Category: Stark 1997 - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Mercy Sets Christianity Apart from Other World Religions

1/25/2021

Monday Book Feature
1/25/21

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 10: A Brief Reflection on Virtue." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 191-208.

Stark observes that historians today are willing to evaluate social factors and their influence on doctrine, but they are not as willing to evaluate the influences doctrine has on society (Stark 1997, 209). However, Stark believes "that it was the religion's particular doctrines that permitted Christianity to be among the most sweeping and successful revitalization movements in history. And it was the way these doctrines took on actual flesh, the way they directed organizational actions and individual behavior, that led to the rise of Christianity" (Stark 1997, 211).

Stark specifically sees that the Jewish and Christian idea of God actually loving his people would be puzzling to the pagan world (Stark 1997, 211). Mercy was not part of the pagan world view. It was even seen as a character defect (Stark 1997, 212). Counter to paganism, Christianity is centered on a merciful God who makes people merciful, and requires them to love one another. "This was revolutionary stuff" (Stark 1997, 212).

A second major feature of Christinaity which made it effective in revitalization is that it offered a distinct culture which was not based on ethnicity and which did not require people to discard their ethnicity (Stark 1997, 213). Inthis way, Christianity was the most cosmopolitan culture of all. The culture, moreover, was humane and valued all people alike. In such a culture, people were treated as intrinsically valuable. The virtue was certainly compelling. This made Christianity uniquely able to change the world.

Sure Makes More Sense than Paganism . . .

1/18/2021

Monday Book Feature
1/18/21

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 9: Opportunity and Organization." IThe Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 191-208.

Stark finds there are two key factors which contribute to the ability of a religious movement to flourish. "The first is the degree or state regulation of religion . . . The second is the vigor of the conventional religious organization(s) against which new religions must compete" (Stark 1997, 191).

Rome was relatively free as far as religion was concerned. Though there were limitations, and though Christianity was not formally accepted, it was relatively free in most places and times (Stark 1997, 192). House churches could be easily identified. Christians took on Christian names. The movement was not secret.

Stark considers it important to analyze the view pagans took of Christians. This brings up the topic of a "religious economy," a marketplace of ideas and practices (Stark 1997, 193). This allows for analysis that is not limited to the individual convert, but which relates to the overall operation of the religious organization, comparing it with others (Stark 1997, 194). One important factor in this evaluation is the level of coercive force used by a government to manipulate religious organizations. Where there is intense repression of differing view, only small minorities will normally deviate. Where repression eases, more pluralism exists. Pluralism, in turn, makes it less likely for readically diverse groups to grow, but does allow them to try (Stark 1997, 195). Rome was very pluralistic in nature, as there was a constant influx of religions from subject territories.

Stark observes that paganism went into a steep decline in the fourth and fifth centuries. This may have occurred, at least in part, because paganism was very pluralistic and fragmented compared to Christianity (Stark 1997, 197). Stark considers whether the spread of the Isis cult could provide insight into areas where there were unmet perceived needs. In fact, Christianity spread in the same places where the Isis cult spread (Stark 1997, 199). In a related line of questioning, Stark asks what attitudes may have been held of paganism by pagans. He understands blasphemous graffiti in Pompeii to suggest that , at least in one place, people did not hold the pagan deities in high regard. He assumes this would be the case elsewhere as well (Stark 1997, 200).

There is a known tendency for society to move from polytheism to monotheism, possibly from an innate desire to have gods which show a greater scope of concern (Stark 1997, 201). Stark does note that we normally need more than one supernatural being so as to account for both good and evil without having just one deity who is too lofty to be concerned with eitehr (Stark 1997, 202).

What made Christianity more effective than paganism? Stark describes the difference between a private concern with religion and a collective concern. In a pluralistic society where religion is largely a private concern, multiple faiths can exist together, even in one person. When religion is more of a collective concern, it leads to an increased exclusivity which usually becomes dominant or goes into decline (Stark 1997, 204). The exclusivity of the Christian faith was strong enough that it became dominant ompared to the multiple private concerns of paganism. Stark illustrates this phenomenon in several different historic and cultural settings.

