harnack 1884, 43). The tone may change at some point, as Harnack observes that there is a shift between the “two ways” or chapters 1-6 and writing more akin to a church order in chapters 7-15. Although there could be other ways of dividing the text, Harnack finds this division the most natural (Harnack 1884, 44). He then comments on the different parts of the text in more detail.

The first main portion, chapters 1-6, speaks of the way of life and the way of death. This seemed clear to Harnack (Harnack 1884, 45). The way of life is characterized as a way of loving one’s neighbor, rooted, according to Harnack, in love for God. It is further the love of God which enables one even to love his enemy (Harnack 1884, 46). Harnack finds this same idea in other early Christian writings, particularly in the openings of 2 Clement and Hermas. Care for the neighbor regularly seems to spring from love for God (Harnack 1884, 47). Harnack elaborates on this idea at length, concluding that love for one’s neighbor is a fundamental societal good. This is how we can live in society with those who disagree with us (Harnack 1884, 50). Further, Harnack takes the “whole yoke of the Lord” from 6:2 to be a natural deduction from the idea of loving our neighbor. Much of the material in the “way of Death” can be linked easily to the second table of the Decalog (Harnack 1884, 51). Therefore, love for neighbor includes avoiding the actions in the Way of Death. Harnack even suggests that the commands in this portion of the Didache may have been seen by some as a Christian replacement for the Decalog (Harnack 1884, 52). However, since the ability to speak authoritatively to the issue is not clear, the matter of any replacement list of commands is left open to discussion. It is clear that the Didache assumes the current existence of apostles, bishops, deacons, and prophets tho can give guidance (Harnack 1884, 55).

Harnack considers chapters 7-10 as a second division of the first part of the book. Here, the Way of Life is seen applied through reception of the convert by means of baptism (Harnack 1884, 57). After receiving instruction then participating in fasting and prayer, the convert is baptized and participates in the life of prayer. This is followed, in chapters 9-10, by the eucharist (Harnack 1884, 58). Harnack notes that the instructions given for the eucharist differ at points from the emphasis in the accounts of the New Testament. Particularly Harnack observes that the death of Christ is not adduced, but there is thanksgiving for the “offspring of David.” Harnack thinks this reflects a very early view of the eucharist (Harnack 1884, 60).

Harnack identifies chapters 11-15 as the second part of the Didache. Here we read about wandering prophets and other Christians who come in contact with the community (Harnack 1884, 61). It is clear that there are bishops and deacons. They speak God’s Word to the people and are to be respected, but they don’t seem to have the magisterial role which develops later (Harnack 1884, 62).

The third, and last, part of the Didache is chapter 16, in which there is a brief eschatological exhortation. Harnack finds similarities to the eschatological passages in Matthew but also in other, non-Christian works. He makes few comments on this passage (Harnack 1884, 63).

Early Catechesis (training)

5/13/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
5/13/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 2. Der Title, die Adresse und der Zweck der Schrift” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884, pp. 24-37.

Harnack observes the dual titles of the Didache, noting that early references to the text make mention of both titles. He considers that the longer title was certainly the older (Harnack 1884, 24). His reasoning is that a longer title is easily shortened in common usage, but a short title is very unlikely to be lengthened (Harnack 1884, 25). He further considers that Papias appeared to think the text had apostolic origin. Because of Papias’ time, writing in the early 2nd century and having contact with at least the generation immediately after the 12 apostles, Harnack thinks Papias’ sense of the matter is reliable (Harnack 1884, 26). Justinian also took the text to originate with the apostles. Harnack also makes an argument from silence, that he finds no subsequent writings that claim authorship by the 12 apostles. He then goes so far as to suggest that Acts 2:42, and possibly also Acts 13:12, 1 Cor. 14:6, Tit. 1:9, and 2 John 9-10 make reference to this work.There may also be hints of the Didache in Barnabas 16:9 and in Justin Apol. 1:4 (Harnack 1884, 27).

The address “to the Gentiles” is a further challenge. Harnack finds the sharp distinction between Jew andGentile to be a feature of the earliest period of Christianity, almost entirely passing away by about the third generation of Christians (Harnack 1884, 28). The apparent use of the text for catechesis of adult converts also seems to indicate a setting in which Christianity had not spread very widely. Again, this points to an early date. The Christian culture does not seem established to the point of being common knowledge to the original audience (Harnack 1884, 29).

Harnack concludes that the purpose of the Didache is catechetical, which classifies it in genre with James, Jude, 1 &2 Peter, Hebrews, and the letter of Barnabas (Harnack 1884, 30). It addresses Gentiles, not mentioning Jews until chapter 8, and there suggesting they are”hypocrites.” The question may well arise whether there was a sharp distinction between Jewish and Gentile Christianity at the time. The fact that the Didache is written “for the Gentiles” suggests so, but not necessarily with an implication of conflict. The Gentile converts would reasonably be assumed to need a different level of catechesis than would Jewish converts (Harnack 1884, 31). The goal of catechesis is that Christians can live a faithful life in their society. Harnack, particularly citing the Younger Pliny’s misunderstanding of Christianity, acknowledges that there would be a significant understanding gap between Christianity and the pagan culture (Harnack 1884, 32). The challenge was to communicate what Christians need to know in brief terms. Harnack sees this as a challenge especially in the light of the rising Gnosticism, which would reinterpret statements to make them fit its own philosophies (Harnack 1884, 34). For this reason it was very important to reinforce the apostolic teaching. Harnack notes especially the Trinitarian nature of the Didache, the emphasis on the Sacraments, and the idea of Jesus as the fulfillment of the promise to David as ways it reinforces apostolic teaching (Harnack 1884, 36).

