All Categories - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Modern Textual Criticism, Brief Introduction

9/3/2026

Scholarly Reading
9/3/26

Metzger, Bruce M. & Ehrman, Bart D. (2005). "Chapter 4: The Modern Critical Period: from Griesbach to the Present." (pp. 165-194). The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration (4th Edition). New York: Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)
   Metzger and Ehrman see the work of Johann Jakob Griesbach in the late 1700s as the foundation for modern textual criticism (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 15). Griesbach made extensive evaluations of manuscript families based on their similarities and differences. In his work he also articulated the kind of questions he would use to weigh different readings. Metzger and Ehrman provide samples of Griesbach's criteria (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 166-167). Scholars largely following Griesbach's methodology drew extensively on patristic authors and lectionaries to inform their editions of the Greek New Testament.
   Because of the significant differences posited by the new generation of scholarship, the authority of the Textus Receptus declined. Rather, texts based on extensive collation of many manuscripts gained favor (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 171). This interest in ancient evidence led also to publication of many ancient manuscripts. At the forefront of this was Tischendorf, who published 22 volumes of biblical manuscripts and eight Greek New Testament editions (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 172). Metzger and Ehrman describe in some detail the critical New Testament edition of Westcott and Hort from 1881 (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 174ff). Westcott and Hort provided an extensive collection of notes about their methodology and the reasoning behind their decisions of what readings to follow. The critical editions had their opponents as well. Metzger and Ehrman describe one such opponent, John W. Burgen, who described the work of Westcott and Hort as illegitimate because of their alleged dependence on more modern texts (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 181-182).
   The 20th century saw many eclectic critical editions of the Greek New Testament, along with a variety of small clarifications of the critical processes used to evaluate texts. The primary editions in use today are published by the United Bible Societies (currently in a fourth edition) and a Nestle-Aland edition (currently in the 29th edition) (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 193-194).

Dangerous Theological Confusion

9/1/2026

  When I was a new convert to Christianity, it was within a church fellowship that would be considered "enthusiasts" by the Lutheran Reformation. Spirituality was largely to be developed by looking within yourself. The "true believers" were those who had a vivid and experiential faith. Thankfully, over the course of about 25 years, I was confronted with the power of the written Word of God. Gradually, through a number of steps, I ended up in what we might call "confessional Lutheran" circles. I can wholeheartedly say, with the apostle Paul, that "I am not ashamed of the gospel, for it is the power of God for salvation to everyone believing" (Romans 1:16a, personal translation). The concept of salvation in Scripture is incredibly rich. It indicates being taken from one location to a desired destination, and arriving safely. In this biblical faith, as Paul wrote, "he transferred us from the power of darkness and established (us) into the kingdom of the love of his son" (Colossians 1:13, personal translation).
  During some periods of my Christian life, the idea of worldview evaluation has been a hot topic. One could argue that it is right now, as I work in the collegiate community, often assisting people in articulating their hope and confidence, trying to help them see things in a more biblical way.
  A friend recently asked me about a book by author and speaker Jamie Winship. Though I have approximately enough books on my "read this next" list to set off a seismograph if they fell off the shelves all at once, I looked up the author on the internet, checked an audio version of his book out from my local public library, and gave it a listen. The book in question was what appears to be his definitive volume, Living Fearless from 2022.
  Winship's website gives no hint of a theological orientation. That's the first red flag I found. He doesn't make a clear signal that he and his teachings would be subject to any recognizable type of peer review or theological authority. Though he presents himself as a Christian, it isn't clear what kind. This may not always be a problem, but it does raise a red flag. Is there something he is trying to hide? The orientation does matter. His wife, who works along with him, has a theological degree. Then again, there are theological schools that have all sorts of views, many of which are not readily reconciled with the Scripture.
  From the outset, Winship says that God never communicates with people using formulaic patterns, therefore we should also not use formulas. He extrapolates (from somewhere??) that anything which could seem to be a formula is devoid of meaning and is spiritually suspect, therefore we would never consider praying in a way we have seen before. He views formulas as useless at best, but more likely harmful. Therefore, we always need a new revelation. Except when we don't, as he illustrates in practical terms by using Bible verses (formulas) to back up his ideas and to fill out his prayers, which appear to be premeditated, or they would not be used in a book.
  While we are thinking about using Bible verses, we should note that Winship selects individual verses from a wide variety of Bible translations. I first ran into that tendency with Rick Warren, though it's surely been around longer than Warren. The use of the different translations is not explained in any way. I can only assume that he finds that particular translation and only that one works in the setting he is imagining.
  Winship tells stories well. However, they are cloaked in anonymity. He's always the hero of the story, and it's always about some strange, barely known people in desperate trouble, in some place that is war-torn but is never mentioned clearly. This is the typical methodology of the faith healers who are never able to produce actual people who have been healed. Again, a red flag which raises a good bit of suspicion about his credibility.
  At the end of each chapter, Winship provides a prayer and then tells the reader to be quiet and listen to what God might be whispering, to write it down, and to use it as the reliable record of the reader's true identity. This builds our hope on our feelings rather than on God's definitive word. There is no significant exposition of the Bible demonstrating that our hope is to rest on Christ crucified for us, raised from the dead, and living in us. Rather, Winship wants to know what we are sensing or hearing from God. There are three extrapolations which I am led to from this tactic.
  Possibly, Winship is saying that if I don't experience miraculous feelings and outcomes, it is my fault. I didn't hear well. I didn't cooperate well. Winship even says that if we think of ourselves in an incorrect way, God can't or won't communicate with us. This entirely discards the idea that the Bible is God's word that does communicate with us, letting us know what we are by nature, who God is by nature, and how the two are reconciled. Ultimately, I am left as responsible for my salvation.
  Because Winship is leading us through this walk, despite what we may think (he mentions that clearly in chapter one), we need to stay with him. He becomes the expert. He is the guide, and the mediator between God and man. This is a job the Bible describes as Jesus' work. Yet Winship exalts himself as the paradigm of true spirituality. Nobody else through all Christian experience has understood how to live in the freedom given by God. This, of course, is similar to the claims of the Gnostic teachers throughout the history of Christianity.
  In Winship's portrayal, then the "gospel" is not the good news of God's work in Christ to forgive sins. Rather, it is my work of finding an identity that will seem to produce miracles and victories. This teaching urges us to revisit the reformational descriptors of Law and Gospel. Law is what God demands of his people. Gospel is what God has done on behalf of his people. Winship views the gospel as something we do as we find out what our true identity is.
  I earlier mentioned theological categories. In part 3 of the book, Winship uses an etymological fallacy to say that a "category" is always an accusation. This may seem to be a small point. If he is saying that we must willingly allow for people and ideas that are not immediately in our comfort zone, he's right. However, if he is saying that categorizing something immediately serves to accuse and exclude it, he is barking up the wrong tree altogether. Though in its earliest usage, the Greek term that gives us the word "category" is used as an accusation, by the time of Aristotle it was universally accepted as a non-pejorative term that would be used to distinguish between one and another, for instance, between animals and minerals. Winship's scholarship, when it surfaced in this etymological fallacy, proves seriously suspect.
  The identification of God's people is a problem. In Winship's stories, Muslims remain Muslims even when they believe Jesus. What is he saying here? Is he saying that the "god" of Islam is the same as the triune God of the Bible? They are not the same character. Which one is rescuing people from sin and death? Which one is reconciling the world to God the Father? Winship is not clear on this.
  The issue at hand boils down to what Jesus is for. In this book, Jesus seems largely unnecessary. He may be the one who gives you a life in accord with your true identity. Really? How are you going to know? And is it possible that you have a number of different identities at the same time? The Lutheran doctrine of vocation and the dignity of the work God has given us comes to mind as a corrective to Winship's view. In his view, it seems that God establishes your identity as you have discerned it and you release it to him, by making confession of who you are really supposed to be. Again, you are left as the one who is responsible for your success or failure.
  Confession is also a major problem. Winship views the only type of confession to be your choice to agree with God about your real identity. You seem responsible for creating this reality by saying who God really wants you to be. There's no hint of the other types of confession that we might engage in, such as admitting our sin and failure (and asking for Jesus' forgiveness and restoration), or such as proclaiming the truth of what we believe (for example, through creedal statements). Then again, because someone has written or said these before, they must be formulaic statements, therefore they cannot possibly be genuine.
  So, did I like the book? You can answer that easily by now. I would consider the teaching of Winship and others who would be similar to him in their ideas to be dangerous. At its root, it is a type of Gnostic Enthusiasm, saying that you need to develop the god within you and that you will only do it by listening to the authoritative teacher, who has hidden wisdom that nobody was able to discern ever before. This is a dangerous type of worldview. It leaves you in charge of your salvation, and it presents law as gospel. It asserts that salvation is found in your understanding, rather than in Christ's work. It leads down a path of hopelessness.
  This is the kind of teaching from which I fled many years ago. I saw it wreaking havoc in many lives. It is not biblical. It does not stand the test of history. It should be rejected entirely and out of hand.