Christianity as a Reasoned Choice

1/11/2021

Monday Book Feature
1/11/21

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 8: The Martyrs: Sacrifice as Rational Choice."The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 163-189.

Stark quotes Eusebius extensively as he describes early Christian martyrs who, in his opinion, "did not merely confront the threat of execution, for the governor was determined to break the Christian movement by using torture to force its leaders to recant" (Stark 1997, 163). While sources in antiquity considered Christian martyrs to be brave and despise death, Stark observes that modern analysts have suggested there were "obvious symptomos of psychopathology" (Stark 1997, 165). Social scientists, trying to explain people who make sacrifices for religion often conclude that the behavior is irrational. Stark sees this as a bias extending to all sorts ofreligious behavior, including "prayer, observance of moral codes, and contribution of time and wealth" (Stark 1997, 166). Stark finds considerable evidence that many religious behaviors are based on rational choices rather than on an irrational element. This premise allows for actual scientific study of behavioral patterns (Stark 1997, 167). Stark therefore considers that conversion to Christianity may be related to rational choices.

Stark begins "with a theoretical proposition: Religion supplies compensators for rewards that are scarce or unavailable" (Stark 1997, 167). The scarce reward, in this case, would be something unavailable in our earthly existence. The compensator would be the proposed method for receiving the reward. He admits the challenge in a religious claim of eternal life that the reward itself is invisible in this world. The ultimate claims cannot be evaluated with certainty (Stark 1997, 169).

When we consider choices, rationality is normally assumed. In light of the compensation and our expectation of an outcome, we decide whether or not we will participate in the offer (Stark 1997, 169). Different people, in different circumstances, will make different decisions. Yet in general, people make reasoned choices. Stark is clear that some of the rewards people find in religious behavior seem very costly, such as taking on a life of wervice to the poor. Yet it is insulting to say that Mother Teresa did not find her work rewarding and worth the cost (Stark 1997, 171).

The compensators, or inducements, to participate in a religious life, are normally made known by a community in which the religion is practiced. Stark suggests that seeing a community collectively promoting the religious view is a strong argument to adopt that religious faith (Stark 1997, 172). Purely personal expressions of faith are very tenuous. They have no contextual support. For this reason, Stark expects to see high levels of commitment in groups "that are very strict about their confessional requirements of membershiop. Doubters lower the value assigned to compensators" (Stark 1997, 173). Additionally, Stark sees value in the personal testimonials of tangible benefits, such as improvement in quality of life, family relationships, or, for instance, the ability to resist temptation to drub or alcohol abuse. In Stark's assessment, religious martyrs, who gain nothing in earthly terms for their faithfulness, are the most powerful testimony to the value they place on their faith (Stark 1997, 174).

One of the problems often experienced in communities is "the free-rider problem" (Stark 1997, 174). In this situation, some who join with the organization do so only to reap the benefits but not to contribute to its work. The solution Stark proposes is that successful religious movements make rather costly demands (Stark 1997, 176). These costly demands are not necessarily monetary costs. Taking on a potential social stigma may be effective, as would making a social sacrifice. As examples Stark mentions shaving heads or wearing unusual clothing (Stark 1997, 176). Those who participate do so in such a way as to take on some of the identity of the group.

Stark goes on to consider the cost and commitment of early Christianity. The first Christians had a considerable list of prohibitions, as well as a number of activities they would engage in, to "care for the sick, infirm, and dependent, for example" (Stark 1997, 179). However, the possibility of torture and death stand out as very high commitments, especially for a reward which is intangible. Stark notes that many early Christians recanted when faced with torture. He also sees persecutions as somewhat rare and not always resulting in death (Stark 1997, 179). Even severl hundred deaths in a persecution in a large city is a small fraction of the population. However, it was a real possibility and was faced by some without hesitation (Stark 1997, 180).

