Category: Senn-1997 - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Postmodernity in Liturgy

2/16/2024

2/16/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Nineteen: Epilogue: Postmodern Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 693-705.

Senn considers "postmodernism" in the arts to be "a rejection of Rationalism and Romanticism" (Senn 1997, 693). This may be accomplished through seeking antecedents to Rationalist or Romantic patterns. In terms of liturgy, he sees it in the attempts to create liturgies specific to particular groups. However, Senn sees postmodernism primarily as a rejection, rather than a positive replacement of earlier ideas (Senn 1997, 694). This leads to a form of nihilism, which was described in Nietzsche. The golden age - of the past, in Romanticism, or of reason, in Rationalism - has been taken off the table in this philosophy (Senn 1997, 695). Religious belief which is increasingly self-mediated likewise leads to a failure to perceive a coherent historical or societal pattern. It therefore becomes impossible to find an overall sense of meaning (Senn 1997, 696).

Senn finds a sharp contrast between this form of postmodernism and historic Christianity. Cutting Christianity loose from history leaves it adrift at best (Senn 1997, 697). While Senn suggests faithful Gospel preaching as a necessary response, he says "it is insufficient as a total response to the postmodern situation" (Senn 1997, 698). A fuller response includes placing a realistic Christian view of the world clearly before our modern society, in contrast to the inadequate world view held by a postmodern culture. The historic liturgy is an important element in this effort. It communicates continuity with history and tradition, which is primarily what Senn considers to be missing in postmodernity (Senn 1997, 699). Senn further views the entirety of the historic liturgy to be necessary in articulating a consistent historical philosophy. The content of the canonical Scriptures in detail also serves as a means of connecting postmodern people with their history (Senn 1997, 700). Sadly, Senn considers that even within Christianity many lack knowledge of the biblical narrative. Solid hymnody and liturgy, along with regular reading of the Scripture, presents congregations with the tools they need to overcome their postmodernism and find their place in history (Senn 1997, 701). Senn describes in some detail the way historic Chrsitian liturgy, ritual practice, and even architecture point up the distinction between the Church and a secular culture.

20th Century Liturgical Reunification

2/9/2024

2/9/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Eighteen: Liturgical Revision and Renewal." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 637-692.

Senn concludes that toward the end of the 20th century (note the copyright in 1997) forms of liturgy stabilized somewhat across denominational lines, showing similar patterns in eucharistic theology, the use of a calendar and a lectionary, along with increasing similarity in hymnody (Senn 1997, 637). He reviews a number of worship books published since the late 1960s. Senn notes that the publication of trial editions of liturgy has shed a good deal of light on projects of liturgical development (Senn 1997, 639). The liturgical developments spurred, among other things, a commission which saw cooperation between the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod and the Lutheran Church in America to develop a new pan-Lutheran hymnal (Senn 1997, 640ff). In 1978 the Lutheran Book of Worship was released, even as the Missouri Synod withdrew from the process and released their Lutheran Worship in 1982. Methodist and Presbyterian groups have made similar efforts to test, approve, and release liturgical materials (Senn 1997, 643ff).

In Senn's opinion, many of the liturgies published in the late 20th century are similar in shape and use very similar texts (Senn 1997, 645). The shape essentially gathers the people, delivers the word, then the sacrament, then dismisses the people. Senn continues with a chart comparing the service in Roman, Lutheran, Anglican, Methodist, and Presbyterian customs (Senn 1997, 646-647). While the elements are not identical across the spectrum, and while different bodies allow for different insertions or omissions, the worship elements do build a similar service. Senn discusses a few of the distinctive features briefly.

Senn further describes a convergence in eucharistic theology across denominational lines. He goes on to describe "conclusions reached in the Anglican-Roman Catholic and Lutheran-Roman Catholic dialogues, in the historic Leuenberg Concordat between the German Lutheran and REformed churches, and to the World Council of Churches Faith and Order Commission document, 'Baptism, Eucharist, and Ministry' (BEM), which has been in the process of 'reception' by the churches of the world" (Senn 1997, 651). The example Senn goes on to discuss involves a definition of "personal presence" of Christ in the Eucharist which is sufficiently vague to allow for nearly any interpretation (Senn 1997, 652ff). Discussion is ongoing about the nature of the communion elements, the role of the officiant, and the relationship between pastor/priest and congregants.

The development and adoption of some form of the three year common lectionary signals to Senn a substantial basis for fellowship and cooperation (Senn 1997, 657). The similarity of readings may lead to a greater similarity of priorities in the life of the Church. Senn provides details about the overall construction of the cycles (Senn 1997, 657ff).

Ecumenical discussion of baptism has been another area of concern in the late 20th century, particularly due to issues surrounding missionary work (Senn 1997, 661ff). Both Christian initiation of children and of adults are concerns in these discussions. Senn describes in some detail the process defined in Vatican II known as RCIA, the Rite of the Christian Initiation of Adults, which tries to build a process based on early Christian descriptions (Senn 1997, 662ff). The process was slow to be adopted in Roman Catholic circles and has seen more resistance outside of the Roman Catholic Church. Where a more standard process has emerged it has mostly been between the Episcopal Church and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.

Baptism and confirmation, generally understood as initiatory rites, are not the only occasions when liturgy marks a milestone. Senn observes a number of other times are typically accompanied by rituals. Marriage ceremonies are very important from a social and religious standpoint. The challenges of an expectation that secular and ecumenical customs will be brought into a wedding service are very real, and are a matter of some delicacy in pastoral care (Senn 1997, 666).

Rites for ordination within the Roman Catholic Church are very clearly defined (Senn 1997, 667). Senn describes these ceremonies in some detail. The Episcopal rite is relatively similar to that of the Roman Catholic Church (Senn 1997, 668). In contrast, since Lutherans do not normally understand the functions of bishops, pastors, and deaconesses in the same way, these ordination rites follow different patterns. Methodist ordination tends to be similar to that in the Episcopal tradition.

Penance, or reconciliation, is now often treated as a rite of restoration, rather than as an element of church discipline (Senn 1997, 669). Vatican II treated it also as a rite to gather people who had resolved a conflict against one another. The social relationship between Christians has a greater focus than does the confession of sin before God (Senn 1997, 670). Lutherans typically use a brief order of public confession and absolution as a prelude to a Divine Service in which communion will be celebrated.