Textus Receptus' Prominence

9/1/2026

Scholarly Reading
9/1/26

Metzger, Bruce M. & Ehrman, Bart D. (2005). "Chapter 3: The Precritical Period: The Origin and Dominance of the Textus Receptus." (pp. 137-164). The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration (4th Edition). New York: Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)
   Though the Latin Vulgate was published printed using movable type by 1456, it was not until 1514 that Greek typographical customs were adequately developed to print a Greek New Testament (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 138). This was largely due to indecision regarding the many abbreviated forms and combinations of letters used in the manuscript tradition.
   The manuscript or manuscripts used to prepare the various print runs remain a matter of some uncertainty (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 141-142). Metzger and Ehrman discuss the edition of Erasmus of Rotterdam, which is known to have had different sources for different portions, as well as a passage for which Erasmus had no Greek manuscript so translated the passage from the Vulgate into Greek himself (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 145). Erasmus' edition became the foundation of the Textus Receptus, and went through numerous editions as evidence for readings was discovered up to a fifth edition in 1535 (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 148).
   After the release of the Textus Receptus, Metzger and Ehrman discuss a process of collation of variant readings, which went on for nearly 200 years (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 153). The variant readings which were found would normally be referenced in the apparatus of Greek editions. As time progressed, scholars moved to more accurate catalogs of information about the manuscript evidence consulted. By the early 1700s, editions of the Greek New Testament would often depart from the Textus Receptus. The editors would also begin to include comments about why they chose the readings or interpretations they did (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 158).
   Metzger and Ehrman see the formal practice of critical scholarship arising in the first half of the 18th century, as scholars, recognizing that mere age or frequency of a reading could be misleading, began to weigh the accuracy of various manuscript traditions (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 159). As the second half of the 18th century progressed, evaluation methods continued to become more granular and specific (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 160-161).

New Testament Textual Witnesses

8/27/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/27/26

Metzger, Bruce M. & Ehrman, Bart D. (2005). "Chapter 2: Important Witnesses to the Text of the New Testament." (pp. 52-134). The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration (4th Edition). New York: Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)
   This chapter discusses in turn the "three classes of witness" for the New Testament text; Greek manuscripts, ancient translations, and quotations found in other works (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 52).
   Metzger and Ehrman describe the main manuscripts in brief, observing at the outset that approximately 5700 Greek manuscripts have been identified (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 52). The manuscript evidence can be sorted into groups according to their origin and the manuscripts they were likely copied from. An extensive description of the discovery and publication of Codex Sinaiticus (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 62-67) is illustrative of the kind of negotiations which can lead to the publication of an ancient manuscript.
   In addition to Greek copies of the New Testament, Metzger and Ehrman review early translations into Syriac, Latin, and Coptic (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 94). These were made by missionaries who were crossing language barriers, primarily in the second and third centuries. Because of linguistic differences and the process of correction, sometimes from other translations, these versions are not overly helpful with determining the particular wording of a Greek original. However, they can help with confirmation of the presence of phrases or sentences (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 95).
   The final set of witnesses for the New Testament texts consists of quotations by patristic authors. Metzger and Ehrman observe, "so extensive are these citations that if all other sources for our knowledge of the text of the New Testament were destroyed, they would be sufficient alone for the reconstruction of practically the entire New Testament" (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 126). These quotations, when they show up variants, also assist in identifying a text type which may have prevailed at the time and place where the patristic author lived.

How Were Books Made in Antiquity?

8/25/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/25/26

Metzger, Bruce M. & Ehrman, Bart D. (2005). "Chapter 1: The Making of Ancient Books." (pp. 3-51). The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration (4th Edition). New York: Oxford University Press. (Personal Library)
   Metzger and Ehrman begin with a survey of the means of producing books in antiquity, and really until the advent of typography and printing in the 15th century. They observe that virtually all manuscripts of the New Testament are either on papyrus or vellum (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 4). After a rudimentary discussion of the production of papyrus, vellum, and inks, Metzger and Ehrman discuss the formats in which ancient books appeared (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 11ff).
   A standard scroll of about 32 feet in length was fairly inconvenient due to the need to hold it open, advance, and then roll it again with both hands (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 12). This led to an early Christian invention, certainly by the early part of the second century, of the codex, sewn along one side, the same format we still use for books (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 12). The codex became the standard format for Christian writings rather quickly, while for non-Christian works the popularity lagged behind (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 13-14).
   Before writing on a piece of papyrus or parchment a scribe would lay the work out to keep his writing uniform. Papyrus already has guide lines from the fibers. However before writing on vellum the scribe would make guide lines and margins (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 16). Customs of abbreviations and character styles differed with place and time, as well as the formality of the writing (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 17). The re-use of a vellum page or pages, a palimpsest, was common, though in 692 re-use of a Scripture copy was condemned (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 22). Development of writing styles gradually developed. By the eighth century, spaces between words had become common, and use of punctuation was appearing. Metzger and Ehrman describe the work of a copyist in some detail, including what we know about the price of making a copy of a book. Colophons, comments written into books by scribes, underline some of the challenges of writing (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 29). The work, however, did have rewards, most notably the opportunity to explore the thought world of the material being copied.
   New Testament manuscripts have been known to include a variety of useful tools for the readers (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 33). Some have indications of new chapters or sections. Sometimes chapters have been given titles, normally in a margin. Eusebius of Caesarea created a cross-referencing system to mark parallel content in the Gospels (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 38). Some manuscripts include a brief introduction to the text and/or author (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 39). Some also bear brief superscriptions or subscriptions with information about the book (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 41). Punctuation became fairly common in the sixth and seventh centuries. Likewise, glosses and comments on the meaning of a passage can be found in many manuscripts (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 41-43). Some manuscripts feature pictures of characters and events found in the Scripture (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 43). It is not unusual for a manuscript to be arranged in periodic form, identified as "cola" or "commata" (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 45). This would serve as an aid to public reading, as it could clarify pacing and themes in the writing. There are also examples of musical notes or references to a lectionary in manuscripts, often in red ink (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, p. 46). The red ink has often been preserved in publications which feature instructional comments ("rubrics") in red.
   Metzger and Ehrman conclude the chapter with an analysis of the various types of manuscripts known (Metzger & Ehrman 2005, pp. 47ff). In all, nearly 6,000 partial or full manuscripts are currently known. They are generally classified according to writing material or type of lettering. This is a generous amount of manuscript evidence when compared to the quantity of manuscripts of other works from the same period.

