Category: Ozment-1980 - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

How big was the Reformation?

11/9/2015

11/9/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 15, “The Legacy of the Reformation” pp. 434-438.

“The Reformation did not reform the whole church, much less
European society, and well before midcentury it needed reform itself” (Ozment 1980, 434). There have been various arguments about the success or lack of success in the Reformation. Some of its work, to modern eyes, may seem misplaced. “The Reformation, in a word, should be judged above all by its continuity and discontinuity with the Middle Ages, not with the twentieth century” (Ozment 1980, 435). Ozment suspects the ripples of the Reformation have had a profound influence on culture. There may well have been repressive moves in the Reformation. Yet Ozment does not equate this with failure. “That the Reformation adopted its own repressive measures was not the reason it failed. Its failure rather lay in its original attempt to ennoble people beyond their capacities - not, as medieval theologians and Renaissance philosophers had done, by encouraging them to imitate saints and angels, but by demanding that they live simple, sober lives, pray not to presumption, superstition, or indulgence, but merely as human beings. This proved a truly impossible ideal; the Reformation foundered on man’s indomitable credulity” (Ozment 1980, 438).

John Knox

11/2/2015

11/2/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 14, “Protestant Resistance to Tyranny: The Career of John Knox” pp. 419-433.

In the early sixteenth century the Protestants did not engage in acts of revolution against even tyrannical rulers. Passive resistance was an option. Some of the less radical reformational groups would try to influence lower-level political operatives who might have a hearing with those higher up (Ozment 1980, 419). By mid century pamphleteers especially among the Huguenots, argued that the subjects of a king should be able to influence him. Using Romans 13 they would emphasize the interaction among people, king, and God (Ozment 1980, 420). Two major Protestant thinkers stand out as exceptions to the general rule of nonresistance by private individuals: the revolutionary spiritualist Thomas Muntzer and that chief among the Marian exiles, John Knox. Both believed that government had a primary responsibility to maintain true religion and Christian subjects a primary duty to overthrow rulers who did not. Each sanctioned a specifical Christian use of the sword - by lower magistrates where possible, by private individuals where necessary, but ideally by both in concert. And each called for the violent overthrow of legitimate governments - in Muntzer’s case, the Lutheran princes of Saxony; in Knox’s, the Catholic regimes of Mary Tudor and Mary of Lorraine” (Ozment 1980, 422).

Ozment builds a backdrop for the politically charged growth of Protestantism in Scotland. Because of various political moves, the Reformation became very predominant by the mid-16th century. Knox, trained as a priest, found himself without a job, then gained a minor position in government. He became involved in the Protestant movement in time to be captured and spend much of 1547-8 as a galley slave. Because of broken health, he was released to settle in England in 1549 (Ozment 1980, 424). In England, the formative time of the Reformation also witnessed Henry VIII dying in 1547, a period of regency, and the development of various articles of religion and Cranmer’s Book of Common Prayer (Ozment 1980, 425). Protestantism took hold in the church in England, with Knox present to rise to a strong position. Knox was unwilling to play political games, however, Meanwhile, Edward VI, always in ill health, had his stepsister Mary, a Catholic, as the heir to the throne. Knox was vocal in his opposition to Mary. In 1553 Edward was succeeded by Jane Gray for nine days then Mary, who launched a widespread suppression of the Protestants. Many fled the country, including Knox (Ozment 180, 426).

By 1553, Knox had decided that obedience to idolaters was itself idolatry and that such a situation must be overthrown. In 1554 he asked Calvin if one could obey a woman or an idolater and whether it was appropriate to use armed forces to make correction (Ozment 1980, 427). Calvin rejected the suggestion, though “Zwingli’s successor, Bullinger . . . agreed that such rulers did not deserve obedience” (Ozment 1980, 427). Knox returned to Scotland in 1555 and joined Protestant worship in homes. Not only did he launch written attacks on female heads of state, he advocated overthrow by armed force (Ozment 1980, 429). Though Calvin opposed having female heads of state he did not advocate revolution. In the subsequent reign of Elizabeth, who was favorable to Protestants, Knox was never forgiven (Ozment 1980, 431). The Scottish reformation was accepted as a means of unification and to protect from France and Spain. Despite the Protestant tone of Scotland, Mary, queen of Scots, was permitted as a Catholic despite the fact that a celebration of Mass was a capital crime (Ozment 1980, 431). Knox and Mary had interactions in which Knox was uncompromising in his objections. After Mary’s execution for treason in 1587 England became less tolerant of Catholics, who, in turn, fled and revolted, much as the Protestants had a generation earlier (Ozment 1980, 432).

What was the Counter-Reformation?

10/26/2015

10/26/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 13, “Catholic Reform and Counter Reformation” pp. 397-418.