Stark uses Ignatius as an example of a martyr. He was already a leader, the bishop of Antioch. On the way to his execution he journeyed through Asia Minor with ten soldiers. They allowed him time to preacha nd meet with Christians, but those who met him did not seem in danger of arrest (Stark 1997, 180). Stark notes that Ignatius' letters depict a person who is victorious and on his way to his final destination (Stark 1997, 181). In many ways Ignatius is similar to other martyrs, later associated with "the cult of the saints." Martyrdom was seen as the final step of fame and honor (Stark 1997, 182). The average Christian was apparently in little danger. The outstanding leader would potentially gain the honor of being one of the few martyrs.

Christianity holds out a proise of eternal life. Stark sees in the earliest Christian teaching an expectation that the end would come very soon (Stark 1997, 184). The simple fact that Christians were aging and dying may have challenged this message. Loss of hope may have been increased if the Christian movement did not seem to be expanding very quickly. Stark suggests that, according to the pattern of growth he charts, the first generation may have only seen a few thousand converts, at least after the initial growth spurt. Many religious movements will revise their promises about the end of the first generation (Stark 1997, 185).

Stark sees the martyrdoms of James, Peter, and Paul, all in the sixties, as a strong factor in identifying martyrdom as a sign of honor (Stark 1997, 186). The fact that the three primary leaders of Christianity laid down their lives willingly in hope of the future resurrection would serve as a very credible testimony of their belief (Stark 1997, 188).

Stark adds that the Christian life was also considered rewarding from an earthly perspective. Christians engaged in loving worship, giving to the poor, and care for the sick and dying. These activities were doine within the Chrisitan community first, then directed outward. Christians could expect help in times of need (Stark 1997, 188)l They also had a culture of respect for family and of honor directed across the lines of social and economic chasses. These temporal benefits, along withe the promse of eternity, must have been powerful motivators to join with the Christians.

Cities as Grim Spaces

1/4/2021

Monday Book Feature
1/4/21

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 7: Urban Chaos and Crisis: The Case of Antioch." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 147-162..

Based on his observation that Christianity was largely an urban phenomenon, Stark sets out to analyze urban dynamics which may have shaped Christianity (Stark 1997, 147). He selects Antioch as his test case, since it was a major population center and was also home to a relatively large Christian community.

Stark emphasizes the small size of Greco-Roman cities (Stark 1997, 149). With an area of about two square miles, by the end of the first century Antioch had a population around 150,000. Stark notes this is a population density three times that of modern New York City, and over five times that of Chicago (Stark 1997, 149). Antioch suffered from frequent earthquakes, which limited the height of their buildings. Additionally there were large public buildings. Stark therefore revises his density figure to a practical density of 195 persons per acre (Stark 1997, 150).

Crowded conditions create a variety of sanitation issues. Water access and purification, even with aqueducts, was limited (Stark 1997, 152). Sewage disposal was also an issue, with most people depending on chamber pots which would be emptied into ditches or streets (Stark 1997, 153). These conditions are routinely linked to disease. Stark observes that urban mortality has always been high. Until the 20th century, cities in western Europe or North America could not maintain population without immigration. Stark considers this highly likely to be the case in Greco-Roman cities as well (Stark 1997, 155).

The Greco-Roman city, to maintain population, had a constant stream of new residents. In modern cities this is always associated with high rates of crime (Stark 1997, 156). Stark considers this to be one of the effects of lacking interpersonal attachments, which tend to enforce moral order. Antioch gives an example of this immigrant community without cultural attachments (Stark 1997, 157). The ethnic diversity, rather than creating a new and cohesive whole, may have tended to fragment society.

Stark finally observes that a city like Antioch was transitory in nature. Not only would buildings fall or burn and be replaced, but the population would also rise and fall, shift ethnicity, and even disappear almost entirely. In a period of 600 years, "Antioch was taken by unfriendly forces eleven times and was plundered and sacked on five of those occasions. The city was also put to siege, but did not fall, two other times. In addition, Antioch burned entirely or in large part four times, three times by accident and once when the Persians carefully burned the city to the ground after picking it clean of valuables and taking the surviving population into captivity" (Stark 1997, 159). Stark goes on to speak of internal strife, large riots, earthquakes, epidemics, and famines. He adds up all the serious events for an average of one catastrophe every 15 years (Stark 1997, 160). Why did people stay? Antioch was at a location of great strategic importance between Persia and the West.