A ritual for anointing the sick and praying for healing has been a typical feature of Chrsitian practice. Protestants who practice these rituals must overcome a bias against "extreme unction" while Roman Catholics must overcome a history of holding off on anointing with oil until the deathbed (Senn 1997, 671).

Funeral practices remain a significant element in rites of passage, though the reality of death has been tempered by medical and funeral home practices (Senn 1997, 671). Senn observes that this can be overcome by use of historic funeral liturgies which are full of Chrsitian symbolism (Senn 1997, 672).

The growth of an emphasis on liturgy has influenced the sense of Christian community and has even resulted in some changes of architectural patterns as the spaces used for worship are designed to reflect current emphases (Senn 1997, 672-673). Senn describes some of the building designs that emphasize either a liturgical or a non-liturgical viewpoint.

Senn closes this chapter with a lengthy discussion of liturgical challenges. First, as liturgy lives within culture, it is always influenced in some way by local cultural expression (Senn 1997, 676). The attitude within Roman Catholic circles has increasingly accepted a multicultural view of the Church (Senn 1997, 677). It is not altogether clear whether Senn approves of this or not. He does describe Lutheran studies which consider whether the liturgy should be contextualized. In general, Lutherans have spoken about the need for the Gospel to have some contrast with the culture (Senn 1997, 678). However, Senn goes on to discuss adaptation of cultural ritual into Christianity as a matter of pastoral discretion. He appears open to a wide array of rituals which do not have roots in Christian practice (Senn 1997, 679). The world of musical composition has seen both moves toward and away from historic liturgical usage of music (Senn 1997, 680-681). Senn notes that in much of African American piety there are practices which, though they are from white Western culture, have become thoroughly adapted and now appear characteristic of an African-American culture. This begs the question of to whom the liturgy "belongs" (Senn 1997, 682). A similar question of cultural accommodation is the recognition of holidays, when a secular calendar observes a number which have roots in Christian piety, but has re-invented some of those holidays. Senn speaks about the challenge to Christianity as it seeks to retain its own calendar (Senn 1997, 683).

Senn devotes considerable space to the critiques lodged by feminists against the liturgy. It is important for understanding this portion of the book to recall its publication in 1997. Liturgical reforms of the 1960s and beyond had focused on use of "gender-inclusive" language (Senn 1997, 684). At this time in history, the term implied an acceptance that male and female terminology could normally be used interchangeably. The concept of gender fluidity was not widely known. Senn notes the difficulties already inherent in the 20th century attempts to create gender-neutral language (Senn 1997, 684-685).

The church growth movement is another source of challenges to the liturgy which Senn identifies. Its open advocacy of having no liturgy and its rejection of historic forms of church practice creates an environment which is very hostile to any codified liturgical worship (Senn 1997, 687). Senn identifies the practices of this movement as directly related to the revivalist frontier Christianity of the 19th century (Senn 1997, 688). Senn provides a summary of a typical service from a megachurch in Arizona. In my experience, things have changed a great deal since the late 1990s. The materials from the church in Arizona seem very orthodox compared to much practice some 25 years later.

Senn concludes briefly that, in the face of various types of opposition, it is necessary for churches to emphasize the richness of their liturgical heritage (Senn 1997, 691-692).

Modernism in Liturgy

2/2/2024

2/2/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Seventeen: The Modern Liturgical Movement." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 609-636.

Senn notes that after World War I there was a development of Modernity concurrent with the survival of Romanticism in various realms of thought and culture (Senn 1997, 609). The modernist deconstruction efforts may be seen in the theological moves of historical-critical study and the demythologizing work of many scholars (Senn 1997, 610). Neo-orthodox theologians pursued their own efforts at deconstruction as they attempted to reach a form of orthodoxy which may have existed prior to Romanticism. Senn observes that the work of Gregory Dix to recover the significance of ritual actions argued for a meaningful sequence of activities which could be used to recover apostolic practice and hence its meaning (Senn 1997, 610).

Senn considers the liturgical renewal work of monastic schools to be of importance in the development of a conception "of the corporate character of the liturgy as 'the work of the people'" (Senn 1997, 612). Mucho f this work occurred among Benedictine monasteries, numerous of which are considered in turn by Senn. The liturgical considerations took on a theme of discussion of "mystery" (Senn 1997, 614) which I observe is based on the Greek word μυστήριον, frequently appearing as the Latin sacramentum.

Senn finds in the modern liturgical renewal a focus on the eucharist and the element of mystery which serves to tie all the aspects together (Senn 1997, 615). He describes in brief the application of mystery to thanksgiving, to fellowship, to commemoration, and to sacrifice. It has historically been through a confession of the mystery of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist that people have recognized its power (Senn 1997, 616). The mystery is also intimately related with symbolic actions and pieces of artwork. The things present or done in worship point to a greater reality (Senn 1997, 617). Much doctrinal study focused on the concept of re-prasentatio - what "representation" actually implies (Senn 1997, 618).

The 20th century liturgical renewal was disseminated through conferences and publications which reached to parishes through clergy (Senn 1997, 620). Senn notes that the movement was more successful "in Belgium, Germany, Austria, and France" (Senn 1997, 620). In Britain he identifies a resistance to what is perceived as Roman Catholic. Studies in America were primarily developed within Roman Catholic piety, though the programs have been available to Protestants as well (Senn 1997, 621-622). The movement has seen some success among Lutherans, especially of German extraction (Senn 1997, 623), not only in Germany, but spreading to Scandinavia and to several Lutheran church bodies in the United States (Senn 1997, 624).

Senn notes that the North American Common Service, in use in numerous Lutheran church bodies, was revised with the intent of developing a common liturgy. The effort did not gain the participation of the Missouri Synod, but did have broad support, resulting in the Service Book and Hymnal of 1958 (Senn 1997, 626). Senn describes the revisions in some detail.

The Vatican II discussions, lasting from 1962-1965, represent a substantial liturgical evolution of the 20th century, particularly as they involved many representatives from Protestant Christianity as well as Roman representatives (Senn 1997, 629). Revisions to the liturgy were the first and possibly most obvious decisions. Senn describes the principles in some detail. The intention of the revisions was to involve the entire congregation in the liturgy while avoiding any departures from historic forms and patterns within the liturgy (Senn 1997, 630). Senn considers a weakness to be the relative lack of concentration on sacred art and music, which could have elevated the outcomes in the opinion of the participants in liturgy.