Ozment observes here that the counter reformation was not solely a reaction to the Reformation. Much of it may have happened regardless. “While Protestant success can be said to have had a ‘catalytic effect’ on Catholic reform, and making it more urgent and earnest than it might otherwise have been, the Counter Reformation was far more complex than simply a response to the Protestant challenge” (Ozment 1980, 397). There were already significant efforts to reform the Church. Despite the reforms from the Council of Constance widespread reform had not happened. “The reason for this failure lay largely in continuing papal opposition to the conciliar movement; the pope, understandably obsessed with regaining his sovereignty within the church, cooperated only grudgingly with church councils and always with an eye to eventually rendering them ineffectual” (Ozment 1980,398). Ozment clearly sees financial motives in the resistance to reform. The centralization which could ease change could also resist change. At issue was whether the Church was looking back to Peter, forward to some particular future vision, or both at once (Ozment 1980, 400). The Fifth Lateran Council, called by Pope Julius in Rome (1512) blamed problems in the church on the “pope’s preoccupation with secular politics” (Ozment 1980, 400). Ozment provides notes on a variety of the proposed reforms, many of which encourage similar outcomes to those desired by Luther. Yet Luther’s emphasis was based on church laws hindering true spirituality, while the Catholic reformers looked to the original and good intents of the church laws (Ozment 1980, 402). After 1517 Catholics who spoke in favor of reforms could be accused of siding with the Lutherans. Ozment details many authors and local reformers who either influenced or supported the Lutheran reformers (Ozment 1980, 403ff). This could have created huge and irreconcilable divisions as the papal leadership was opposed to the reform movements. By 1541 and the council at Regensburg the divisions between Protestant and Catholic were clear. The view of salvation purely by grace versus jointly with man’s merit was clearly diverging (Ozment 1980, 406). To try solidifying the Roman position and fight against future divisions the Council of Trent articulated views rejecting the Reformation (Ozment 1980, 407). At the same time Trent pushed for bishops and other leaders to be personally involved in the spiritual life of their communities (Ozment 1980, 409). This consolidation of doctrine and the move to draw leaders into their parishes moved the Roman church toward the Counter-Reformation. Among their efforts was the Society of Jesus, which sought to encourage “a highly personal and activist spirituality” (Ozment 1980, 409). Ignatius of Loyola, who became an ardent follower of Jesus after reading lives of the saints, spearheaded spiritual disciplines which would bring comfort to troubled souls (Ozment 1980, 412). Based on the Jesuit view that believers would be able to obey perfectly and that this obedience would include acceptance of authorities, the counter-reformational wars spread through Europe from 1560-1648. It was not a doctrinally innovative conflict. The conservatism was a very powerful tool i its work to regain the territories formerly lost to the Protestants (Ozment 1980, 418).

Marriage of Priests

10/19/2015

10/19/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 12, “Marriage and the Ministry in Protestant Churches”pp. 381-396.

Martin Luther desired reform in ministry, government, and marriage. Ozment comments, “No institutional change brought about by the Reformation was more visible, responsive to late medieval pleas for reform, and conducive to new social attitudes than the marriage of Protestant clergy. Nor was there another point in the Protestant program where theology and practice corresponded more successfully” (Ozment 1980, 381). Within the company of the Reformers the ideal of monastic celibacy was replaced by the ideal of life within the family. In 1521 Karlstadt wrote a text about the desirability of marriage. “To Karlstadt’s mind, papal and episcopal desire to increase the wealth of the church and control the clergy lay at the root of celibacy” (Ozment 1980, 383). Rather, Karlstadt advocated marriage and bearing children, possibly being celibate in old age. By late 1521 and 1522 Luther was also writing about marriage, arguing that Jesus discouraged celibacy and that people were free to marry. Monastic vows, he argued, hindered the freedom of the Christian to live for Christ (Ozment 1980, 386). In Zurich the practice of priests having secret marriages was well known. The marriages were made legal there (Ozment 1980, 388). Marriage quickly spread through the Anglican and Calvinist worlds as well. It was accepted as the way God ordained to insure continence and avoid fornication. Not only that, but Ozment quotes Luther on p. 392 describing the commitment involved in living in community. Despite the wide acceptance of married clergy, many priests found their parishes did not support them adequately for wife and children. This began turning around by the 1540s (Ozment 1980, 393). Lay acceptance of married clergy was slow to grow (Ozment 1980, 395). Yet the marriages and children of those marriages were gradually accepted.

Reformations Compared

10/12/2015

10/12/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 11, “Calvin and Calvinism” pp. 352-381. Part 5, “Were Calvinists Really Protestants? pp. 372-381.