Whom Do You Trust? Romans 11-12 - Sermon for 8/23/26

8/24/2026

Ministry Happenings in Columbia

8/24/2026

From the Wittenberg Door News Desk: Ministry happenings in Columbia's Lutheran community
In addition to the many activities you can find on our Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry website at https://www.wittenbergcomo.com/activities.html we'd like to remind you that we're in fellowship with three Lutheran churches in Columbia. While the campus ministry provides face to face pastoral care on campus, the work of a local congregation is something you don't want to be without! We're very glad for the good working relationship we can maintain with these local congregations.
Trinity Lutheran Church https://www.trinity-lcms.org/ hosts a variety of Bible discussions, including a general study Mondays at 9:00 am and a men's study Thursdays at 7:00 am. There's a Sunday Bible study at 9:00 am after their 8:00 am divine service and before their 10:30 am service. Trinity also celebrates the divine service Monday evenings at 6:00. Various other groups meet to care for the overall well-being of people in the congregation and community. Trinity is strongly focused on historic Lutheran liturgical worship and on cultivating a life that comports with the reception of God's gifts in the liturgy. Trinity Lutheran has links to Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry on their website, and has indicated a renewed interest in caring specifically for the many college students and families in the collegiate community who attend. Trinity Lutheran recently provided me with this flier for an activity August 30.
Campus Lutheran Church https://www.campuslutheran.org/ has a Wednesday college group, "The Gathering" which meets at 8:00 pm. They host an international Bible study Thursdays at 12:15 pm, an American English class Fridays at 10:00 am, and each week after their 11:00 am service they have a student lunch. While originally founded with a campus identity, they have grown into a church characterized by their care for families in the community surrounding the church location.
Alive in Christ Lutheran Church https://aic.org/ hosts a dinner Wednesdays at 6:30 followed by family oriented studies for all ages. Beginning September 10 they will have a ladies' Bible study Thursdays at 9:30 am. Their Sunday services are at 8:30 and 11 am, with a Bible class at 10:00. Alive in Christ is known for their contemporary worship style and their structured gatherings for the different smaller groups within the congregation.

Some Conclusions about the Eucharist

8/20/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/20/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Conclusion." (pp. 462-474). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   Throughout this book, Bouyer has evaluated the eucharist in general, and the eucharistic prayer more specifically as our response to the read word of God which comes earlier in the liturgy. This prayer, in Jewish tradition a response to the Old Testament, "was formulated in the berekah" (Bouyer 1968, p. 463). The elements of prayer were intended to follow the believer throughout the affairs of daily living.
   Bouyer has consistently argued that his Roman Catholic view of the eucharist is correct and that movements such as the 16th century Reformation fail to express what they should understand. He expresses this understanding clearly in this conclusion. '[W]e give our consent to the completion in our flesh of the sufferings of Jesus for his body which is the Church, in the steadfast hope of his Parousia in which we shall all participate together in his resurrection. Thus we inaugurate the eternal glorification of God the creator and savior who on the last day will make the Church the panegyria, the festal assembly, in which all of mankind will join in the heavenly worship…" (Bouyer 1968, pp. 464-465). The emphasis I take from this, and which I think is consistent with his expectation throughout, is that the eucharist is our work which, when done right, continues or completes the work of Jesus so he can truly be the savior. This is diametrically opposed to the historic Lutheran, and, I believe, biblical view that Jesus' work is complete and that in the eucharist we joyfully receive his body and blood which he feeds us to preserve us in our salvation.
   While Bouyer is generally opposed to Protestants, he does say that the Calvinist view of the eucharist as a symbolic dialog between God's Word and man's faith in Christ (Bouyer 1968, p. 469). Again, this is an area where Lutherans would reject Calvinists.
   The argument that the most ancient known eucharistic forms should be restored, such as found in Hippolytus or Addai and Mari presents itself again. However, Bouyer sees those materials as inferior because they are lacking the berakoth and the sanctus, which he views as creating the complete eucharistic presentation (Bouyer 1968, pp. 470-471).

Roman Catholic Eucharistic Restoration in the 20th Century

8/18/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/18/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 13: The Catholic Eucharist Renewed." (pp. 443-461). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
Bouyer here discusses a renewal of Catholic eucharistic liturgy after the Council of Trent, which effected some "necessary reforms" (Bouyer 1968, p. 443). In addition to what we know as the Counter-Reformation, Bouyer observes that there was a liturgical reformation in process in the 15th and 16th centuries (Bouyer 1968, p. 444). These reforms covered the main points addressed in the second Vatican Council in the 20th century (Bouyer 1968, p. 445). The general pattern has been to restore elements and order from earlier history. Bouyer describes the work in detail with multiple quotations (Bouyer 1968, pp. 448ff).

Where Did You Come From? Isaiah 56 - Sermon for 8/16/26

8/17/2026

The Reformation and Multiplication of Eucharistic Changes

8/13/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/13/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 12: Modern Times: Decomposition and Reformation." (pp. 380-442). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   From the twelfth century onward, Bouyer observes a process of extension of portions of the chanted liturgy by addition of tropes to the established texts (Bouyer 1968, p. 380). Over time, this could even include insertion of popular songs which had been brought into the liturgy. Beginning in the 13th century, the elevation of the consecrated elements became the central feature of the mass (Bouyer 1968, p. 382). This allowed further detachment of the liturgy from the events in the mass. As the Reformation drew near, there were numerous attempts at recovering the authentic and ancient eucharist. In Bouyer's view, these all tended to pick and choose mostly recent elements to retain (Bouyer 1968, p. 384).
   Luther, who was well equipped to reach back to an Augstinian theology, after 1523 developed his two mass orders which Bouyer considers a failure because of containing innovations (Bouyer 1968, p. 385). The innovation described by Boyer is to remove the concept of the mass as a sacrifice and to consider only the words of institution necessary to the consecration. Bouyer further sees the Formula Missae of 1523 as "a kind of monument to his basic failure" (Bouyer 1968, p. 387). He sees it as embracing "aberrant tendencies" and having an unrecognizable eucharist. Bouyer walks briefly through the elements of the Lutheran communion, observing that it lacks the extended prayers which had developed after the fourth century, and thus is not an adequate reconstruction (Bouyer 1968, p. 388).
   As time progressed and as the additional branches of the Reformation spread, the ancient prayers were generally lost from the eucharist, along with the symbolic actions (Bouyer 1968, p. 390). In many cases, only the institution narrative remained. This is especially the case in the Calvinist and Zwinglian camps, where the institution narrative alone was used, and in which there was a self-conscious move to avoid anything that seemed Roman (Bouyer 1968, p. 392). Bouyer describes this in detail.
   Bouyer continues with a discussion of the Lutheran liturgical restoration movement as seen in Sweden "from Olavus Petri to John III" (Bouyer 1968, p. 396). In 1531, Olavus Petri published a first mass in Swedish, including an amplification of the preface, linking the forgiveness of sin and the history of salvation (Bouyer 1968, p. 398). Bouyer sees this as recapturing an important element of the Medieval Roman tradition. In the next generation some idea of sacrifice was brought back into the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 399).
   Cranmer's 1549 Prayer Book represented another Protestant liturgy which reflected some Catholic element (Bouyer 1968, p. 407). Bouyer regards this as a reworking of the Catholic liturgy in such a way as to be acceptable to Zwinglians. While at times Bouyer will acknowledge Cranmer's skill as a liturgist (Bouyer 1968, p. 416), he yet considers the work itself to strip the historic liturgy of its form and some essential elements of substance, in particular the sacrificial nature of the Mass and the presence of Christ. Cranmer's 1552 version of the Prayer Book further stripped the real presence of Christ from the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 417).
   Cranmer's 1552 liturgy was not broadly accepted by English Calvinists or Anglicans. In 1556, John Knox published a distinctively Calvinist liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 420). Here the institution narrative and other "evangelical sentencce[s]" (Bouyer 1968, p. 422) are addressed directly to the believers, rather than being imbedded in the prayers. Such patterns continued through the middle of the 17th century in a variety of forms of liturgy.
   Bouyer next considers an Anglican eucharistic revival in Scotland (Bouyer 1968, p. 424). In this movement, exemplified by a 1637 liturgy, elements of sacrifice and real presence moved back into the eucharist. In 1718 and following, the various liturgies prepared by the 'non-jurors," who rejected allegiance to William of Orange and Queen Mary, continued restoration of the real presence and sacrifice to the mass, but by means of rejecting the Roman canon in favor of elements of the liturgy of St. James (Bouyer 1968, p. 426).
   The eighteenth century in France saw a number of moves to restore the elements of sacrifice and real presence to the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 430). Bouyer does observe that in the various Protestant liturgies, elements were gathered and used with or without any historical context (Bouyer 1968, p. 431). By the 20th century, after World War I, Bouyer describes the ecumenical group in fellowship with the monastery at Taizé (Bouyer 1968, p. 432). This group produced a liturgy which Bouyer evaluates in some detail. Bouyer is more enthusiastic about this liturgy as it moves to capture the concepts of sacrifice, presence, and mystery which are less prominent in many modern liturgies.
   Bouyer briefly reviews a 20th century ecumenical liturgy from South India, noting its roots in Anglican piety (Bouyer 1968, pp. 437-438). He considers this work to be by and large unremarkable. Finally, he discusses a eucharistic liturgy from a coalition of Lutherans in North America, the United Lutheran Church (Bouyer 1968, pp. 439-442). Bouyer observes that this coalition of Lutherans was self-consciously restoring piety to a previous state, unlike the conditions of church bodies which were more dissimilar (Bouyer 1968, p. 439). They therefore moved closer to the liturgy which had been in use in the early 16th century, and even to reach to patristic sources (Bouyer 1968, p. 440). Bouyer considers the ULCA liturgy of 1958 to succeed in its attempt to restore liturgical purity (Bouyer 1968, p. 441).