Stark concludes that Christianity served to give hope amid the despair so prevalent in lage cities. The Christian faith also brought charity and care to those living in poverty. It provided a social network for the floods of immigrants. It provided nursing care to the sick and injured (Stark 1997, 161). The arrival of Christianity was a source of hope to people who otherwise had none.

Christianity as an Urban Faith

12/28/2020

Monday Book Feature
12/28/20

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 6: Christianizing the Urban Empire: A Quantitative Approach." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 129-145..

Christianity rather early became a largely urban movement. Stark considers the sociological setting of urban areas around 100 to see why this might have happened (Stark 1997, 129). Stark observes that actual demographic information about many cities is elusive. However, he cites a work by Chandler and Fox (Three Thousand Years of Urban Growth, 1974) which gives plausible data for 20 Greco-Roman cities in 100 (Stark 1997, 131). Stark adds Athens and Salamis to the list, giving his own estimates of population.

The spread of Christianity may be reasonably estimated based on when a city is known to have had a church. Stark assigns the number two to those with a church by 100. He assigns a one to those with a church by 200. He assigns a zero to those with no church by 200 (Stark 1997, 134). The larger the city, the more likely we would think a new religion like Christianity would be found. This is at least partially true, though Stark does not find an overwhelming correspondence.

Travel in imperial Rome was relatively easy, so Stark does not think distance from Jerusalem is likely as a deciding factor in how soon Christianity reached a community (Stark 1997, 135). Stark calculated distance using known trade routes, rather than any sort of straight line measurement. He also considered how closely monitored by Rome a community would be, based on its distance from Rome (Stark 1997, 136).

Stark further considers the level of cultural continuity in the spread of Christianity. People in areas with Jewish population would be more likely to recognize Christianity as something not entirely foreign (Stark 1997, 137).

Stark finds that having a Jewish presence in a city made the growth of Christianity more likely. Proximity to Jerusalem was also a major factor, but possibly for cultural, rather than geographical reasons (Stark 1997, 138). The presence of a synagogue was very important. The more Romanized a city was (with the exception of Rome), the later it was to become Christianized (Stark 1997, 140). Stark also notes a strong correlation of Christianity and Gnosticism. He does question whether Gnosticism arose as a Christian heresy or a Jewish heresy. Because Christianity alone has a demonstrable impact on the spread of Gnosticism, Stark considers it to be a Christian heresy (Stark 1997, 142).

Christian Growth Related to High Respect for Women

12/21/2020

Monday Book Feature
12/21/20

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 5: The Role of Women in Christian Growth." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 95-128.

Stark observes that Christianity has regularly proven attractive to women "because within the Christian subculture women enjoyed far higher status than did women in the Greco-Roman world at large" (Stark 1997, 95). Stark evaluates possible sociological explanations for this effect.

The Greco-Roman world as a whole is known to have suffered from a shortage of women. Exposure of unwanted children was considered acceptable, and it appears to Stark that families tended to retain very few daughters (Stark 1997, 97). Among adults, use of abortive agents and procedures increased the death rate of women.

The Christian culture took a more positive view of women. Stark notes that in literary remains and archaeological finds there is a large representation of women's names and women's clothing. This suggests that women were very well represented among Chrsitians (Stark 1997, 98). Stark sees this as related in part to the Christian prohibitions of abortion and infanticide. He also considesr that women were more liekly to convert to Christianity (Stark 1997, 99). For this reason we could expect a large percentage of Christians to be female.

Christianity is known to have been popular among women, and especially women of the upper classes (Stark 1997, 99). Stark notes that religious converts tend to be females, though related males often join as a result. This is true in both ancient and modern experience (Stark 1997, 100). The growth rate of Christianity over several generations would result in an abundance of females, who could then emerge as a large and influential group in the Church (Stark 1997, 101).