Ozment here compares the various reform movements. “If modern scholars lament his [Calvin’s] dogmatism and personal vindictiveness, they still consider the movement he inspired more socially and politically progressive than Luther’s” (Ozment 1980, 372). Ozment suggests that many of the political reforms seen in Geneva were actually against the will of the Calvinists but could not be stopped. “A remarkable feature of the later Middle Ages is that theology and religion also had lives of their own independent of larger historical circumstances” (Ozment 1980, 374). Luther’s reforms “offered individuals personal certitude of salvation, already in this life, provided only that they believe it” (Ozment 1980, 374). This goes against our natural inclinations, as we are accustomed to assessing our works to see our status. Ozment asserts that Luther has been accused of emphasizing justification as opposed to other reformers who emphasized sanctification. Yet all Reformers of not stressed that salvation was not caused by good works but would lead to good works. Calvin saw good works as the sign that one was elect. Luther did not see the presence or absence of works as a meaningful sign (Ozment 1980, 39). This was, in Ozment’s view, the distinctive departure from Rome.

Calvin in Geneva Again

10/5/2015

10/5/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 11, “Calvin and Calvinism” pp. 352-381. Part 4, “Calvin’s Geneva: 1541-64” pp. 365-372.

In 1540 Calvin was invited back to Geneva by the new council. Though he feared rejection he did return in 1541. As the pastor of Geneva he called the council to repent and live a Christian life (Ozment 1980, 366). He patterned his demands on the organizational structure he had seen in Strasbourg. “The church ordinance of 1541 scrupulously respected the political sovereignty of the councils and subjected the clergy to an emphatic oath of allegiance before the Lord Syndic and Little Council” (Ozment 1980, 366). The elders, selected from within the council, would have the responsibility of oversight and discipline. Calvin published a new catechism in 1541, with questions and answers. The organization was different from other catechisms. “The placement of faith before the law reflected the Calvinist belief that the commandments were not intended primarily to drive one to self-despair and subsequent faith, as Lutherans inclined to teach, but were to be embraced in a positive way as a guide to daily living, by all confessed Christians” (Ozment 1980, 367). Ozment details some of the fairness and mercy in the legal system at Geneva, observing that punishments in general were even-handed, swift, and relatively gentle. “The celebrated confrontations that have earned Calvin’s popular reputation as a theocratic tyrant all concerned a challenge to his authority “ (Ozment 1980, 368). Calvin, unwilling to accept failure in his reforms, “adopted a thoroughly Machiavellian stance on the issue: the success of his reform depended on nothing so much as fear and respect for his leadership and authority” (Ozment 1980, 368). Ozment discusses the failure of this stand as associated with the death in 1553 of Michael Servetus, a physician who identified the process of oxygenation of blood. He also rejected the Trinity, publishing a book stating so in 1531. Under assumed names Servetus and Calvin corresponded. In 1553 Servetus was arrested by the Inquisition. He escaped, and, oddly enough, went to Geneva where he was arrested, tried, and executed as a heretic. In 1559 Calvin established a school system in Geneva, both primary and secondary. Geneva quickly became the place of training for Protestants throughout Europe (Ozment 1980, 372).

Calvin's Ripples in Strasbourg

9/28/2015

9/28/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 11, “Calvin and Calvinism” pp. 352-381. Part 3, “Strasbourg and Martin Bucer” pp. 362-365.

After his exile from Geneva, Calvin settled in Strasbourg. Under the tutelage of Martin Bucer he learned the art of gradual reform. Bucer was at the center of discussions seeking to reconcile the Lutherans and Zwinglians as well as discussions to reconcile Protestant and Catholic. Calvin was opposed to what he saw as Bucer and Melanchthon neglecting purity of doctrine but he admired their ability as moderators. Calvin continued discourse with the authorities in Geneva while in Strasbourg. He married there in 1540.

Calvin and Radicalism in Geneva

9/21/2015

9/21/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 11, “Calvin and Calvinism” pp. 352-381. Part 2, “Political Revolt and Religious Reform in Geneva” pp. 358-362.

Between 1534 and 1536 Calvin, while travelling in France and Italy, wrote his Institutes of the Christian Religion. “This work grew through subsequent editions into a summa of Reformed Protestantism by the final edition of 1559” (Ozment 1980, 358). In 1536 Calvin settled in Geneva. “Whereas in Saxony a religious reform, undertaken at the initiative of theologians, led to a political revolt b princes against the emperor, in Geneva a political revolt against the House of Savoy, led by the city’s magistrates, prepared the way for the introduction of Protestant religious reforms” (Ozment 1980, 358). Ozment describes the political background in some detail. Geneva became independent in 1528 then experienced a Protestant Reformation as “part of the consolidation of the political revolution of the 1520s, not of that revolution itself” Ozment 1980, 360). Disputes on religious and civil matters flared up around 1530 and again in 1535, at which time the city council suspended the Mass and gave Catholic clergy the choice of becoming Protestant or being exiled. Conflict continued for some years. Ozment makes an interesting statement about the resolution. “On May 25, 1536 the Genevan people accepted the Reformation, pledging ‘to live according to the Law of the Gospel and the Word of God, and to abolish all Papal abuses.’ Calvin arrived that summer, just as Farel and his co-workers were beginning to implement this new mandate” (Ozment 1980, 361). One must question the definition Ozment uses of “Gospel.” Calvin quickly received a position of leadership. In 1537 he presented articles for church organization to magistrates. He also prepared a catechism. Churchmen were to be selected to govern and report legal failures to ministers for discipline. The populace did not receive these proposals willingly, as they seemed akin to the magisterial authority the people had opposed in the past. The Genevan council removed Calvin’s right of excommunication and re-established traditional holiday observances. Calvin was exiled in 1538.