The 20th century saw a strong movement of ecumenical involvement in social service projects, especially after Vatican II (Senn 1997, 632). These activities normally included elements of anti-discrimination politics and of rediscovery of one's own ethnic and cultural heritage (Senn 1997, 633). Senn observes this interfered with moves to publish worship materials which would be accepted by divergent people groups. Hymnody was studied, resulting in collations of most widely accepted hymns. A three-year lectionary was also developed and adopted by a broad spectrum of users (Senn 1997, 634).

Liturgy in the Age of Romanticism

1/26/2024

1/26/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Sixteen: Liturgy in the Age of Romanticism." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 568-608.

Senn considers both the French and American Revolutions to be rooted in the ideals of the Enlightenment, and to have served in part to validate Enlightenment values, ushering in a move which became Romanticism (Senn 1997, 568). Of the two revolutions, he acknowledges the French as the more forceful. Senn observes, "Romanticism is an effort to bring one age to the rescue of another, which means that the leading romantics were also critics of their own age and culture" (Senn 1997, 569). A rise of ethnic identity came about, possibly as a form of nostalgia. Senn observes the parallel increased interest in historical liturgy and ritual as indicative of the same nostalgia (Senn 1997, 570).

After the French Revolution, the new government established new national holidays to replace church observances, as well as removing the bulk of Roman Catholic priests from office (Senn 1997, 571). Governmental approval was required for any religious meetings or ceremonies. After the fall of Napoleon in 1815, a form of Romantic Catholicism came into being (Senn 1997, 572). In Russian Christianity, marriage between Orthodox and Lutherans was permitted so as to stimulate immigration into mining communities. The worship and culture took on a more cosmopolitan tone (Senn 1997, 573). Concurrent with these events, in Britain the Industrial Revolution introduced dramatic social changes (Senn 1997, 574). This revolution created a distance between people and the Church by its geographical and occupational upheaval. Senn observes that Britain saw significant debate about the nature of ecclesial authority during this period (Senn 1997, 575). Germany's geography was impacted by the fall of Napoleon (Senn 1997, 577). The newly enlarged kingdom of Prussia considered whether unity between all Protestants could be pursued effectively (Senn 1997, 578). At the same time, a confessional revival was under way, which reacted strongly against the Prussian Union. Until 1840, not only were churches required to be part of the Prussian Union, but also emigration was not allowed. When it was allowed in 1840, a wave of confessional Lutherans came to the United States (Senn 1997, 579). Where the Prussian Union did not exist, a "high church Lutheranism" grew. These movements were considered extreme by the more unionistic groups (Senn 1997, 580). Among the Reformed and Lutherans in North America, articulation of doctrinal stances led to deep divisions, including divisions between the North American and European versions of the same church bodies (Senn 1997, 581). In Scandinavia, after the fall of Napoleon, Norway was ceded to Sweden some years after Finland was taken by Russia. Denmark had accepted much of the Enlightenment philosophy (Senn 1997, 582). This led to a Rationalistic bias along with a rise of Pietism.

Among the Lutherans in North America, Senn observes a desire for "intersynodical cooperation on the basis of confessional ties" around the mid 1800s (Senn 1997, 585). Debate on matters including slavery and the right interpretation of biblical authority were significant causes of dissent, as were debates regarding confessional subscription and church fellowship. In the later part of the 19th century the development of a common worship book and liturgy which would be acceptable to the broadest possible spectrum of Lutherans was pursued (Senn 1997, 586). The resulting order of service was based on 16th century Lutheran liturgies. Many of the prayers and other liturgical wording were based on the English Book of Common Prayer and were justified by the fact that Cranmer had drawn on German Lutheran material (Senn 1997, 588). Intonations based on plainchant or based on Anglican or German Lutheran tunes were generally adopted for use (Senn 1997, 589). Several ancillary resources were published by the early 20th century. Senn observes that these publications did tend to bring some Lutheran church bodies together.

Senn notes that church music was at a low point in the early 1800s. Congregations were not generally singing responsories, organ accompaniment was not emphasized, and hymnody was largely neglected (Senn 1997, 592). A revival of Reformation hymnody took place, including publication of a number of German hymnals in the 1850s. New composition was generally neglected amid debates about the appropriateness of Christian art music, including the works of Bach being used rather than solely 16th century hymnody (Senn 1997, 593-594). Toward the close of the 19th century, a number of organ composers rose to prominence in Europe (Senn 1997, 594-595). However, for the most part, 19th century hymnody and choral writing throughout Europe is considered lackluster (Senn 1997, 597). Senn does detail a movement of composers who would adapt tunes of more famous secular composers to serve as hymn tunes (Senn 1997, 598-599). American hymnody based on folk tunes became more popular, though among Lutherans in America much of the hymnody was based on music imported from the church's nation of origin (Senn 1997, 600-601).

Senn observes that in America during the 19th century there was a tendency for the more simple, revivalist churches to develop the arrangement of a concert all, with the choir and preacher on a stage, but for the building to become more ornate as time passed (Senn 1997, 602). At the same time, there was a revival of Gothic architecture which resulted in buildings with a more Medieval European appearance. Senn observes that both designs suffer from a failure to emphasize the corporate nature of participation in worship as a body, rather than as a spectator (Senn 1997, 604).

Senn does note the strength, especially of the neo-Gothic churches, to provide a place for individual meditation and prayer (Senn 1997, 604). The buildings do successfully provide public gathering places and secluded areas.

The function of church buildings prompts Senn to discuss the use of art and vestments (Senn 1997, 605). Art can be seen as serving a teaching purpose or as an aid to devotion and prayer. The purposes of the art is a subject of debate, as is the matter of its appropriateness in liturgy as opposed to in religious encouragement (Senn 1997, 606). Along with an acknowledgement of liturgical art as something which should be as timeless and powerful as the liturgy, Senn recognizes that non-liturgical art may be more contextual in nature. Along with a revival in interest in art and architecture, the 19th century saw a revival of interest in the garments and textile features of the church (Senn 1997, 606-607). Traditional liturgical colors took on a more standardized appearance, with the "correct" color for the season or occasion being observed. Senn includes a listing of the typical colors (Senn 1997, 607).