What Is A Development or Deformation of Liturgy?

8/11/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/11/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 11: The Middle Ages: Development and Deformation." (pp. 338-379). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   After a candid admission that even defining the parameters of the Middle Ages is difficult at best, Bouyer notes that there were a number of liturgical "renascences" beginning in about the eleventh century (Bouyer 1968, p. 339). These were creative moves which may have constituted both deformations and developments of the eucharistic liturgy.
   During the Middle Ages, in the Byzantine tradition, as in much of the East, the eucharist was regularly that of Basil, James, or Chrysostom. These were gradually stripped of variations from one another (Bouyer 1968, p. 340). Apart from the influence of Byzantium, prayers were added to the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 341). Bouyer's overall opinion is that, especially in the West, this has been harmful to liturgy. "When it is not fixed, it tends only to dissolve" (Bouyer 1968, p. 342).
   As an example, Bouyer turns to the eucharist of Nestorius (Bouyer 1968, pp. 342ff). In this, he sees a number of "exhausting dissertations which have more the feeling of coming from a professorial chair than an altar" (Bouyer 1968, p. 350). The Armenian eucharist, in contrast, is well ordered and, in Bouyer's view, beautiful. He goes on with extensive quotations from it (Bouyer 1968, pp. 351ff). In these quotations there are numerous instances of the priest praying a particular text silently or in a soft voice, while the choir continues iwth something else. This is the first documentation of such a practice. Bouyer takes as a third example Maronite anaphoras from Ethiopia, in which the liturgy seems interrupted by exclamations or digressions (Bouyer 1968, pp. 358ff).
   In the West more broadly the Roman canon was gradually adopted and universal by the eleventh century (Bouyer 1968, p. 360). The gradual adoption may be illustrated by comparison of numerous Medieval sacramentaries, of which Bouyer mentions the Leonine (Bouyer 1968, p. 360), the Gelasian and the Gregorian (Bouyer 1968, p. 361). The various Gallican sacramentaries, which Bouyer has already discussed, are also examples of these adoptions. The sacramentaries typically provide numerous liturgical options. For instance, Bouyer notes about 200 different prefaces for the eucharist found in the Gelasian sacramentary (Bouyer 1968, p. 362).
   The practice of "the silent canon," in which many of the eucharistic prayers are prayed silently or in an undertone by the celebrant, is a challenge to our study of liturgy in this period (Bouyer 1968, p. 366). The actual practices are not always clearly stated. The practice may have developed from an impatience which led priests to continue in the liturgical prayers while the choir or congregation was singing or chanting (Bouyer 1968, p. 371). Bouyer mentions an alternative theory for the origin of the silent canon, namely that it was inspired by mystery religions and a desire to protect the prayers from profane imitations (Bouyer 1968, p. 374). However, ancient authors who discuss the practice do not indicate any protection of the liturgy as a reason for the silence. Eventually, the liturgy would progress along two independent tracks, one for the priest and one for everyone else (Bouyer 1968, p. 377).

Medieval Eucharists Way Out West

8/6/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/6/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 10: The Gallican and Mozarabic Eucharist." (pp. 315-337). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   Bouyer considers the extreme western rites, those of the Gallican and Mozarabic types, to have stronger connections with Syrian rites than with Alexandrian or Roman rites (Bouyer 1968, p. 316). He notes this is even visible in the architecture and arrangement of church buildings as well as in the dress of priests, bishops, and deacons.
   In essence, from a liturgical standpoint, Bouyer considers the Gallican and Mozarabic rites to be the same, as they have only slight differences (Bouyer 1968, p. 317). About the time of Charlemagne, liturgical books which adopted elements of the Gallican liturgies were brought to Rome, where they had a strong influence on liturgical usage due to the Roman framework of the liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 318). This resulted in a greater similarity between the Roman and Gallican rites.
   Within the many texts of the Gallican type, Bouyer finds the prayers tend to be abbreviated when compared with the West Syrian evidence. He also finds in them a strong influence of Augustine, with material freely borrowed (Bouyer 1968, p. 320). Dating of the liturgies is difficult. Bouyer notes texts copied as early as the seventh century, but of material of unknown earlier date (Bouyer 1968, p. 321). The additional problem of transmission of materials from East to West by someone who would be capable of such a fundamental task is still unresolved. Bouyer is able to suggest nobody during the course of hundreds of years who would be capable of such a task, with the possible exception of Eusebius, bishop of Milan 451-465/6 (Bouyer 1968, p. 324). Chiefly due to the volume of liturgical materials, Bouyer does not evaluate them individually. He rather illustrates different varieties of situations in which many hands of composition and redaction can be found.
   The variety found in the formularies of the Gallican type lead Bouyer to conclude that there was an extended period of liturgical improvisation (Bouyer 1968, p. 329). Because of an extensive culture of improvisation, at some point a written formulary was imposed on churches (Bouyer 1968, p. 330). However, Bouyer sees this as a compositional movement in which improvised formularies were applied to churches. A weakness with his theory, conceded by him, is that the liturgy remained fluid despite the existence of formularies. He concludes that this was possible due to a lack of overriding authority exercised to create stability (Bouyer 1968, pp. 331-332).
   Bouyer concludes the chapter with a discursus into the offertory prayers of the Gallican rites, which he thinks may be related to Jewish Teffillah, though not displaced from the eucharist proper (Bouyer 1968, pp. 336-337).