Young Calvin

9/14/2015

9/14/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 11, “Calvin and Calvinism” pp. 352-381. Part 1, “Young Calvin” pp. 352-358.

According to Calvin’s father’s desire, Calvin entered college in Paris in 1523, age 14. His intended career was divinity, a field in which his father, Gerard Calvin, was well connected. While in college, Calvin was introduced to scholarly humanism. Studying in Paris Calvin was also introduced to scholasticism. After receiving his Master’s degree in 1528 he attended law school at his father’s request. “His natural tendency seems always to have been rapid adjustment to the surroundings in which he found himself and mastery over them” (Ozment 1980, 354). In 1532 Calvin completed his doctorate in civil law. He also published a commentary on De dementia by Seneca. By the spring of 1534 Calvin converted to Protestantism (Ozment 1980, 355). In May of 1534 Calvin surrendered the opportunities his father had arranged in the Church. “What seems most to have discontented Calvin about the native French reform movement was its failure to implement its ideals and bring about actual reforms” (Ozment 1980, 356).

Splinters of Churches

9/7/2015

9/7/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 10, “The Sectarian Spectrum” pp. 340-351.

“Reform movements normally have moderate and extreme wings, those who are satisfied by half a loaf and those who will settle for nothing short of the whole, and the Reformation was no exception” (Ozment 1980, 340). Once the movement began there were almost immediate counter movements. Ozment considers that the various degrees of deviation in the Reformation are often viewed on a spectrum. “Those who have so characterized them envision a spectrum of religious practice ranging from medieval and reactionary, on the far right, to liberal and modern, on the far left” (Ozment 1980, 340).

Ozment discusses Ernst Troeltsch who “depicted the Anabaptists and ‘Spirituals’ as far more progressive than the major Protestant reformers, almost on a par with Renaissance humanists. Troeltsch particularly praises the radicals for breaking with the ‘patriarchalism’ of mainstream Protestantism” (Ozment 1980, 341). Ozment sees the earlier writings about the topic as “dark.” “Luther’s influential views on Anabaptists and Spiritualists had resulted from his bitter personal feuds with Karlstadt and Muntzer and never rose above them” (Ozment 1980, 341). Ozment goes on to list some of the genuine doctrinal differences, a move which tends to erode his earlier assertion.

In the 20th century George H. Williams classified the “Radical Reformation” (Ozment 1980, 344) including the heirs of the Anabaptists and the Spiritualists. Williams makes several descriptors of the Radicals beginning on p. 345. After detailing the diversity tracked by Williams, Ozment observes small numbers but a powerful impact on the thought life of Germany (Ozment 1980, 348).

Ozment summarizes the achievements of the radicals, citing policies of “separation of church and state and religious pluralism and toleration” (Ozment 1980, 349) accomplished as a secondary goal, settled upon when they failed to gain full political support. The separation of the Anabaptists resulted in their having less political influence than other groups, such as the Lutherans and Calvinists. In turn, they had relatively little leverage in social political decisions which are often based on the religious sensibilities of the political leaders.

Theological Battlegrounds

8/31/2015

8/31/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 9, “The Swiss Reformation” pp. 318-339. Part 3, “The Working Out of Zwinglianism” pp. 332-339.

“Between 1525 and 1530 Zwinglian ideas and practices spread rapidly throughout Switzerland and South Germany” (Ozment 1980, 332). The Zwinglians made more substantial breaks with existing practice than the Lutherans did. The Catholics held a conference in Baden in May, 1526. Zwingli was represented by Johannes Oecolampadius, who was defeated in debate with John Eck (Ozment 1980, 334). The Zwinglians held their own conference in January, 1528, in Bern. The city became Protestant in 1528, setting a tone for later growth of Protestantism. Because of the diversion between Luther and Zwingli, Philip of Hesse “invited the two Protestant leaders to his castle in Marburg for a special religious colloquy between October 1 and 4, 1529” (Ozment 1980, 334). Each party was disinclined to agree with the other. While Luther confessed a real, physical presence of Christ in communion, Zwingli considered the elements as symbols only. Luther developed his view of the communicatio idiomatum, while Zwingli considered that “the physical could not nourish the spiritual” (Ozment 1980, 336). The Marburg Colloquy did not result in agreement on communion. From 1530 on the Zwinglian and Lutheran churches were at odds with one another. In rather short order the various groups were entrenched and worked out arrangements by which Catholic and Protestant would not proselytize in other territories. There were military clashes following that time, including one in 1531 resulting in Zwingli’s death.