Liturgy in the Age of Reason

1/19/2024

1/19/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Fifteen: Liturgy in the Age of Reason." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 538-567.

Toward the end of the 17th century, Christian Orthodoxy was challenged on the one side by pietism (see ch. 14) and on the other side by the Enlightenment and its emphasis on Rationalism (Senn 1997, 538). Thinkers tended to see a conflict "between reason and biblical revelation" (Senn 1997, 539). This led to challenges against the validity of an orthodox understanding of Scripture. Rather than pursuit of a religion based on Scripture, the emphasis became that of a natural religion based on moral and ethical behavior (Senn 1997, 540). Senn considers some of this shift as a reaction to Pietism and some as a natural outgrowth of Pietism's rejection of traditional rites and practices.

Senn begins his analysis of the situation and developments by considering the breakdown of liturgical order as seen in the use of music (Senn 1997, 541). The Enlightenment viewed the intellectual development of people as of prime importance. Liturgy could easily be seen as speaking to "humanity's sensual, or nonintellectual, nature" (Senn 1997, 541). Liturgical music became simpler and more sentimental in nature. The sermon became the most important part of the gathering. Senn describes the codified orders of worship in some detail. The materials tend to paraphrase ritual speech, including the Lord's Prayer and institution narratives around the eucharist, making substantive alterations in meaning as well as wording (Senn 1997, 542-543). Senn observes that in areas influenced by Lutheran traditions the alterations to liturgy were generally less radical, due to a consensus that Lutherans would hold in some way to Lutheran traditions (Senn 1997, 544). However, at least in North America, they tended to become highly politically active (Senn 1997, 546). By the late 1700s and early 1800s, especially in attempts at English language liturgy, more flexibility in wording became the norm in North America. Senn observes that the liturgies became increasingly Rationalist in their outlook (Senn 1997, 547).

The move toward Rationalism was not unified. Senn notes that the Second Great Awakening, a predominantly Wesleyan movement, departed from the contemporary Rationalistic tendencies (Senn 1997, 548). The Methodist piety was outside of the mainstream of Christianity at its time. Senn notes it was at one and the same time enthusiastic in nature and sacramental, with an emphasis on "baptism, the Lord's Supper, and prayer" (Senn 1997, 549). Wesley created an amended version of the Book of Common Prayer for use in American congregations, generally making the service shorter so as to allow for frequent communion. At the other end of the spectrum of formality, Senn describes a party of high-church, traditional Anglicans who participated in the founding of the Episcopal church in North America (Senn 1997, 5541). This in turn led to significant disputes over ordination and revisions to the Book of Common Prayer, particularly in regard to its language affirming the English monarch (Senn 1997, 552). Senn describes these liturgical developments in some detail.

Enlightenment ideals tended to decrease the role of music, particularly of choir schools associated with Latin schools, in public life. Senn notes the practices of the choirs "were all considered unseemly by enlightened citizens" (Senn 1997, 556). Secular concerts and opera productions gained a more prominent place in society. The Romantic idea of art for art's sake was becoming established in the early 1800s. Senn describes in brief the work of numerous composers in the generation after J.S. Bach. While church music declined in Lutheran circles, the Reformed churches relaxed some of their musical principles, resulting in a growth of inventive hymnody (Senn 1997, 558).

The Enlightenment desire for a virtuous society led to an increased concern for the rite of confirmation (Senn 1997, 559). Within Lutheran circles, some groups had rejected confirmation as a nonessential rite, while others placed a high value on it. For communities which practiced confirmation, the methods of examining and the rites of confirmation showed considerable variation (Senn 1997, 560-561).

Senn observes that Rationalism, like Revivalism, sought an emotional response to the Christian message, thus placing rationalism and revivalism in close fellowship with each other (Senn 1997, 562). Revivalist camp meetings would gather people around the Scripture, prayer, and observance of the Lord's Supper (Senn 1997, 563). The revivalist movement typically abandoned historic forms of worship and replaced it with a strongly emotive liturgy. The pragmatic views of Charles Finney, among others, have shaped American Christianity up to the present (Senn 1997, 564).

Senn reflects that the role of emotion in worship is challenging. "Preaching and church music will appeal to the emotions" (Senn 1997, 565). The difficulty is in deciding how worship should be designed, and whether its purpose is to inspire emotions. Authentic worship, to Senn, is "not human design but the presence of Christ in the proclamation of the gospel and in the celebration of the sacraments, whose Spirit works through these means to create, sustain, and awaken faith" (Senn 1997, 565). The things we do have an impact. It is not always clear if that impact is the appropriate response. We are simply more complex than we often think.

Liturgy in the Age of Certainty

1/12/2024

1/12/24
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Fourteen: Liturgy in the Age of Certainty." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 483-537.

Senn considers the 17th century as difficult to categorize, as there were multiple developments theologically and culturally, as well as in art, music, and architecture. He settles on "the age of certainty" due to Descartes' conclusion that there is being related to thought (Senn 1997, 484). The certainty may well have been evidenced in communities of faith which pursued a theological conformity so as to unify the people of their area (Senn 1997, 485). Senn observes that this included Prussian prohibitions against Lutheran practices such as use of "candles, copes, chasubles, Latin hymns, and the sign of the cross" (Senn 1997, 485). The concern was for true doctrine, but the understanding of what constituted true doctrine varied from place to place (Senn 1997, 486).

Senn begins his review of the age of orthodoxy by considering developments in the Eastern Church, as the center shifted in the 16th century toward Russia (Senn 1997, 486). As Rome declined in authority, then Constantinople fell, the guardians of Orthodoxy remained in Moscow (Senn 1997, 487). During this time period, there were moves to revise liturgy in the East so as to create consistency among the ethnic Syrians, Greeks, Ukranians, and Russians. This endeavor was fraught with difficulty, largely due to the static nature of the oral traditional liturgy, which resisted change (Senn 1997, 488).