Wtark compares classical Athenian and Spartan views of women and finds that where women have been more populous, they have tended to have more freedom and respect (Stark 1997, 102-103). If this is the case, the multitude of Christian women would have been able to command considerable freedom and respect.

Stark notes that the Christian prohibitions of abortion, infanticide, divorce, and adulteray placed women in a position of respect (Stark 1997, 104). Christian women also tended to marry later than the Roman custom of about 12-13, typically waiting until their late teens. This may well have added to the respect accorded to women.

Stark speaks of numerous statements of Scripture which show women in positions of respect and even authority in the Christian community. He also observes records of deaconesses in various places (Stark 1997, 108). Stark does, at times, seem to recognize women in authority in the church rater as an effect of their power within the system, to a greater extent than this reader would find warranted in the New Testament texts. However, he does see rightely that women are by no means a servile and degraded group. The prominence of women in Christianity is also attested by a more sober fact - they are recorded as martyrs. The Romans would normally persecute and martyr key leaders. Many women are among the martyrs, suggesting they were seen as influential (Stark 1997, 110).

Stark recognizes that both Peter and Paul spoke of marriage between Chrsitians and non-Christians. He considers their statements about the stability of marriage to apply not only to those who converted after marrying, but also to allow a Christian to marry a non-Christian. However, he cites no teaching prior to the middle of the second century (Stark 1997, 111). Stark's argument is based on the relatively greater supply of women in Christian communities than in the pagan world, and the idea that women of rank would need to protect their station and wealth (Stark 1997, 112). The fact that there were many marriages of Christian women and pagan men cannot actually show apostolic approval of the practice. In fact, Stark uses condemnations of the practice among the patristic writings to assert that the practice was actually approved (Stark 1997, 113). Stark does acknowledge that Chrsitians who married outside the faith were very unliekly to leave Christianity .The record is replete with evidence that Chrsitians would remain faithful (Stark 1997, 114).

Fertility was apparently a problem in the Roman empire. Stark notes that laws were promulgated in 59 B.C., 29 B.C., and 9 A.D. giving benefits to people who fathered at least three children (Stark 1997, 115). The policies continued at least into the second century. Romans suffered from underpopulation, even more as a result of low fertility rates than due to warfare or plagues (Stark 1997, 116). Stark notes that marriage was considered unimportant, "especially in the upper classes" (Stark 1997, 117). Infanticide and abortion were also common, and widely approved as societal norms (Stark 1997, 118). Stark details some of the methods used for abortion, observing that they were very dangerous to the mother as well as the child (Stark 1997, 120). Birth control was also widespread. It was not unusual, then, for Romans to have small families and a shortage of women in particular (Stark 1997, 122).

Counter to the pagan society, Stark finds that writers in antiquity understood Christians to havea higher fertility rate (Stark 1997, 23). The value placed on marriage and children was certainly a major distinguishing factor of Christianity. Stark notes that Christians rejected both abortion and infanticide (Stark 1997, 124). Christian teacing about birth control may have been slightly more ambiguous, but Stark thinks it was a given among Christians not to engage in birth control. This would be consistent with Jewish customs (Stark 1997, 126). Add to these factors the greater survival rate of Christian women and we would expect to find an abundant supply of Christian women who would bear children.

Epidemics, Social Networks, and Christian Conversion

12/14/2020

Monday Book Feature
12/14/20

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 4: Epidemics, Networks, and Conversion." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 73-94.

Stark, citing major epidemics in the Roman Empire from 165-180, and again in 251, observes that depopulation may have played an important role in the decline of the Roman Empire (Stark 1997, 73). However, he says, while numerous church fathers spoke of epidemics as forces that shaped Christian growth, church historians have generally not been concerned with the issue. Stak, however, thinks the epidemics showed the hopeful message of Christianity as opposed to the pagan and Hellenistic views (Stark 1997, 74). There is also evidence that Christians tended to survive the epidemics at a higher rate than average, then that they had established social networks which others had lost due to the death rates. Christians could then adopt the pagans into their social networks, which made conversion more likely (Stark 1997, 75).