Anabaptism

8/24/2015

8/24/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 9, “The Swiss Reformation” pp. 318-339. Part 2, “Conrad Grebel and Swiss Anabaptism” pp. 328-332.

Conrad Grebel was known as the founder of Anabaptism. He “organized radical opposition to Zwingli” (Ozment 1980, 328). Like Zwingli, Grebel was university educated and familiar with humanist scholarship. Grebel had a history involving “a severe personal crisis” (Ozment 1980, 328) including brawls while at the University of Paris. In 1520, having moved to Zurich, he joined with Zwingli to study Greek and Hebrew. “Scholars have argued for decades over the reasons for the break between Grebel and Zwingli” (Ozment 1980, 3329). Did Zwingli compromise his original aims? “Pro-Grebel scholars argue that Zwingli did not suddenly and dramatically shift his position but came only gradually to opt for one of the ‘two [original] strands of his theological personality’” (Ozment 1980, 329). Zwingli tended to accept a state-run church, while Grebel and his followers wished to avoid all state involvement.

“Zwingli and the radicals of Zurich had many basic differences, but their opposition came to focus especially on the issue of infant baptism, a practice the radicals believed exposed the error and presumption of traditional religion more clearly than any other” (Ozment 1980, 330). The critics said that baptism should be applied to consenting people. Ozment observes that infant baptism was nt the primary tenet of Zwingli’s theology, but was an area open to critique (Ozment 1980, 331). Zwingli defended infant baptism “as the New Testament successor to the circumcision of infants in the Old Testament” (Ozment 1980, 331). On January 21, 1525, “Grebel baptized George Blaurock in Zurich” (Ozment 1980, 331). This rebaptism was to become a capital offense later, resulting in four deaths. After this time, rebaptism became a capital crime throughout the empire. Graebel was imprisoned then died in flight after an escape in 1527.

Zwingli

8/17/2015

8/17/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 9, “The Swiss Reformation” pp. 318-339. Part 1, “Zwingli and Zurich” pp. 318-328.

Zwingli, when being educated in Vienna, Basel, and Bern, was well acquainted with the humanist leaders of his day. Among them, especially in Basel, Zwingli met with many who would later engage in work aimed at reformation. Rather than pursuing academia or a monastic life like Luther, Zwingli completed a master’s degree in 1506 and served a parish in Garus (Ozment 1980, 318). In this setting Zwingli had significant exposure to the military, including the trade in Swiss mercenaries (Ozment 1980, 320). Even as Zwingli grew in influence theologically, rejecting indulgences independently of Luther and engaging in a great deal of preaching and teaching, he was accused of moral lapses of a nature similar to those of other non-celibate priests. By 1519 Zwingli was emerging as a more radical reformer than Luther, with preaching directly from the Bible. In March of 1522 Zwingli was involved with some people who broke the Lenten fast before Easter. He and Luther were both aware that they could not move quickly in their reforms.

Educational Philosophy Matters

8/10/2015

8/10/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 8, “Humanism and the Reformation” pp. 290-317. Part 3, “Protestantism and Humanist Educational Reforms” pp. 309-317.

Ozment reminds us that Luther, in his studies at Erfurt, was at “the most humanistically progressive German university at the time” (Ozment 1980, 309). The early Protestants tended to accept some humanist reforms and play them against the Scholastics. “Luther had been exposed to a humanism that encouraged the study of ancient languages, especially Greek, and criticized scholastic theology on the basis of the Bible and the writings of the church fathers” (Ozment 1980, 309). Luther was familiar with, though not accepting of, the great works of Scholastics. Wittenberg University made attempts to address all the major philosophies of its time.

After 1518 Melanchthon, having joined the faculty, continued efforts to broaden studies of source texts and improve standards. Greek, mathematics, sacred studies, rhetoric and dialectic were studied with increasing vigor (Ozment 1980, 311). By Melanchthon’s middle age, he was well known as an educational reformer (Ozment 1980, 314).

[William] “Bowsma believed that Renaissance rhetoric, conceived broadly as the union of virtue, wisdom, and the art of persuasion, was the ideal behind Reformation preaching and stress on the Word of God” (Ozment 1980, 314). Yet there were differences between the Reformers and the humanists. “While the reformers set the humanist curriculum in place of the scholastic, doctrine was always the rider and humanities the horse” (Ozment 1980, 315). Ozment also observes that the conservative Protestants generally did not allow humanist ethics to make moral judgments on their doctrine (Ozment 1980, 315).

