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Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Six: Gain and Loss: Worship in the Writings of the Reformers and the Counter-Reformation." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 247-345). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)
Wegman sees the time of the Reformation as a confluence of revolt against historic precedent and of cultural reliance on medieval practices (Wegman 1985, p. 298). The growth of humanism alternatively found literature, philosophy, and theological inquiry as its grounding, and exalted or derided the various disciplines. The papacy increasingly depended on diplomatic negotiations rather than papal decrees to accomplish desires (Wegman 1985, p. 299). Literary and philosophical scholarship grew in popularity and influence.
In this context, the works of Erasmus show a conflict between humanistic philosophy and popular piety, as Wegman illustrates using a number of quotations from Erasmus (Wegman 1985, pp. 300-302).
As the Middle Ages declined, the Renaissance, arising especially in Italy, began to dawn (Wegman 1985, p. 302). Wegman describes the times as overlapping, rather than finding a clear end of one and start of the other. The Renaissance is characterized by a view of human primacy in which events and concepts would be re-evaluated by human reason rather than by means of historic practice (Wegman 1985, p. 302-303). The current individual was considered as superior to past culture.
Wegman considers the Renaissance to have ended in 1527, probably due to the work of Michelangelo, ushering in the Baroque period. At this time nationalist consciousness grew, by which Christianity could be distinguished in one nation as opposed to another (Wegman 1985, p. 303).
The fervency of the Baroque period can be seen also in the Reformation, as elaborations and even cultural upheavals can be seen in liturgical forms and theological articulations which arise in different regions (Wegman 1985, p. 304). The traditional liturgical figures of Christianity, though they were retained in Roman and Orthodox piety, were largely absent elsewhere.
Wegman notes that the reformers were initially more interested in reform of the church than in liturgical change (Wegman 1985, p. 306). The adjustments to liturgy reflected theological clarifications which were occurring. Luther attempted to retain traditional forms, as did Calvin, while Zwingli was more open to change. All three were committed to the centrality of preaching and aview of baptism and eucharist tied to biblical preaching.
Wegman goes on to discuss the alterations which appear in baptismal rituals. It is particularly notable that in Luther's settings, though they are generally similar to the Roman ritual, the vernacular language is used, thus allowing for greater congregational involvement (Wegman 1985, pp. 306-308). Wegman takes much of other Reformational interpretation of baptismal rituals to be based on Luther's two settings. Some, such as Martin Bucer, rejected Luther's historic revisions and took baptism as an opportunity to publicly confess a feeling of faith (Wegman 1985, p. 309). Zwingli and Calvin took baptism as a sign of entry into a congreation and as an element of preaching (Wegman 1985, pp. 310-311).
The work of the reformers, with its focus on renewing people to a right relationship with God, focused on preaching rather than on ritual liturgical changes (Wegman 1985, p. 311). Reading, teaching, and singing biblical texts and commentaries took pride of place in gatherings. Wegman observes that there had been developments in preaching as far back as the ninth century, with clergy urged to focus on the creed, Lord's prayer, and ten commandments (Wegman 1985, p. 313). Explanation of the faith, rather than a more formal emphasis on the sacramental rituals had tended to move the pulpit and the congregation closer together (Wegman 1985, p. 313). The structure of a praching service came to be relatively stable, with Scripture read in Latin, the read and explained in the vernacular, followed by prayers including "the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the Ave Maria, and the decalogue was read" (Wegman 1985, p. 313). A blessing at the end, and a variety of additional prayers and singing were eventually added by the late Middle Ages. This was easily adapted to serve as the common preaching service in the Reformation (Wegman 1985, p. 314). Because of the focus on preaching, liturgical ritual and the emphasis on sacraments, and a Church calendar declined in the Reformation. Wegman particularly describes the conceptual change which downplayed the reality and centrality of a sacramental view of eucharist. The eucharist came to be recognized as "the Lord's Supper" with less expectation of God's presence and more of an emphasis on the congregation's remembering Jesus (Wegman 1985, p. 315). Sacrificial language disappeared, even in Lutehr's liturgical writings (Wegman 1985, p. 316).
Wegman reviews Luther's mass settings, observing that Luther insisted on preaching being present in each church service. Sacrificial language was removed form the celebration of the mass (Wegman 1985, p. 317). Luther was more concerned with the content of the theology than with the particular ritual used to express the content. Wegman reviews a number of passages in Luther's works which emphasize this concept (Wegman 1985, pp. 318ff). He includes many specific quotations from liturgies attributed to others within the Lutheran tradition.
Wegman continues with brief summaries of eucharistic practices within other streams of Reformational thought, centered in different communities (Wegman 1985, pp. 326ff).
Webman concludes that "the reformers did not simply adapt the Roamn liturgy of their day. They fundamentally altered the service, but in various ways" (Wegman 1985, pp. 334-335). Lutherans retained much traditional material but centered their emphasis on preaching. The Reformed (i.e. Calvinist or Zwinglian focused groups) rejected the external displays and moved fundamentally away from sacramental theology and practice. Wegman sees this as a gain in terms of preaching and a loss in terms of sacramental memory (Wegman 1985, p. 335).
Turning his attention to the Anglican Reformation, Wegman describes the central place in liturgical development played by the Book of Common Prayer (Wegman 1985, p. 337). The first edition of 1549 shows a strong Lutheran ifnluence from Cologne and Nuremberg, while the second edition of 1552 shows a strong Reformed influence. Editionso f 1559 and 1662 make a variety of compromises. The next revision, in 1928, was not approved by Parliament. A revised service book was released in 1980. Cranmer's emphasis in the sixteenth century was on preaching and teaching, while many rites were preserved in the liturgy. The rubrics generally allowed for services with a more austere, "Reformed" tone or a more elaborate "Catholic" tone (Wegman 1985, p. 338).
Wegman describes baptism (Wegman 1985, p. 338) and communion (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-341), as well as rites of ordination and orders for daily prayer (Wegman 1985, pp. 341-342) in some detail. Of particular note is Cranmer's adaptation of the Roman Canon o thte Mass, breaking particularly from the Reformed tradition (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-340).
The Reformation was characterized by a growth of hymnody and singing of Psalms (Wegman 1985, p. 342). This was considered an integral part of the work of teaching and preaching.
The German Reformation was not without its detractors. Wegman observes that the Baroque emphasis of the Reformatino was countered by a renewed emphasis on the traditional liturgy within the Roman Catholic church (Wegman 1985, p. 343). In effect, Wegman describes a conflict in the Counter-Reformation between the apologetic emphasis of the Reformation and the liturgical culture of Rome (Wegman 1985, p. 344).