Meanwhile, in the West, after the Council of Trent, Rome tended to centralize their hierarchy (Senn 1997, 489). Senn notes that while in the Lutheran tradition congregational hymns formed part of the liturgy, in Roman practice there were hymns which the congregation could sing during the celebration of the mass, although they were to "stop during the reading of the gospel, at the elevation, and at the final blessing" (Senn 1997, 490). Choral singing was also an element, unrelated to the actual progression of the liturgy. The mass and actual reception of communion were also separate from one another (Senn 1997, 490-491).

About the same time, in Gaul, the Jansenist movement reacted against external religiosity in favor of a more internal piety (Senn 1997, 491). The conflict which arose, especially between the Jansenists and the Jesuits, led to controversies regarding the frequency of reception of communion, as well as regarding publication of various liturgical manuals (Senn 1997, 492). The Council of Trent had specifically allowed for liturgical usage which was at least 200 years old. The Jansenist movement spurred historical research into, and recovery of, older Gallican liturgical elements (Senn 1997, 493).

The period of Lutheran orthodoxy from about 1580 to 1750 was not highly creative in terms of liturgical orders (Senn 1997, 494). The changes which came about, in Senn's opinion, were largely motivated by Lutheran leaders not pursuing an ascetic agenda which would make a strong show of Christian commitment. The Thirty Years' War in the early 1600s was also closely related to moves of the Reformation as understood by various groups of people (Senn 1997, 495). It resulted in a mixing of civil and religious life, with legal requirements to gain catechesis and attend church (Senn 1997, 496). This made outward change but failed to produce a moral commitment in the general public. In reaction to what some considered practice without faith, there were moves to recover hymnody and Christian spiritual traditions.

Articulations of Lutheran Pietism arose in the second half of the 17th century (Senn 1997, 497). The Pietists, who were seen as separatists, were driven out of some areas, but gathered in others, thriving in some communities by the early 18th century (Senn 1997, 498). Among noteworthy Pietists was Count Nicholas von Zinzendorf, whose estate became a refuge to "Lutherans, Reformed, Brethren, Separatists, and even Roman Catholics. Zinzendorf became the de facto bishop of the community and eventually led the Moravians to North America" (Senn 1997, 498). While the movement does not show many marks in liturgical development, there is a marked emphasis on subjective experience and especially on the experience and personality of the minister who would conduct services.

In contrast to the Pietistic movement, the region of Saxony, and particularly the city of Leipzig, flourished in the early 18th century as a place of orthodoxy in which the Christian faith was very evidently alive (Senn 1997, 499). Senn describes the church life in some detail, drawing on descriptions made by the sexton of St. Thomas Church from 1716-1739, while J.S. Bach was the cantor.

Lutheran orthodoxy came to North America, established initially on the Delaware River in New Sweden (Senn 1997, 502). Though the area was subsequently colonized by the Dutch, then the British, Lutheran worship continued in the area. As time progressed and Swedish immigration and use of the Swedish language declined, Senn observes the Lutherans tended to join with the Anglicans in opposition to the growing Pietism of the Quaker movement, thus resulting in an absorption of Lutheranism into Anglicanism (Senn 1997, 502). The two church bodies had a high degree of agreement in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Senn 1997, 503). Under the leadership of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, the Pennsylvania Ministerium was founded in 1748, and shortly developed a liturgy which would be acceptable to the congregants, mostly from Germany, rather than Sweden.

During the age of orthodoxy the Anglican church was driven by a need to create "comprehension" in the sense of unifying those with Catholic and Puritan sentiments in one church body (Senn 1997, 505). Despite Puritan sentiment opposed to ceremonies and ornamentation, the 1604 Prayer Book and Canons retained at least some ceremony. The advocates of High Church polity objected to the Prayer Book for reasons essentially opposite to those of the Puritans. Seeking rapprochement with the Scottish bishops, a Prayer Book was updated, with some rites and language intended to be more similar to Scottish idioms and to English liturgical patterns (Senn 1997, 506). Though introduced in 1537, the riots inspired led to the Civil War and to the book remaining out of use until the 18th century.

Senn returns to describe the English 1662 Book of Common Prayer, which bore a significant similarity to several earlier versions. Adjustments in the liturgy, focused on a greater role of the people as opposed to "specialists," were also reflected in a simplification of architecture, best illustrated by Sir Christopher Wren (Senn 1997, 507). This version of the Prayer Book was in use until the late 20th century, though a revision was proposed in 1928. Senn discusses the elements and order of worship in some detail (Senn 1997, 508ff).

The Puritan movement, in the early 17th century, showed a strong biblicism and was marked by a rejection of extrabiblical liturgical practices, particularly those seen as imposed by an outside authority (Senn 1997, 510). Senn notes that there was a strong commitment to local authority. The response of the British Parliament included an analysis of the Book of Common Prayer, concluding in 1583 with a formal statement that it "containeth nothing in it contrary to the Word of God" (Senn 1997, 512). The Puritans continued their dissent, particularly rejecting imposed liturgical actions. One practice Senn notes specifically is the creation in 1944 of a Directory for the Publique Worship of God, which provided instructions for each step of a worship service, but phrased so as to serve as a prompt for prayer (Senn 1997, 514-515). Puritanism in North America led to acceptance of local distinctions. Because of the emphasis on personal, rather than ecclesial, interpretation of Scripture, the movement tended to fragment into small splinter groups (Senn 1997, 516).

Senn observes that this same period saw a significant shift in the style of music used in liturgy. The Council of Trent limited the complexity of church music. The resulting style of singing hymns and Psalms gave birth to a different style of polyphony which grew into common use in the European Baroque period (Senn 1997, 517-518). Church cantatas, similar in form to opera, but based on biblical texts, were regularly used during Lutheran services (Senn 1997, 519). On the other hand, this practice was tempered in British usage. The strict Calvinism was not held in Britain, but cantatas were normally present only in the cathedrals. Much of the music in use was associated with the canticles for Morning Prayer and Evening Prayer (Senn 1997, 520).

Within Reformed and Puritan traditions, singing was largely that of metrical Psalms (Senn 1997, 521). The development of hymnody was mostly carried on in Lutheran circles. Senn considers the Thirty Years' War as a significant stimulus for hymnody (Senn 1997, 521-522). Especially inLutheran practice, hymnody reflective of God's grace appeared frequently. In musical developments, the use of figured bass and organ settings increased (Senn 1997, 524).