History of the Didache

5/6/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
5/6/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Prolegomena, § 1. Die Geschichte der Διδαχή in der Kirche und ihre überlieferung in der constantinopolitanischen Handschrift” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884, pp. 5-24.

Harnack identifies the Didache as one of the texts which Eusebius referred to among the antilegomena, an identification which certainly attests to the antiquity and influence of the writing (Harnack 1884, 5). Harnack goes on to observe that Eusebius’ treatment also implies that he considered the work consistent with apostolic thought and not an heretical production. Eusebius classifies it with disputed writings rather than false doctrines (Harnack 1884, 6). In Alexandrian tradition, also, Harnack is able to find record of a writing called Didache, classified among “writings” rather than holding a clear place in the canon (Harnack 1884, 7). Harnack also asks why Eusebius would group the Didache with Barnabas in a publication. This has suggested to some that the time of composition is similar, particularly since the documents have remained together over the years (Harnack 1884, 8). A generation after Eusebius, Athanasius published a similar list of antilegomena. Harnack observes several changes, specifically by some writings falling off the list, but that the Didache remained present (Harnack 1884, 9). Athanasius further identified the Didache as a patristic work, classifying it with other texts we now consider part of the patristic corpus. Harnack cites another list of antilegomena by Nicephorus of Constantinope near the beginning of the 9th century. Again, it was classed as apocryphal and not among the heretical writings. By the time of Justinian, the Didache was firmly classed as an apocryphal writing (Harnack 1884, 10). After this time Harnack does not find reference to the Didache. Harnack observes that in the last 200 years there havebeen theories of the Didache including the prominent one which says it was absorbed, in content, into Apostolic Constitution (Harnack 1884, 10).

The text of the Didache appears to have faded into obscurity, though the title remained known. However, in 1875 (note Harnack’s work was published in 1884), Bryennios the Metropolitan transcribed a table of contents of a codex in Constantinople. His interest was in the text of 1 and 2 Clement in the book. However, the Didache immediately followed 2 Clement in the text (Harnack 1884, 11). Because Bryennios and the other scholars working with the codex were interested in other writings, Harnack says, they failed to investigate the Didache until 1883, when Bryennios released a typeset edition of the Didache. Again, we observe that Harnack’s book is dated 1884, after the text had arrived in Germany in January of 1884. The early consensus of scholars was that the text as presented reflects a setting around the end of the 2nd century. However, Harnack observes that Clement seems to make allusions to the Didache (Harnack 1884, 15).

Harnack notes particularly the rather unconventional language of “the cluster of David” found in both texts, probably not characteristic of Clement’s usage (Harnack 1884, 16). Due to the linguistic irregularities, Harnack hypothesizes that the text originated in Egypt and was used as a catechetical document for a long time, sanctioned by church leaders such as Athanasius (Harnack 1884, 17). Harnack then suggests the text was brought to Syria and became incorporated in the Apostolic Constitutions (Harnack 1884, 18). The text itself appears to have become more difficult to find after this time, thoguh Harnack refers to a possible Latin translation he thinks likely to have existed. This he quotes, in a fragmentary manner, from Cyprian (Harnack 1884, 20). Harnack finds many sources and comparisons of the general ideas expressed, but does not find wholesale copies. This pattern of similar ideas raises many interpretive questions but answers relatively few of them (Harnack 1884, 22). Likewise, the title, ascribing the work to the twelve apostles, is unclear. It may, as an apocryphal work, be claiming their authority. It may simply be asserting orthodoxy (Harnack 1884, 23). In the end, Harnack leaves several questions open, still to be answered by the Didache and scholars who investigate the text.

First Exposure - Didache

4/29/2020

Wednesday is for Bits and Pieces
4/29/20

Harnack, Adolf. “Text and Indices” Lehre der Zwölf Apostel. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs, 1884, 3-70.

Harnack’s edition of the Didache opens with a typeset version of the Greek, in parallel columns with a German translation (Harnack 1884, 3-64). Copious footnotes give citations for biblical and patristic references. For my purposes, the footnotes are invaluable, since they provide a starting point for my search for biblical allusions or, for that matter, the possible points where the biblical text may be making allusions to the Didache. We also note that Harnack has, at a few points, suggested corrections to the Greek text as published by Bryennios. The apparatus will bear significant review in the near future as I work on my project.

The text, translation, and apparatus are followed by a list of specific biblical citations (Harnack 1884, 65) and a number of indices to other literature (Harnack 1884, 66-70). At that point, in a relatively confusing move on the part of the publishers, pagination begins again with a prolegomena section which we will address later.