Stark asserts that disasters such as plagues frequently lead to religious conversion. "Typically this occurs because the disaster places demands upon the prevailing religion that it appears unable to meet" (Stark 1997, 77). The religion may not have been an explanation for or a defense against the disaster. Stark further considers that the actual doctrinal claims, the contents of belief, would be able to serve as a motivator to enable different responses to a crisis (Stark 1997, 79). He goes on to describe the relatively unsatisfactory implications of paganism and philosophy. Counter to this, the promises of Christianity provided hope and comfrot. Stak quotes Cyrpian of Carthage and Dionysius of Alexandria whoboth speak of hope in a time of distress (Stark 1997, 81). What is more, the Christian response to the plague was to care for the sick, even if it meant the risk of the caregiver becoming sick as well (Stark 1997, 82). Stark describs a contrast between this behavior and the actions of pagans, described uniformly as abandoning the sick in times of plague, preferring to flee (Stark 1997, 85-86).

Stark asks an important question in regard to the Christian response to plague. Why would the Christians and those they cared for have a greater survival rate (Stark 1997, 88)? basic nursing and provision of food and drink can reduce mortality significantly. For this reason, compared to the pagan population, the Christians would be more likely to survive. Among the survivors cared for by Christians, there may also have been an increased rate of conversion as well (Stark 1997, 89).

Plagues would have a strong influence on formation and sustenance of social networks. Stark notes that a plague breaks down social networks due to flight and mortality. The survival rate of Christians would result in a much greater security of networks (Stark 1997, 91). The nursing care of the Christians would effectively create an attachment network. This is highly likely to lead toward conversion growth of Christianity (Stark 1997, 93).

Hellenization and Christianity

12/7/2020

Monday Book Feature
12/7/20

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 3: The Mission to the Jews: Why It Probably Succeeded." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 49-71.

Stark readily admits that the earliest Christians were centered around the synagogue. However, sometime around the revolt in 66-74 the focus shifted away from the Jewish world. Stak, going against the weight of much scholarship, suggests "that not only was it the Jews of the diaspora who provided the initial basis for church growth during the first and early second centuries, but that Jews continued as a significant source of Christian converts until at least as late as the fourth century and that Jewish Christianity was still significant in the fifth century" (Stark 1997, 49). He makes this claim based on several sociological steps, coming to a conclusion that we do not know of a blanket rejection of Christianity among Jews, and that the demographics suggest there were thriving Jewish Christian communities.

Stark asks how we know that Jews didn't convert to Christianity. There remained large groups of Jews even into the fifth century (and beyond). Written sources from Christian and Jewish sources speak negatively of those on the other side (Stark 1997, 50). Aside from that, Stark finds no evidence of mass conversion or mass rejection.

One reason people have assumed a "melting pot" has not happened is that there are ethnic enclaves in large cities. However, Stark notes, this does not mean that assimilation, akin to conversion, doesn't happen. It merely says that assimilation does not happen all the time (Stark 1997, 51). Likewise, the presence of synagogues in the fourth century only means that not all Jews became Christians. Motion of emancipated Jews in the 19th century effectively removed some Jews from the recognizable forms of Judaism but did not necessarily imply conversion (Stark 1997, 52). Some certainly converted to escape the minority group. But this cannot be assumed in every case. Stak suggests that Jewish people who became secularized due to rejection of their ethnic communities would be highly likely to covert to a new religion, especially one like Christianity, which had some forms familiar to them (Stark 1997, 55). Further, the social networks which already existed could be predicted to draw others into the Christian faith (Stark 1997, 56).

Stark considers the population of Hellenized Jews in the Diaspora in the first century to have been from four to six million (Stark 1997, 57). They were known as prosperous people but they drifted from some indicators of loyalty to the faith, such as use of Hebrew. The Christian faith may have been attractive in part due to its continuity with Judaism as well as its accommodation of cultural differences (Stark 1997, 59). As an example of accommodation, Stark notes Philo's attempts at "reasonable" explanations of the requirements of the Torah (Stark 1997, 60).