When Empire Collides with the Church

7/6/2015

Mondays are for Church History - 7/6/15
Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 7, “Society and Politics in the German Reformation” pp. 245-289. Part 1, “Imperial Politics in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century” pp. 245-260.

Ozment begins this chapter with a description of Luther’s appearance at the Diet of Worms, his subsequent disappearance, and interactions of various political personalities of the time. He explains, “To understand Luther’s survival and the success of the inchoate Reformation we must take account of the larger political rivalries and dynastic struggles of the first half of the sixteenth century” (Ozment 1980, 246). Emperor Charles V, whose reign began in 1516, had a tremendous amount of territory. Because of the extensive borders, he was always under attack, or at least the threat of attack. He never mastered the languages of his realm (Ozment 1980, 248). In Charles’ election, both Henry VIII and Frederick the Wise had been promoted. Frederick won and refused in the first ballot, then supported Charles in his election. There was later a good deal of animosity between the emperor and the Saxon electors as a result of the Reformation (Ozment 1980, 249). Ozment wishes the reader to see that politics, including the marriages in powerful families, had a close relationship with religious and financial matters. Charles V was distracted by debt, by attacks from the Turks, and by political battles. This largely kept him from paying attention to Luther between 1521 and 1530 (Ozment 1980, 253).

In 1530 at the Diet of Augsburg Charles V was able to conduct negotiations with the Lutherans (Ozment refers to them as Protestants). At this Diet the Augsburg Confession and the “semi-Zwinglian” Confessio Tetrapolitana were rejected. Despite Charles’ edicts, the lands did not return to the Roman church. The division was a matter of even military conflict until 1555, when the Peace of Augsburg was negotiated.

What do feelings have to do with it?

6/29/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 5/29/15 for publication 6/29/15.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 6, “The Mental World of Martin Luther” pp. 223-244. Part 3, “Luther and Mysticism” pp. 239-244.

Ozment turns his attention briefly to the question of whether mysticism was a substantial source of Luther’s theology. “During the important formative years 1516-18, he had only the highest praise for the German mystical tradition” (Ozment 1980, 239). He especially complimented the sermons and the theological writings of Johannes Tauler. “There is no question that Luther had a genuine and well-informed interest in both German and Latin mysticism. But those features that most attracted him, while prominent in mystical writings, were not distinctively mystical at all, and peculiarly mystical teachings actually elicited his consistent criticism” (Ozment 1980, 239). The mystical idea of soul power and enthusiasm was rejected, but the ideas of “passivity, suffering, and self-denial” (Ozment 1980, 240) were central to his understanding of Scripture. “Despite his high praise for the German mystics, Luther consistently showed no noteworthy interest in either their speculation on man’s divine powers or their view of man’s union with God as a deification” (Ozment 1980, 241). For Luther, the “basic question was not whether one was inwardly and outwardly righteous, but whether God was truthful in his judgment of human nature and destiny” (Ozment 1980, 243). This question combines internal and external questions, leaving one free to consider both the subjective life of faith and the objective acts of God.

A Deeply Educated Man

6/22/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 5/29/15 for publication 6/22/15.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 6, “The Mental World of Martin Luther” pp. 223-244. Part 2, “Luther and Scholasticism” pp. 231-238.

Ozment reminds us that Luther was not just a young man questioning his life. “We sometimes lose sight of the fact that he was the age’s most brilliant theologian” (Ozment 1980, 231). He was a doctor of theology, well trained. Ozment quotes notes on a conversation in which Luther, with other prominent thinkers, showed his familiarity with the luminaries of Scholasticism. His writings for several years leading up to 1517 were incisive in their analysis of medieval theology and philosophy. His argument was “that many by nature lacks the freedom of will to do the good that Scotus, Ockham, d’Ailly, and Biel attribute to him” (Ozment 1980, 235). In his Disputation Against Scholastic Theology he finally condemned the idea of any dependence on Aristotle’s Ethics, specifically because of his definition of moral virtue. While the Scholastics insisted that syllogistic inquiry would guide to gaining moral understanding and thus virtue, Luther saw this as an attempt “to manipulate revelation with reason, to conform the thoughts of God to the thoughts of men” (Ozment 1980, 237).

Luther? Luther who?

6/15/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 5/29/15 for publication 6/15/15.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 6, “The Mental World of Martin Luther” pp. 223-244. Part 1, “Young Man Luther” pp. 223-231.

As a monk, Luther dealt with many issues common to the laity. There was a lack of consolation. Religious life failed to deliver confidence. Luther’s objections were to the common religious culture of his time and demanded a religious solution. On p. 223 Ozment recommends Erikson’s Young Man Luther (1958), which draws explanations from Luther’s childhood. “For Erikson, the Reformation was an unsuccessful attempt to resolve by cultural revolution the universal problems of childhood and adolescence” (Ozment 1980, 223). Why is this approach valid? “To the psychologist, man is a far more constant and predictable creature than he is to the historian” (Ozment 1980, 224). Though Erikson’s work is interesting Ozment does admit it is based on speculation. more likely (Ozment 1980, 227) much of Luther’s tension was built on the prevailing moral and religious culture of his time.