Does the Byzantine Eucharist Represent an Evolutionary Missing Link?

8/4/2026

Scholarly Reading
8/4/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 9: The Classical Form of the Byzantine Eucharist: The East Syrian Survivals of Intermediary Types." (pp. 281-314). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   In the East Syrian region, Bouyer notes the rise of "liturgies attributed respectively to St. John Chrysostom and St. Basil" (Bouyer 1968, p. 281). These were adopted by the church in Constantinople. In Antioch, apparently from before Chrysostom's time, there was a so-called liturgy of the twelve apostles. Chrysostom's liturgy follows this in general, but with additions and omissions (Bouyer 1968, p. 282).
   Bouyer moves into an analysis of this liturgy of the twelve apostles, which may have connections both to a short Antiochian liturgy and to Apostolic Constitutions (Bouyer 1968, p. 282). The text is similar to that of St. James. Notably, in the second portion, while the focus is on Jesus' merciful love, it is presented primarily as a quotation.
   Next is a comparison of the liturgy of the twelve apostles with the liturgy of St. John Chrysostom (Bouyer 1968, p. 286). Here bouyer observes the dialogue consists largely of direct quotes from St. Paul. There is also significant material that parallels the liturgy of the twelve apostles, though this text is Syriac and that one Greek (Bouyer 1968, p. 287).
   The liturgy of St. Basil may be of an earlier date than that of St. Chrysostom, but later than the liturgy of the twelve apostles (Bouyer 1968, p. 290). It was brought into use in Egypt, then in a longer form into Cappadocia (Bouyer 1968, p. 291). Much of this liturgy is created from biblical sentences arranged into a selective narrative about God's person and work. In contrast to the liturgy of St. James, that of St. Basil draws a complex picture of the interactions of the persons of the Trinity (Bouyer 1968, p. 297). Further, Bouyer observes that "[t]he unfolding of the prayer itself assembles the whole content of the Eighteen Blessings more precisely than any other previously cited Christian formulary" (Bouyer 1968, p. 303). Even the progression of ideas is mostly intact.
   Bouyer brings us back to the liturgical traditions of East Syria, where some groups use an expanded form of the liturgy of Addai and Mari, under the identity of Nestorius or of Theodore of Mopsuestia (Bouyer 1968, p. 304). Here, the epiclesis is after the intercessions, rather than being before them. All in all, Bouyer concludes that the liturgies reviewed in this chapter are all related to the prayers of the Palestinian synagogues, and that especially the Roman and Alexandrian liturgies developed naturally from these roots (Bouyer 1968, p. 310).

Newsletter for August 2026

7/31/2026

July 31 2026 Newsletter

West Syrian Eucharists and the Agape Meal

7/30/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/30/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 8: The West Syrian Liturgy: The Apostolic Constitutions and the Liturgy of Saint James." (pp. 244-280). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   Bouyer begins this chapter with his presupposition that at some point in early Christianity "the service of prayers and readings and the eucharistic meal were combined into one" and that the liturgy of Rome and Alexandria were "practically universal in the Church" (Bouyer 1968, p. 244). However, in the fourth century a different type of eucharistic liturgy emerged in Western Syria, which Bouyer calls "profoundly different" though with "the same elements" (Bouyer 1968, p. 244). These liturgies are found in the 8th book of Apostolic Constitutions (frequently also called the Clementine liturgy), as well as in the Liturgy of St. James.
   Though some scholarship has attempted to consider the West Syrian liturgies "original," Bouyer considers this "the most curious aberration conceivable" (Bouyer 1968, p. 246). He takes the level of development to be far too advanced to have come from the earliest Christian period. Bouyer proceeds for several pages to discuss distinctions between a Hebraic form of expression, which features compact statements in short sentences, with the complex Greek periodic writing. The composition of Apostolic Constitutions decidedly follows the Greek patterns rather than the Hebraic ones (Bouyer 1968, p. 250).
   The eucharistic liturgy from Apostolic Constitutions, though lengthy, could well be done in about 15 minutes, which strikes Bouyer as a reasonable period, considering the importance of the eucharist and the breadth of the prayers (Bouyer 1968, p. 251). The comprehensive nature of the liturgy is striking. Theological claims are specific and concise.
   Bouyer reproduces Apostolic Constitutions book 8 in an English version, inserting a few comments on the different sections, which consist of an introduction followed by prayers arranged in a trinitarian scheme (Bouyer 1968, pp. 253 ff). In the portion pertaining to the Father, we note especially that his work of creation takes place through the Son, who is also presented as the Logos of God (Bouyer 1968, p. 258). The portion pertaining to the Son focuses on the paradoxes inherent in Jesus' full divinity and humanity, as well as on Jesus' earthly works of ministry (Bouyer 1968, p. 262). The third portion, pertaining to the Holy Spirit, incorporates the institution narrative (Bouyer 1968, p. 265). There follow prayers for specific individuals and situations, which vary based on place and time (Bouyer 1968, p. 267).
   Bouyer next turns his attention to the liturgy of St. James, which he takes to be a later synthesis of material from Apostolic Constitutions (Bouyer 1968, p. 268). It is a more compact liturgy, with many allusions to Jerusalem. The liturgy of St. James was used for many years throughout the East, before being replaced by liturgies attributed to Basil and to Chrysostom (Bouyer 1968, p. 269). The liturgy, while showing an economy of arrangement, still contains extensive and broad ranging intercessions (Bouyer 1968, p. 277). This combination of extensive prayer and precise structure strikes Bouyer as something which would take many years to develop (Bouyer 1968, p. 278).

Eucharistic Descriptions from the 5th and 6th Centuries

7/28/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/28/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 7: The Alexandrian and Roman Eucharists." (pp. 187-243). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame. (Personal Library)
   The eucharist in the Roman canon, in use since the sixth century, is not very similar to that of Hippolytus or of Addai and Mari. The differences are so great as to lead Bouyer to conclude that it is not a descendant of either and that those earlier forms were unlikely to have been used in Rome (Bouyer 1968, p. 187). The changes are too extensive for Bouyer to embrace a scenario in which the schema in Hippolytus could have made such a transformation.
   In this regard, Bouyer compares the liturgy found in Ambrose of Milan, which bears more similarity to the Roman canon than to Hippolytus (Bouyer 1968, p. 190). Yet to decide the order from Milan, in about a hundred years, supplanted that of Hippolytus as allegedly used in Rome, strikes Bouyer as an impossibility (Bouyer 1968, p. 191).
   Rather than evaluating the claims of Hippolytus that unacceptable innovations were being made in Rome, Bouyer pursues the similarities between the intercessions in Alexandrian usage and those in the Roman canon (Bouyer 1968, p. 192). The Alexandrian rite shows an influence from the West Syrian rites, but with substantial rearrangement of the petitions. Bouyer describes the various portions of the eucharistic prayers and their meaning in some detail. He particularly finds that after the sanctus, the themes and most of the order of the prayers correspond closely to the Jewish meal prayers (Bouyer 1968, p. 197).
   The Alexandrian liturgy bears comparison with an archaic work found as the Der Balizeh anaphora, as well as the anaphora of Serapion (Bouyer 1968, pp. 200 ff). In the Der Balizeh fragment, Bouyer finds language which is almost identical to that of the liturgy of St. Mark. In the anaphora of Serapion, a contemporary of Athanasius, Bouyer finds numerous peculiarities, but a strong correspondence to the liturgy of St. Mark (Bouyer 1968, p. 207).
   Bouyer continues with a comparison and analysis of both the anamnesis and the epiclesis in Egyptian liturgies (Bouyer 1968, p. 209). In his analysis, Bouyer notes a number of elements which he considers to show evidence of direct dependence on other documents (Bouyer 1968, p. 211).
   Having tied the Alexandrian eucharist to other liturgies of greater antiquity, Bouyer compares the Alexandrian and Roman eucharists, along with their possible antecedents. He finds considerable structural and verbal parallels (Bouyer 1968, p. 215). In the course of his extensive comparative comments, Bouyer also includes substantial theological commentary, discussing the doctrines which could lead to the specific wording and structure of the prayers.
   Having discussed at length the parallels between the Alexandrian and Roman liturgy, Bouyer turns to an analysis of the Roman eucharist on its own merits (Bouyer 1968, p. 227). He first discusses at length the Proper Preface and its variability, which has, in the West, settled in a form of different prefaces according to the season of the church year (Bouyer 1968, p. 230). As he walks through the liturgy he concludes the similarity to Alexandrian liturgy likely shows dependence on it or that the two have a common ancestor. In the end of the chapter, he returns to Hippolytus, again emphasizing that the eucharistic liturgy in Hippolytus could not have developed into that of the Roman canon (Bouyer 1968, p. 243).