Senn observes that J.S. Bach's church music brought liturgical music to a pinnacle, though scholars in secular circles tend to read Enlightenment values into his work, ignoring the importance of the liturgical elements visible in his music written for use in the Church (Senn 1997, 525). In fact, there is evidence that Bach deliberately attempted to place himself in situations where he could develop the musical and liturgical life of the Church in terms of Lutheran orthodoxy, rather than pietism.

With the Reformation's emphasis on the church as a congregation, architectural features of church buildings required reconsideration. Senn observes that during the medieval period churches tended to be divided into a series of areas where different groups could function at the same time (Senn 1997, 529). With the renewed emphasis on preaching and teaching, both in Reformational and Roman circles, there developed an interest in bringing the whole congregation together. Senn describes some of the typical renovations which would make this more practicable.

Due to destruction of buildings during the Thirty Years' War, and from fire or due to population shifts at any time, some church buildings needed to be constructed. "Lutherans readily adopted the new Baroque forms, but also arranged their buildings to reflect and expedite the requirements of evangelical worship that had not been possible with a mere adaptation of existing medieval buildings" (Senn 1997, 530). Senn notes that in Lutheran architecture the pulpit and altar were in close proximity to one another. In Reformed buildings the altar was often absent, as the service centered around preaching (Senn 1997, 531). Christopher Wren's work after the London fire of 1666 was definitive in establishing patterns for churches from his time forward (Senn 1997, 532).

Senn observes that in the age of orthodoxy liturgy was understood as a regulated practice which reflected pre-existing truth (Senn 1997, 533). lex orandi and lex credendi were to remain consistent with one another and historic faith and practice. As Senn puts it, "Liturgy proclaims God, not ideas about God: and the God who is encountered in the liturgy is the God revealed in Christ who comes to us concretely through the means of grace" (Senn 1997, 534). This confession of Christ in the liturgy may be seen as early as Irenaeus, who viewed creeds as a "rule of faith" and in Hippolytus, who reports an embryonic form of the Apostles' Creed (Senn 1997, 535). Senn reviews in brief the function of the liturgical elements of the Divine Service to proclaim Christ to the congregation.

Positive Aspects of Eucharistic Sacrifice?

11/8/2023

11/8/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Thirteen: Reconsideration of Eucharistic Sacrifice." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 448-479.

Though the Lutheran Reformers took a negative view of some of the aspects of the Eucharistic celebration, they did have a positive point of view, acknowledging the good inherent in the Eucharist. In this chapter, Senn attempts to describe that positive view (Senn 1997, 449).Luther's criticism was based on the issue of the eucharistic elements being viewed as a sacrifice we present to God, rather than something God presents to us. The actual use of the Lord's Supper, rather than the philosophical concept, suggests multiple ways of dealing with the issue.

Melanchthon's view was that the discussion needed to be based on patristic consensus (Senn 1997, 450). He found a concern that the Eucharist is a gift given by God to man, and that any response which could be understood as a sacrifice of praise was our response to what God had initiated. The central concept for the sacrament was not the elements, but rather the liturgical rite which celebrates the Eucharist (Senn 1997, 451). The Sacrament is primarily significant of God's positive disposition toward us (Senn 1997, 453). Our celebration commemorates what Christ has done to rescue us.

Luther, when writing of the use, rather than the ontology, of the Eucharist (Admonition Concerning the Sacrament, 1530), emphasizes reception of God's promises by faith (Senn 1997, 455). Luther did, however, reject views that reception of the Sacrament was merely a matter of the recipient's joyful expression of faith. God is active in the Sacrament (Senn 1997, 456).

Martin Chemnitz provided a thorough comparison of the Roman view of the Eucharist as discussed in the Council of Trent, over against the Lutheran view (Senn 1997, 459). Much of Chemnitz' objection was based on the ostentatious shows of ritual behavior he could identify during the administration of the Mass (Senn 1997, 461). Chemnitz routinely enumerates points of doctrine very clearly, responding to the arguments of Trent in an orderly manner. On the whole, Chemnitz found the use of language of sacrifice to be foreign to the usage of patristic authors, so advocated use of language of sacrament instead (Senn 1997, 464).

Though the German Lutherans were not very active in articulating a positive view of the Eucharist, Senn finds the Swedish church to have a more clear articulation of eucharistic sacrifice (Senn 1997, 467). The work of Olavus Petri, emphasized the element of doing the eucharist in Chrsit's remembrance, which would preclude any interpretation of it serving as another sacrifice. The essential act of remembrance results primarily in our fellowship with God and with one another (Senn 1997, 468). There may be an element of sacrifice, but this is recognized as not a new offering but as a conscious commitment to remember Christ's sacrifice for sin (Senn 1997, 470).

In the 16th century Swedish Red Book, Senn finds the eucharistic prayer to be enlightening due to its manner of commemorating and recalling Christ's sacrifice (Senn 1997, 471). The memorial takes place especially through the ongoing preaching of Christ (Senn 1997, 472). Senn observes that the Swedish liturgy does acknowledge that we are making some sort of offering of the Son, in the prayers (Senn 1997, 475). This was seen as a mystery of some sort, as the saving work of Christ is both past and present.

Senn considers the issue of the eucharist to lead to an impasse by the end of the 16th century. While the Reformational theologians rejected the eucharist as a sacrifice, the Roman theologians continued to affirm it as a propitiatory offering (Senn 1997, 476). He notes that the impasse has continued.

Less Liturgical Liturgy

11/7/2023

11/7/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Twelve: Scandinavian Liturgies." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 393-447.

The Lutheran Reformation arrived in Denmark relatively early by decree in 1537, while it was a bit slower to arrive i nNorway and Iceland, though they were also ruled by Denmark (Senn 1997, 393). Senn considers that imposition by governmental decree was not as effective as adoption as a result of the work of a reformer. The growth of Lutheran ideas in Denmark had proceeded under the reigns of two kings who reigned for short periods of time (Senn 1997, 394). After a three year civil war, the new king, Christian III, rejected Rome and brought in Johannes Bugenhagen to bring the Reformation to Denmark (Senn 1997, 395). Senn provides an outline of the new Danish liturgy, published as early as 1528 (Senn 1997, 395-396). This is largely based on Luther's Formula Missae and Deutsche Messe. Senn finds Bugenhagen's involvement significant and even revolutionary. As a priest, rather than a bishop, Bugenhagen installed bishops who had previously been consecrated. He also "presided at the coronation service for the king and his queen" (Senn 1997, 397).