Stark suggest that social networks were instrumental in the spread of Christianity among Hellenized Jews. They were already accustomed to receiving teachers from Jerusalem. They had connections with family and friends. They may have been relatively likely to receive Christian teaching (Stark 1997, 62). Stark finds suggestions that this very thing happened. Many converts seem to be Hellenized jews. The New Testament largely assumes some knowledge of the Septuagint. Teaching happened in synagogues. Churches were located in the Jewish parts of cities (Stark 1997, 63). Stark also notes the Jewish social structure may have been operative in the resistance to Marcion's attempts to remove the Old Testament from Christianity (Stark 1997, 65).

In light of this information, Stark suggests we may do well to see the criticisms of Judaism as an attempt to temper Christianity and move it away from extreme dependence on Jewish forms (Stark 1997, 66). Stark closes his chapter by observing that there are extensive archaeological remains indicating Jewish and Crhsitian communities mixed and compatible in many customs of living and burial up to the seventh century (Stark 1997, 68).

Not Many Rich . . .

11/30/2020

Monday Book Feature
11/30/20

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 2: The Class Basis of Early Christianity." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 29-47.

Stark notes that through much of the 20th century there was an assumption that early Christians were, by and large, dispossessed and oppressed (Stark 1997, 29). Counter to this idea, later 20th century research, such as that of E.A. Judge, suggests that the bulk of Christians were associated in some way with upper class househilds and their dependents. These were often influential and secure individuals (Stark 1997, 30). Research has continued to indicate a relatively strong Christian presence among the upper classes. Stark notes that this is a return to the scholarly opinion prior to the 20th century (Stark 1997, 32).

Stark considers the distinction among class, sect, and cult to be important. While a sect is a division of an existing group, it is not a new creation, as a cult is (Stark 1997, 33). The sect tends to form among an underclass, while a new religion is not normally populated from an impoverished class (Stark 1997, 34). Again, Stark finds that religious faith is not more common among the lower classes than in the upper classes (Stark 1997, 35). Rather, he finds religion to be very enticing when it offers something that cannot be obtained by any of our human resources. This, according to Stark, is primarily seen as eternal life (Stark 1997, 36). Because of this dynamic, Stark takes the promises of religion to be the operative feature, rather than assuming the class status of the potential adherent to be of highest priority.

In light of his earlier arguments, Stark takes the appeal of new religious groups to be based on the understanding of potential adherents that the new group resolves problems which would otherwise have been left unresolved (Stark 1997, 37). This effect may also be related to the fact that people who are more affluent and educated tend to investigate and explore claims, thus being early adopters of new cultural trends. Stark would expect their attraction to religious trends to be roughly similar (Stark 1997, 38).

To compare possible early Christian growh patterns with a modern example of a new religious movement, Stark considers the growth of Mormonism and Christian Science in the 19th century. The adherents generally were known to have both financial means and access to education (Stark 1997, 39-41).

Stark asks, then, whether Christianity would have arisen as a sect of Judaism or as a new religion, which he would define as a "cult movement" (Stark 1997, 44). Up until the claims of resurrection, Christianity would seem to be a reform-minded sect of Judaism. However, the claim of resurrection identified Christianity as a new religion (Stark 1997, 44). It was, moreover, definitely not a sect within the paganism of the time. This would suggest, then, that the greatest growth would be among the more educated and affluent in the socity (Stark 1997, 45).

Christianity Grows Like . . .

11/23/2020

Monday Book Feature
11/23/20

Stark, Rodney. "Chapter 1: Conversion and Christian Growth." The Rise of Christianity: How the Obscure, Marginal Jesus Movement Became the Dominant Religious Force in the Western World in a Few Centuries. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1997, 3-28.

Stark, recognizing the phenomenal growth of Christianity in the early centuries, sets out to articulate one central question, "How was it done?" (Stark 1997, 3). From a sociological point of view he analyzes the way conversion growth would need to have taken place in the first few centuries. There were certainly doctrinal reasons, but there may have been very important additional factors in play as well (Stark 1997, 4).