Eucharist Is Described in the 3rd and 4th Centuries

7/23/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/23/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 6: The Patristic Eucharist and the Vestiges of the Primitive Eucharist: The Liturgies of Addai and Mari and of St. Hippolytus." (pp. 136-186). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   Bouyer asserts that written versions of liturgical prayers only came about in response to fears that tradition could be changed without a written safeguard (Bouyer 1968, p. 136). Thus he explains the existence of texts which codify prayers. He additionally asserts that the written versions were based on existing practice and that they left room for alteration in details but not for wholesale change (Bouyer 1968, p. 137).
   This freedom for alteration in details means that we can expect to see a wide variety of eucharistic prayers, which can generally be sorted by region, but that they are very likely to have a common structure and many elements in common. This is what Bouyer finds, as he considers the difficulty in identifying specific roots of liturgical prayers in different locations (Bouyer 1968, p. 138). Rather than seeing liturgy as subject to central control, for instance, from Rome or Byzantium, the liturgy developed through a pattern of relatively voluntary borrowing and adaptation (Bouyer 1968, pp. 139-141).
   Bouyer continues with an analysis of the West Syrian and Gallican-Mozarabic types of liturgy (Bouyer 1968, p. 143). He briefly details the structure, which is noteworthy due to its clarity of form.
   Alexandrian and Roman eucharistic prayers follow a different order than those in the West Syrian tradition. The prayers are not so clearly focused on the persons of the trinity as on the creation and redemption of the living and the dead (Bouyer 1968, p. 144). In the Alexandrian tradition the intercessions are grouped near the beginning, while the Roman form has them more spread out (Bouyer 1968, p. 145).
   Another type, from East Syria, follows the liturgy of Addai and Mari, more ancient than those previously discussed. Here the intercessions are grouped together and, unlike anywhere else, are between the anamnesis and the epiclesis (Bouyer 1968, p. 146). Bouyer takes the structure to be built from elements coming from different times, and that, apart from the prayers of the patristic period, it represents the oldest eucharistic composition we have (Bouyer 1968, p. 147). Yet the prayers are closely related to the Jewish prayers over the cup at the end of a meal.
   Bouyer compares the anaphora of Addai and Mari to its descendants among Nestorian and Chaldean Christians (Bouyer 1968, pp. 147 ff). He considers the root material to be similar. By eliminating paragraphs which he thinks are later interpolations, it is possible to derive "a rather well formed prayer in three paragraphs" which correspond to the traditional Jewish cup prayer (Bouyer 1968, p. 150).
   Though not a main feature of his argument, Bouyer makes a comment which is relevant to my studies. Footnote 18 on p. 149 cites "Dom Bernard Botte, "Problèmes de l'anaphore syrienne des apôtres Addaï et Mari," in L'Orient Syrien, vo. X, fasc. 1, 1965, pp. 89ff. The text is translated into French on pp. 91ff, after the Missale Urmiense (Rome) 1906. Brightman, op. cit., pp. 283ff. A better form of the text was published by W.F. Macomber, "Orientalia Christiana Periodica vol. xxxii, fasc. 2, 1966, pp. 336ff." Botten observed the absence of the Word of Institution in the liturgy. Bouyer summarizes Botte's argument as follows. "[T]he liturgical manuscripts where these words do not appear are legion, even in cases where there is not the least doubt, if only according to the commentators of the period, about their compulsory presence in the celebration. This is actually the case in the West, with all the texts of the Gallican liturgy, with all the earliest texts of the Mozarabic liturgy, and in the East with many Syriac manuscripts. particularly among the Maronites. We should simply suppose that every celebrant knew the customary formula in a given rite by heart." (Bouyer 1968, p. 152).
   Having discussed at some length the liturgies descended from Addai and Mari, Bouyer attempts a reconstruction of what he would take to be the original form of the eucharistic text (Bouyer 1968, p. 154). He concludes that after his "restoration" the "prayer appears obviously with a character that is still fully Semitic" (Bouyer 1968, p. 155). The changes made have effectively made the prayers, though Christian, entirely Semitic in structure and phrasing. From this Semitic root, Bouyer postulates the later developments were added as a greater explanation of the sacrament (Bouyer 1968, p. 156).
   Bouyer has suggested, by the fact that the eucharistic prayers are based on Jewish mealtime prayers, that the eucharist was a regular meal at first, then became detached from a meal. He sees this as the pattern found in the Apostolic Tradition, in which the (putative) author, Hippolytus, draws in archaic liturgical patterns to demonstrate the antiquity of the eucharist (Bouyer 1968, p. 158). Though readily admitting that a thorough evaluation of the matters of authorship, provenance, and text history is beyond the scope of this volume, Bouyer moves into an analysis of the text in terms similar to his evaluations above (Bouyer 1968, p. 159). However, before dealing with actual eucharistic prayers, Bouyer gives a lengthy discursus about the likely identity of Hippolytus and his philosophies, as well as can be postulated based on other works with the same attribution. Having concluded that Hippolytus was likely from a remote Syrian community and was trying to create a liturgy which would seem ancient, Bouyer provides the eucharistic portions as reconstructed by Dom Botte (Bouyer 1968, pp. 168ff).
   It is significant at this point to note the text is "reconstructed" so as to say what it may have said before multiple accretions came into it. Bouyer gives his clear opinion that, as reconstructed, there is no clear epiclesis and that the text could seem incoherent at times (Bouyer 1968, p. 170). However, Bouyer presses on, summarizing Botte's defense of the Latin text as he reconstructed it (Bouyer 1968, p. 172). Though the argument for finding an original reading by translation of the Latin into Greek by way of Syriac is elegant, it is not clear whether it is actually helpful in confirming a historical context for the development of the theology in the eucharistic prayers.
   Bouyer concludes, eventually, that since the eucharistic prayers of Hippolytus cannot be divided into the three separate berakoth of the Jewish meal prayers, even though they contain all the typical petitions in order, the eucharistic prayers would not represent anything which might have been prayed in the apostolic period (Bouyer 1968, p. 180). Rather, he views Hippolytus as a later, Hellenistic author, who is simply archaizing. I observe that though there is a claim of Hellenism on p. 180, on p. 167 Hippolytus was from a remote part of Syria.
   Because of the similarity in organization of the eucharistic portions of Addai and mari with Hippolytus, Bouyer concludes that they had a common and ancient root, that of the last three berakoth used at a Jewish meal. They are separated in Addai and Mari, and combined into one in Hippolytus. The content is very similar, as is the order (Bouyer 1968, p. 182). Both liturgies point to God in Christ as the one who blesses his people and uses them as priests before him (Bouyer 1968, p. 183). Bouyer closes the chapter with several brief references to other, later liturgies which have preserved some or all of the elements found both in Addai and Mari and in Hippolytus.