Senn observes that the Reformation was slow to penetrate Sweden (Senn 1997, 399). After 1515 Sweden endured a war between church and state, which began to moderate when in 1523 King Gustav Vasa made an alliance with several reformational figures with ties to Wittenberg. With this alliance, he was able to make an effective plea that his government was able to move the nation to unity (Senn 1997, 401). The compromise involved a retreat from overt Reformational thought and a rapprochement between the church and state, followed by a move back toward the Reformation (Senn 1997, 402).

Olavus Petri, one of the three Reformational figures, published three brief works in 1526, and also has credit for a large role in a Swedish New Testament (Senn 1997, 403). The works are largely catechetical and practical in nature. He also published a larger work with instructions for conducting church services, prayers, and explanations of numerous gospel texts (Senn 1997, 403-404). The work of Olavus Petri provides a comprehensive liturgical framework for regular and occasional usages, in Swedish (Senn 1997, 405). Senn discussed the order of Olavus' Mass and its differences both from Roman usage and from Luther's orders at some length.

Sweden was slow to follow the publication of a mass (1557) with materials for a full church order. The earlier work was largely based on German precedents. However, the new king, Erik XIV (1561) had Calvinist leanings and was unwilling to commit to a more Lutheran work (Senn 1997, 413). Erik was replaced in 1568 by Johan III, who sought theological mediation based on the first five centuries of Christian thought (Senn 1997, 414). The Swedish church order of 1571 contains rituals and explanations of practices which lean distinctly toward Lutheran and Roman practices, rather than toward the more radical parts of the Reformation (Senn 1997, 415). Senn observes that the practice of communion is emphasized in the Swedish order, even daily communion, due to the strong comfort it provides (Senn 1997, 416). When people do not desire the sacrament, a service of the Word would be put in its place, so as to awaken desires for godliness.

Near the end of 1573, after Laurentius Petri's death, King Johan III sought revisions to the Swedish Church Order to reflect a more ecumenical point of view (Senn 1997, 418). This Nova Ordinantia Ecclesiastica was released in 1575. Senn observes that a further revision, made by royal action apart from church review, was released in 1576. This revision, known as "the red book," used the concept of adiaphoron to promote retention of ceremonies, as counter to the German view in the 1577 Formula of Concord, which used the concept to endorse rejection of ceremonies (Senn 1997, 421). The Red Book created division, particularly as the genesio-Lutheran factions took it as endorsing a level of liturgy which could represent superstition (Senn 1997, 422). In response to ongoing dissent, Swedish students were no longer allowed to attend German genesio-Lutheran universities. King Johan's brother, Karl, sought alliances with more radical reformational factions so rejected the Red Book (Senn 1997, 423). This move threatened a regional conflict. It was clear that an alliance between the Swedish king and the Jesuits was a possibility. This sparked negotiations which did not result in a return to Roman catholicism (Senn 1997, 424).

Senn moves on to an analysis of "the structure and sources of the liturgy of King Johan III" (Senn 1997, 427ff). He initially makes a comparison in three columns of the elements of the 1570 Missale Romanum, the 1557 Swedish Mass, and the 1576 Red Book (Senn 1997, 428-429). Senn's conclusion is that most elements taken from the Roman Missal were mediated through the Swedish Mass. A number of items were mediated through other Lutheran liturgical traditions as well (Senn 1997, 430). Senn provides the specific texts of a number of portions for evaluation.

King Johan III's brother Karl continued in his opposition to the reforms of the Red Book, expanding his search among Lutherans for detractors (Senn 1997, 441). After the death of Johan in 1592, his son Sigismund, who had clear Catholic sentiments, was slated to accede to the throne (Senn 1997, 442). The anti-liturgist movement looked to Duke Karl for a solution. The legislative assembly called for joint rule of the legislature and Karl when Sigismund was absent, and committed the nation to the Augsburg Confession (Senn 1997, 442-443).

Senn emphasizes that the anti-liturgist clergy were a minority in Sweden, but were very persistent and well educated (Senn 1997, 445). This allowed them to implement theological clarifications and even a change of government. It moved Sweden into an age of Lutheran orthodoxy from 1593 forward. However, actual liturgical change moved rather more slowly.

How Reformational Is That?

11/6/2023

11/6/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Eleven: The Spectrum of Reformations." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 357-392.

Senn observes that the Lutheran reformation was one among many, and not the first (Senn 1997, 357). The Church has had many reform movements at different times in history. In this chapter, Senn reviews the different reform movements near the time of the Lutheran Reformation, describing a number of them.

The Moravians were strongly congregational and practiced infant baptism, only sometimes rebaptizing converts. Their liturgy emphasized congregational singing (Senn 1997, 358).

Anabaptist movements were less cohesive and more difficult to document. Senn understands there to be a rejection of Anabaptists, accompanied by attempts to exterminate them, spurred on by the radical revolutionary stances of some leaders (Senn 1997, 359). While the movement was not very unified, they did agree in rejecting infant baptism, in viewing communion in a non-sacramental way, and in encouraging holy living and self-sacrificial acts (Senn 1997, 360).

The "Reformed" camp, as exemplified by Zwingli, was radical in comparison to Luther's reformation, but not nearly as radical as the Anabaptists would desire. Much ceremony was removed, communion was endorsed less frequently by some, and a table was used rather than an altar (Senn 1997, 362). The intent of Reformed leaders was to repristinate the ceremonies, making them consistent with what they believed was New Testament practice (Senn 1997, 363). In various places, the liturgical adjustments were carried on differently, especially as regards communion. Senn identifies various moves to escape a sacramental view of communion, including separating the consecrating from the eating and drinking so it would serve only as an explanation (Senn 1997, 365). While preaching in Lutheran and Reformed circles tended toward exposition, Lutherans were more likely to follow a lectionary, while the Reformed would practice lectio continua. Senn also observes that the Reformed were more interested in newly composed prayers and extemporaneous prayers (Senn 1997, 367). Some movements removed the use of instruments, while others did not. Calvin was particularly interested in singing from a metrical Psalter (Senn 1997, 368). A communal view of liturgy grew up, in which church discipline, ordination, and weddings were considered part of the work of the congregation (Senn 1997, 369).