What's Religiosity?

6/8/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 5/29/15 for publication 6/8/15.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 5, “On the Eve of the Reformation” pp. 182-222. Part 3, “Religious Culture” pp. 204-222.

By the time of the Reformation “the papacy had long since ceased to be a monarchy capable of imposing its will throughout Europe as in the days of Innocent III” (Ozment 1980, 204). At the same time, “as a system of piety, it found its efficacy questioned by laity and clergy” (Ozment 1980, 205). Though people were active in religious life there was also strong interest in unorthodox spirituality and practice. There was an increasing distrust in the objective, historic rituals (Ozment 1980, 209) while many people wished for more subjective and experiential forms of worship (Ozment 1980, 210). Clergy developed a reputation of greed for power and money while the laity developed a reputation of rebellion against church authority (Ozment 1980, 213).

Birth, Death, and Taxes

6/1/2015

Monday is for Church History. This post was prepared 5/21/15 for publication 6/1/15.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 5, “On the Eve of the Reformation” pp. 182-222. Part 2, “Population, Money, and Books” pp. 190-203.

At the same time that Europe was changing politically it was also recovering in population after the 14th century famines and plagues. This growth stabilized by about 1600 (Ozment 1980, 191). “The later Middle Ages also saw the development of a money economy” (Ozment 1980, 192). In the new, more centralized, states, rulers would impose more taxes, provoking revolts (Ozment 1980, 194).

“Like secular rulers, popes also adjusted to the new money economy and found themselves internally transformed by it” (Ozment 1980, 195). Among other things, popes would reserve the right to fill vacant offices, doing so when payment of a fee was received.

The period leading up to the Reformation was also a time of inflation. Ozment describes (Ozment 1980, 199) how inflation was probably caused by the increase in population, creating a greater demand for goods. Among those goods, the rise of printed books revolutionized communication and publications. Between 1460 and 1500 more books were produced than through the whole of the Middle Ages (Ozment 1980, 199) Corresponding to this, colleges and universities multiplied (Ozment 1980, 201) as the society at large became better educated.

Of Kings and Priests

5/25/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 5/20/15 for publication 5/25/15.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 5, “On the Eve of the Reformation” pp. 182-222. Part 1, “The Growth of Monarchy” pp. 182-189.

Ozment cites the political expansion to “national” size rather than the city-state model, as well as security from foreign aggression as developments important to the Reformation. The rise of the powerful monarch tended to replace the powerful churchmen. Ozment gives examples of this process especially in France, England, and Spain. Germany and Italy did not develop as strong and centralized governments but still consolidated power in different regions. Ozment observes on p. 187 that legislative affirmations of the superiority of kings over papal authority followed the strengthening of political realms. Following this legislation it became more common for governments to regulate churches and religious appointments.

We had a meeting . . . now what?

5/18/2015

5/18/15

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.

Chapter 4, “The Ecclesiopolitical Traditions” pp. 135-181 Part 6, “The Conciliar Movement After Constance” pp. 172-181.

The council of Constance in 1417 passed a decree known as Frequens. “Frequens provided for regular meetings of a general council of the church, thereby establishing the council as a permanent feature of church governance” (Ozment 1980, 172). The plans of these meetings quickly fell apart, with the first one cancelled by the plague, a second adjourned because of a dispute over the legitimacy and ongoing political changes. The council, nevertheless constituted, pursued numerous changes, particularly in the college of cardinals and the papal selection (Ozment 1980, 173). In the 15th century there were several recurring councils which attempted to exert influence over the papacy, deciding what was and was not permissible in a broad spectrum of life (Ozment 1980, 175). Ozment sums up this complex time on p. 178. “Three points of view on the relationship between church and state competed in the later Middle Ages. One strictly subordinated secular to ecclesiastical power and found advocates among popes and their apologists A second was championed by extreme royal publicity, who reversed the papal arguments and subordinated ecclesiastical to secular power and treated the church as a department of state. The third saw church and state as parallel powers and attempted to acknowledge the autonomy of each within its respective sphere.”

Ozment is clear that his synthesis cannot exist without generalization that misses nuance. “The Middle Ages were anything but a period of conformist religion and church domination. Europe was a factious family of nation states, not a harmonious corpus Christianum” (Ozment 1980, 180). There was considerable strife between church and state, as well as within the church and among the states.

Divisiveness, Not a New Problem

5/4/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 5/4/15 at 10:18 am for immediate publication.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.