Eucharist as an Expansion of Berakoth

7/21/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/21/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 5: From the Jewish Berakah to the Christian Eucharist." (pp. 91-135). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   Bouyer observes that Jesus has an unequalled understanding of both the Old Testament and of the application of prayer. The one prayer of any length which is recorded of Jesus and which is not intended for his disciples to emulate is found in Luke 10:21-22, cf. Matthew 11:25-27 (Bouyer 1968, p. 93). This prayer both rejoices in the presence of God and urges a knowledge of God to spread through the world. The spread of God's will is accomplished because of God's good pleasure (Bouyer 1968, p. 94). The berakah in John 17 is centered on the glorification of God specifically through Christ (Bouyer 1968, p. 96).
   Bouyer concedes the importance of an analysis of whether the Last Supper was the Passover meal or not, but he maintains that for the purpose of his current work the origin is less important (Bouyer 1968, p. 97). The paschal references in the berakoth are present whether the meal is a Passover meal or not (Bouyer 1968, p. 99). The elements of blessing are the same for any meal. While we would always hope our prayers and blessings are appropriate for any occasion, the evening meal blessings particularly fit the time of Passover (Bouyer 1968, p. 99).
   In the narrative of the Last Supper, Jesus tells his disciples to repeat the meal in his memory. Bouyer does not think it remotely unreasonable to think the meal would be repeated, as it was already a part of the culture of the disciples. Rather, the memorial aspect was what would be new. Bouyer prefers the translation "as my memorial" which he sees as more closely related to a rabbinic understanding of ceremonies (Bouyer 1968, p. 103). Here, in harmony with the overall context of a Jewish understanding of berakoth, the celebration recognizes God's presence with his people, which is to be remembered by God and men (Bouyer 1968, p. 104).
   Within the context of the Jewish berakoth, then, Bouyer considers it essential that we understand the entirety of the Eucharist as a Christian expansion of the Jewish berakoth used for mealtimes (Bouyer 1968, p. 104). Accordingly, we also find Paul's letters opening with berakoth, a model of liturgical practices in other contexts (Bouyer 1968, p. 107). Bouyer illustrates the developed use of berakoth at some length with extensive biblical quotations.
   Bouyer moves on to the earliest documented liturgies with the Didache (Bouyer 1968, p. 115). He emphasizes that liturgical prayers almost certainly existed prior to the time when they were gathered together (Bouyer 1968, pp. 115-116). The prayers of the Didache have strong roots in Judaism, particularly in the mealtime prayers. In Bouyer's opinion, the eucharistic prayer of Didache 9-10 is almost entirely Hebrew in nature, with only a few modifications (italicized on p. 116) made to adjust it for use in a Christian setting (Bouyer 1968, p. 117).
   In contrast with the Didache, Bouyer finds in the Apostolic Constitutions "a prayer that has been entirely recomposed in a Chrsitian perspective" (Bouyer 1968, p. 119). Bouyer reviews scholarly theories about the origin of the text at some length. His view is that, though the prayers are of Christian origin rather than adaptation, they are still built using Jewish forms of prayer (Bouyer 1968, p. 121). He then proceeds to reproduce the particular prayers, describing how they would fit into a Jewish meal celebration based on their structures. Throughout, the Christian liturgical prayers follow the structure of the Jewish meal prayers, with details customized for the current setting and interpolated Christian formulae. The eucharistic prayers of Apostolic Constitutions, then, have significant roots in Jewish liturgy.

July 20th, 2026

7/20/2026

Discussion Evenings
From the Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry News Desk - July 21, 2026

What's a worldview? It's the perspective that shows up in our culture. Put simply, it's the glasses we use to look at the world. Everyone has one. In fact, most people have several, depending on what part of the world they're looking at.
It's important for everyone, but especially Christians, to be aware of the perspective used by themselves and others to look at the world. One of the best ways to sharpen that ability is to talk together with others about various aspects of the culture. We at Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry do it sometimes by way of watching a movie and then discussing it. We've done that three times this summer, once in a theater and twice at home.
Last Friday, July 17, a gathering of twelve of us watched a few selected episodes of The Twilight Zone, from 1959-1961, and analyzed the perspectives that came to the surface. What is the purpose of having our possessions? What happens when the value of protecting my family collides with the value of caring for my neighbors? What do we do with power? How does power influence our thinking when it comes to friendships and trust of other people? How does our relationship with the power of government interact with our relationship with God?
It's always a good thing to practice thinking as a Christian about topics like these. Truth be told, we typically try to avoid some topics. But thought provoking programs, books, articles, and films bring up topics that make us uncomfortable.
We had a generous grant from Thrivent Financial to support our movie and discussion evening. Because it was a generous grant, we also managed to purchase several copies of a book for future discussions. During the upcoming semester, we'll be forming a discussion group on campus, probably on Tuesdays, that will work our way through Alfonso Espinosa's new book, Contending for Christ through the Creed. Here we'll concentrate on the ways the historic Apostles' Creed addresses the order of the world, the nature of God, and the nature and role of humans. I hope we have a good turnout for these discussions as well!

Mid-July Financial Update

7/17/2026

Mid-July Financial Update
From the Wittenberg Door News Desk - 7/17/26
Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry is funded by the generosity of our contributors. As a 501(c)(3) charitable organization we are glad to receive gifts which are tax deductible and which further our goal of providing face-to-face pastoral care to the students, faculty, staff, administrators and their families in the collegiate communities of Columbia Missouri.
Our annual budget, which is able to support all ministry activities and a full-time chaplain is approximately $100,000. In the past, we have not been able to raise our entire budget, though we remain hopeful. As of the middle of July, we have received about $20,000 in gifts, representing 20% of our budget.
As we pursue our goal of calling a full-time chaplain who will receive adequate pay, I urge you to continue providing the financial support this organization needs to continue. At present, Wittenberg Door is able to cover the expense of maintaining presence on campus and to care for transportation. However, we're still far away from being able to pay a salary. If you know people or organizations who would like to hear about our work or would consider contributing to support, please help us be in contact with them.

What's Coming Up?

7/17/2026

What's Coming Up?
From the Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry News Desk - July 15, 2026