The biblical record in Acts 1:14-15, Acts 4:4, and Acts 21:20 describe growth from about 120 to several thousand in Jerusalem over the course of less than 30 years (Stark 1997, 5). Stark does observe that "Origen admitted that Christians made up 'just a few' of the population. Yet only six decades later, Christians were so numerous that Constantine found it expedient to embrace the church" (Stark 1997, 5). From a sociological standpoint, then, Stark asks how such a growth would take place. By Constantine's tie, there are estimates of 3 million (a low, by Gibbon) and 15 million (a high, by von Hertling). Stark considers the likely range to be more like 5-7.5 million (Stark 1997, 6). This would represent a growth rate of about 40 percent per decade. A rate of 30% would yield a result under a million, while a rate of 50% would result in nearly 38 million. Stark concludes that a fairly steady rate of conversion and biological growth is sufficient to explain the outcome.

Stark does note that this model suggests progress which would seem very slow. By the year 100 there may have been only about 7500 Christians. This corresponds to estimates by Robert Wilken and L. Michael White. By the year 250 Christianity may have reached almost 2 percent of the population (Stark 1997, 8). Yet, if growth remained proportional, Christianity would have remained on the trajectory toward dominance by the early fourth century.

There is some evidence that the church in Rome was larger, proportionally, than in some other areas. Eusebius quotes correspondence from Dionysius of Corinth indicating that the Christians in Rome were known for generosity. Yet it may well have remained a relatively small proportion of the population (Stark 1997, 9).

Stark further explains the conversion of Constantine as more likely a result of the growth of Christianity than a cause. Likewise, the relative lack of success of the Diocletian persecution in 303 can be explained by the growing acceptance of Christianity. By this time, following Stark's pattern of growth, nearly half the empire may have been Christian (Stark 1997, 10).

Stark notes what may be independent corroboration of the growh pattern. In the 1980s Roger Bagnall tracked growth of Christianity in Egypt by identifying distinctively Christian names. He found a similar pattern of growth between 239 and 315 (Stark 1997, 12).

At some point, the curve would flatten, probably near the end of the fourth cnetury, because the overall culture would become saturated (Stark 1997, 13).

Stark considers the nature of conversion growth. Though there are accounts of conversions of large groups, these events are not entirely necessary for the spread of Christianity (Stark 1997, 14). Stark's earlier research on religious conversion, in the early 1960s, involved observing growth of the Unification Church in San Francisco (Stark 1997, 16). The people who converted had strong ties with people who were already associated with the group. The ideology was normally secondary to the relationship (Stark 1997, 17). In essence, Stark sees conversion as an act of deviant behavior, which re-orients one into a community where the behavior is the norm, rather than the exception. Conversion growth is normally built on a foundation of personal relationships (Stark 1997, 18). Of note is a conclusion Stark makes about religious movements. "Most new religious movements fail because they quickly become closed, or semiclosed networks. That is, they fail to keep forming and sustaining attachments to outsiders and thereby lose the capacity to grow" (Stark 1997, 20). It is clear to Stark that the early Christians maintained open networks, which allowed for their rapid and sustained growth. Stark gives on to consider whether this is a concept which can be generalized across cultural lines.

Stark notes that the potential participants in networks change based on time and culture, and that the size and strength of the networks may differ, but that the concept is stable over time (Stark 1997, 22).

In fact, lacking comprehensive information about specific situations, we are forced to reconstruct some information, hoping to approximate reality. Stark is uneasy with this practice, since it has been used to apply inadequate models to cultures (Stark 1997, 23). As an example, he cites the difficulty inherent in the use of the word charisma, which means something quite different in modernity than in antiquity. Definition of terms is very important, as is lear definition of overarching concepts (Stark 1997, 24-25). Stark considers that an adequate reconstruction can only be done with the best social science theories put to use to explain, interpret, and harmonize what we know, thus enabling us to come to good conclusions about what we do not know (Stark 1997, 26).