Chapter 4, “The Ecclesiopolitical Traditions” pp. 135-181 Part 4, “The Schism and the Rise of the Conciliar Theory of Church Government” pp. 155-164

Ozment now moves us to 1414 when a council met in the Swiss city, Constance. The council was the result of a schism which began in 1378 (Ozment 1980, 155). By 1414 there were three popes in three cities, all with cardinals and political supporters. In their decree they asserted as a duly assembled council over the Roman church to have authority over the selection of the Pope (Ibid., 156). The issue of the election of deposition of a Pope had become politically charged over the centuries. Ozment observes it was also a psychological difficulty. “Medieval people attached great importance to orderly succession in both ecclesiastical and political office; the deposition of a duly elected pope seemed as unthinkable as the execution of a duly crowned king” (Ibid., 159). There were some precedents for condemnation of a pope, but it was a very serious matter, normally requiring heresy, though some would include obvious sin (Ibid., 161).

The Pre-eminence of Peter

4/20/2015

This post was prepared 4/15/15 for publication 4/20/15 at 6:00 am. It was accidentally posted 4/16/15 approximately 7:30 pm and is being recreated to appear at its scheduled time.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 4, “The Ecclesiopolitical Traditions” pp. 135-181 Part 2, “The Pre-eminence of Peter” pp. 137-144

Ozment questions the rise of the papacy to political dominance. “Until the fourteenth century medieval Europe had been a peculiarly ‘Christian commonwealth’; where a genuine sense of transregional unity and cooperation existed, it resulted more from religious bonds than from any clear political or ‘national’ identity” (Ozment 1980, 138). He states that religion is just as important to politics as to other areas of history and culture. The papacy is portrayed as asserting its power. “No other medieval institution had richer intellectual resources for convincing an age open to religious argument of its authority” (Ibid., 138). Ozment adduces a letter from Pope Gelasius 1 (492-96) to Emperor Anastasius, asserting the eternal importance of the papacy over the temporal importance of the emperor (Ibid.). Leaders of the church had a history including excommunication of high public officials. The tradition of the Pope crowning emperors had its seeds in the coronation of Charlemagne and was a tradition from 962 until the 16th century (Ibid., 140). On the other side of this issue, Ozment observes that rulers would use their secular authority to require the church to provide goods and services (Ibid.). “In the eleventh century both kings and popes assumed the unity of Christendom, while at the same time recognizing distinctive spheres of secular and ecclesiastical life” (Ibid., 141). The two spheres each sought dominance. Eventually in the 11th and 12th centuries papal leverage prevented political figures from appointing bishops and won authority for the pope over emperors by 1202 (Ibid., 143).

Varieties of Mystical Experience

4/6/2015

Mondays are for Church History. This post was prepared 4/4/15 for posting 4/6/15 at 6:00 am.

Ozment, Steven E. The Age of Reform: 1250-1550 : An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 1980. Kindle Electronic Edition.
Chapter 3, “The Spiritual Traditions” Part 4 “Varieties of Mystical Experience” pp. 115-134

Medieval writings, especially of a mystical nature, are widely varied. “True mystics, however, were always considered rare” (Ozment 1980, 115). While people were interested in mysticism the actual experience was not very widespread. “All agreed that the mystic had reached the summit of piety, the highest possible religious goal of earthly life” (Ibid.). Ozment discusses two types of mysticism. From the Latin tradition there is one by which the will apprehends Christ and grows in love and practical godly behavior. Representatives of this view are Bernard of Clairvaux and Bonaventura (Ibid.). The other stream is more related to German Dominicans. The stress here is contemplation and understanding of God. The prime example of this view is Meister Eckhart. All this mysticism has as a main goal being conformed to God, thus withdrawing from the world.

On p. 118 Ozment makes a startling statement. “There are three distinct major medieval mystical traditions: the Dionysian, the Franciscan, and the Eckhartian.” This is a startling statement because he had been discussing only two. “Dionysian mysticism is especially distinguished by its emphasis on God’s transcendence of reason” (Ibid., 118). After describing this retreat from knowing, Ozment turns to Franciscan mysticism and its representative Bonaventura (fl. ca. 1257) on p. 120. The greatest goal “is the peace that comes from being crucified with Christ as St. Francis was” (Ibid., 121). Here “the experience is one of painful ecstasy” (Ibid.) This is done by looking to the presence of God within us, then moving into the God above us. Bonaventura finally takes us through six steps, two each for the outside world, the world within, and the world above (Ibid., 124). Finally Bonaventura’s mysticism results in a departure from intellectual understanding, as we leave what we understand (Ibid., 126).

Ozment then turns his attention to Meister Eckhart. Eckhart always urged consideration of matters all the way back to the very beginning. He saw himself and all people as having a pre-created state to which they would return in the end. Man’s soul has a spark of transcendence which receives God directly. Eckhart asserted a unity of the soul with God, not holding any separation. This went farther than the other mystics of his time (Ibid., 131).