Our Dinner and Conversation evenings have always been the most visible activity Wittenberg Door has sponsored. We'll be continuing those starting August 21 and continuing on alternating Friday evenings through the semester.
What else do we do? The "meat and potatoes" of Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry is centered around study and discussion of Scripture. In the upcoming year we will have the third straight year of a Bible discussion group at a local fraternity house. When we started it was my strong recommendation to the men. Last year the leadership asked if it could continue. We took a walk through the biblical ideas found in Luther's Small Catechism. Before the end of last year, the leadership and the ten or so men who had been attending told me they wanted to continue. Thanks be to God for an increasing interest in His Word!
I have been talking with some of the collegiate people around Trinity Lutheran Church. I believe they want to make a plan to show themselves at a public space around campus rather frequently, to hang together, study together, do a little biblical discussion and prayer together, and make it known that Lutheran Christians have a presence on the Mizzou campus. I'm hoping that some of the fraternity brothers will join in as well, and that people from the other Lutheran congregations in town will decide to join with us as a show of unity in Christ.
Thinking of discussions, I was given a book for Father's Day written by a dear brother in Christ, Alfonso Espinosa, who has been an encouragement to me since we first met on the internet and especially since we spent some face to face time at a conference a few years back. Contending for Christ through the Creed will make an excellent book discussion item. Consisting of 12 brief chapters (about 10 pages each), the book walks through the idea that "contention" is often a very good thing, as we identify, evaluate, and defend truth claims. We'll be working on a day and time to have discussions, probably starting them in the first week of September.
A plain ordinary Bible discussion on campus has temporarily fallen off the calendar. Those who have followed Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry for a long time may well remember our Lunch and Learn Bible discussion. For most of the years, it was a very small group, normally myself and our staunch supporter, Harry, who died unexpectedly in March. I'd like us to restart a Bible discussion, and hope to turn up several people who have a similar desire. This year we'd probably discuss the lectionary readings on the schedule for the upcoming Sunday's church services.
Finally, one of the activities which I've always enjoyed engaging in and which has been a very effective tool for building relationships is doing some conversation partner work for those who are non-native English speakers. For the past two years I've not done this due to schedule constraints. However, it's ready to start up again. In conversations with the International Center and with the Asian Affairs Center, I've found there are plenty of people who want English conversation partners, but there are not enough native English speakers who are willing to participate. Please pray that we can make a difference in the lives of our visitors. If anyone local is interested in serving as a conversation partner, please let me know!
It's wonderful as a Christian and as part of a Christ-centered ministry to welcome others who would like to learn more about God's Word, God's people, and the culture they're living in. Leviticus 19:33-34 tells God's people very clearly that they are to love and care for foreigners who are residing among them, since the people of Israel were also foreigners when in Egypt. By showing a warm welcome to others we are God's ambassadors, loving and serving our new neighbors.

Celebrating 250 Years

7/17/2026

Celebrating 250 Years
From the Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry News Desk - July 13, 2026
For the most part, Wittenberg Door is apolitical in nature. Actually, we're always apolitical in nature. When we take a stand that looks like a political commentary, it is intended not for the realm of the political (which fits into God's "left hand" realm), but it is intended to provide a biblical response to some other sort of left hand realm issues. It is right and appropriate for Christians to care about and understand the culture and economy in which they live. Simply because the culture isn't the end game doesn't mean it doesn't matter. Lots of cultural and social stances do matter a great deal.
The United States, this year, has reached a milestone in having declared its independence from a colonial power 250 years ago. That's a long time! Our Declaration of Independence has been used as a model for about half the nations on the planet as they have articulated their case for independence.
What does that mean for the work of Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry? Since many of our participants are visitors to this nation, and since Americans traditionally have cookouts and enjoy fireworks on Independence Day, we continue our practice of welcoming people into this culture, especially as we celebrate a quarter of a millennium of freedom! It was great to see older and younger people, sometimes literally passing the torch on.
We also had opportunity to demonstrate the theory that if you give young men something to throw around, they will end up entertaining themselves.
In the end, when all the food has been eaten and all the fireworks have been shot, we found, just like always, at the bottom of it all, the 27 people from four different nationalities and native languages are a precious gift to one another. When we are able to bring a group like this together, it's always a chance to learn, to grow, and to enjoy the fact that we are marvelously created to be bearers of God's image in culture.

Call Process Update - July 15 2026

7/17/2026

From the Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry News Desk - July 15, 2026
Our last update on the call process was at the end of January. For those readers who think a new chaplain shows up in a matter of moments, let me assure you that it doesn't usually work that way. What actually happens for the most part is that a ministry will be essentially on hold for quite a while and then when the person who's the right fit turns up, things move very quickly.
We're currently waiting for someone to appear who would be a good fit for Wittenberg Door, preferably someone who is able to be bivocational or who has the ability to mobilize a fairly substantial support base. We expect to start seeing a number of seminary graduates in the next few years, as there are a good number of men in the pipeline.
Our central concern remains that of providing genuine, face to face, pastoral care to the students, faculty, staff, administrators, and families of the collegiate communities in town. Please pray that we will be able to do this faithfully. For those who are able to offer financial support, please do so, remembering that the work of ministry isn't a money making venture but that it does cost money to keep things going

Prayer as What You Do All Day

7/16/2026

Scholarly Reading
7/16/26

Bouyer, Louis. (1968). "Ch. 4: The Jewish Berakoth." (pp. 50-90). In Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame (Personal Library)
   Bouyer observes that there are two categories of berakoth in Jewish life. The briefer one, which is used throughout the day, is a simple blessing, while there is a longer form, more complex, used in the services of a synagogue and in blessings at meals (Bouyer 1968, p.50). There are numerous prayer books, some still in use, which provide a wide variety of blessings (Bouyer 1968, p.51). The texts, many of which are found in manuscripts of the late Middle Ages or early renaissance, are largely unchanged as they can be traced through the generations (Bouyer 1968, p.52).
   Bouyer briefly discusses what he identifies as a Protestant view that there was an early freedom in prayer, later made rigid based on prescriptive teaching (Bouyer 1968, p.53). He contrasts this with a view of oral tradition in which freedom remains but written records provide a framework for prayers. In Hebraic thought the intent of the prayers is more important than the specific wording (Bouyer 1968, p.54).
   Because of the emphasis on the intent of structured prayers, Bouyer sees the short berakoth as a consideration of God's presence through his Word in all things and in human actions (Bouyer 1968, p.55). Bouyer goes on to walk through the kind of brief prayers which would accompany normal daily routines.
   The contrast between the routine matters of life and the nature of a synagogue service or a meal shows itself clearly in the difference between the smaller blessings and the greater ones (Bouyer 1968, p.58). Synagogue services are normally preceded by a period of prayer, often including a recitation of Psalms 145-150 (Bouyer 1968, p. 59). After an evening meal, Psalms 113-118 are often sung. There are also various berakoth which are more complex than those used at other times through the day (Bouyer 1968, p. 60). Again, Bouyer provides examples of the prayers which would be typical. He emphasizes throughout the integrity of the worldview which is expressed. God is altogether permeating his world and his people. This is how his glory operates (Bouyer 1968, p. 65). Bouyer continues with a brief discussion in positive terms of mysticism built on these patterns of prayer.
   After the Shema, central to synagogue worship, comes a series of 18 blessings, known as the Tefillah (Bouyer 1968, p. 70). The overall content of these blessings "became fixed at a very early date" (Bouyer 1968, p. 71). Bouyer provides the berakoth according to Babylonian tradition. As we have seen in other contexts, so here Bouyer emphasizes the importance of the Word of God creating unity with God's people (Bouyer 1968, p. 75).
   The Jewish meal liturgy is more closely related to the Chrsitian eucharist than is the synagogue prayer custom. These prayers were used at any meal, but particularly at family meals, especially those of a celebratory nature (Bouyer 1968, p. 79). The meal would begin with thanksgiving for the fruit of the vine, then continue with breaking of bread and prayer. Bouyer references the "cup-bread" sequence of Luke 22, along with Jesus' reference to "fruit of the vine" in this context (Bouyer 1968, pp. 79-80). The prayers of blessing would continue throughout the meal. Toward the end of a holy day meal, a lamp would be lit, hands would be washed in a ceremonial manner, and a final cup would be drunk with words of blessing (Bouyer 1968, pp. 80-81).
   In all the blessings, Bouyer particularly notes that God's work of building and sustaining his people is seen as a work which will continue to the end. There is also a strong element of a "memorial" in which God's people preserve and remain engaged with His word as He engages with them (Bouyer 1968, p. 84). This is the same memorial language used by Jesus in the Last Supper. The aspect of memory and of blessing may be seen as originating in God's care for his people, but also as being his people's response. The prayers repeatedly use language indicating that God receives our blessing (Bouyer 1968, p. 86).