The Reformation in England had some different characteristics than the movements on the Continent (Senn 1997, 370). In general, Senn considers the English people to have been more satisfied with the customs within the Church. However, books from the Lutheran Reformation gained considerable traction in England. After Henry VIII died in 1547, his successor, Edward VI, increased the pace of reforms (Senn 1997, 371). Scripture readings and some prayers were presented in English, and there were efforts to unify the nation around a standardized liturgy. The resultant publication of the authorized Book of Common Prayer in 1549 represented a move to conduct a distinctively English liturgy (Senn 1997, 372). Senn traces the origins of the various parts of the liturgy to a variety of German Reformation sources. He also notes that Cranmer's work effectively synthesized Roman and Reformational liturgy (Senn 1997, 374). The controversy inherent in imposing an English liturgy throughout England caused considerable civil and ecclesial strife (Senn 1997, 375). A second edition of the Book of Common Prayer shows more differentiation from the Roman liturgy. Senn describes these liturgical changes in some detail (Senn 1997, 376ff). Specifically, the liturgy of communion moved farther from any possible understanding of transubstantiation or adoration of the elements. The reforms were halted in 1553 with the death of Edward VI and the accession of Mary Tudor, a Roman Catholic (Senn 1997, 380). The Book of Common Prayer was revised in 1558, with the accession of Elizabeth I (Senn 1997, 381).

Senn discusses the work of the Humanist Reformation in some detail (Senn 1997, 381ff). This reform movement attempted to work reconciliation among the various parties, particularly Rome and the different branches of the Reformation. The work of Erasmus as well as Georg Witzel was instrumental in the attempt to find common ground in the ancient church.

The Roman church also had a reform movement, mostly allied with humanistic ideals, before the Council of Trent (Senn 1997, 383). Senn particularly comments on the work of Johann Gropper and Gaspar Contarini. Gropper and Contarini argued for a return to biblical primacy as opposed to extensive reliance on medieval legends, as well as for a more limited authority of the pope (Senn 1997, 384). While Gropper and Contarini represented a relatively conciliatory stance, the work of the Council of Trent, convened between 1545 and 1563, was less so, insisting on a unified liturgy, missal, and breviary (Senn 1997, 385). Though abuses of the Mass were taken up in 1562, they were not addressed in extensive detail (Senn 1997, 386). Sen observes that the liturgical reforms, reflecting Roman practice, led to the clear emergence of a "Roman" Catholicism (Senn 1997, 388).

As a response to the Council of Trent, Senn describes the work of Martin Chemnitz, who wrote an extensive examination of the Council of Trent (Senn 1997, 388ff). Chemnitz evaluated the canons and the decrees of the Council, comparing them to both Scripture and tradition. Among other elements, Chemnitz identified eight different uses of traditio in theology. Based on this articulation, he concluded that the Council of Trent had confused the senses in which the word was used (Senn 1997, 389).

A Conservative Reformation

11/3/2023

11/3/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Ten: The Emergence of Lutheran Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 323-356.

Senn notes Luther's reluctance to be held up as a model, but also his stature as a reformational leader. By this status, Luther had a strong influence on the documents which were later identified as normative for the group called Lutherans (Senn 1997, 323). As a result of the Diet of Speyer in 1526, regional rulers could impose their religion on the region. This allowed the Lutheran princes to make a confession which differed from that of Emperor Charles V, thus leading to the expression of the Augsburg Confession in 1530 and the Apology in 1531 (Senn 1997, 324). The regions of the Augsburg Confession became associated and known as the Smalkald league. By 1546, Charles V was prepared to take military action against the league. While Charles was victorious in military terms, there were still princes who held a Lutheran confession. Charles found himself opposed both by Protestants and the papacy based on some of his attempts at forging terms of peace (Senn 1997, 325). A number of documents, identified as "interims" were drawn up, seeking agreement. A significant issue involved whether or not it was ever appropriate to compromise a doctrinal statement for the sake of unity (Senn 1997, 326-327). By 1555, the Augsburg territories had made an alliance with King Henry II of France, forcing Charles to work for peace and to convene a council at Trent, and the Augsburg recess, which essentially allowed the status of 1526 to return (Senn 1997, 328). Senn notes that from 1526 on there was a proliferation of church orders codifying the practices of the Reformation churches (Senn 1997, 329). Among these, in 1527, were instructions from the Elector of Saxony on conducting visitation. Senn observes that "Luther made it clear that the assistance of the Elector was viewed as a service of love and not as a rightful function of government" (Senn 1997, 329). While the articles were accepted, the civil government was not strictly acting within its vocation. It became common for theologians to write orders for a variety of communities (Senn 1997, 330).

The church orders dealt with a multitude of issues, but of particular interest to Senn are the liturgical features (Senn 1997, 332). Senn catalogs a number of church orders with an emphasis on the liturgical features, which he finds to be similar even when the other practices have greater variation. Senn provides a number of orders, along with his commentary (Senn 1997, 332ff).

Matins and Vespers were similarly addressed in the church orders. Again, Senn details the liturgical elements. Here he is able to place them in columns for comparison (Senn 1997, 338ff).

While church orders specified the calendar of seasons and days, Senn observes the calendars had a high degree of consensus from one church order to another (Senn 1997, 342). Senn walks through the different seasons of the church year as recognized in Lutheran lands, distinguishing here and there between Lutheran and Roman custom where they differ.

The hymnody of the Reformation was quickly published in a number of hymnals and song books (Senn 1997, 346). The hymnody served to teach theology and facilitate singing in German, though Senn notes that some of the new hymnody was Latin. The sung liturgy was the norm, so adaptations of liturgy in German were a common component of the early hymnals (Senn 1997, 348).

Senn notes that a specific order for baptism designed by Luther played an influential role in church life throughout the first part of the sixteenth century (Senn 1997, 35). Luther did not provide a rite of confirmation, but it was developed as early as 1538. Some customs included a laying on of hands in the confirmation, while others did not.

Preparation for communion grew as a custom, including a catechetical examination and private confession (Senn 1997, 351). While confession was not always required, Senn identifies it as a common safeguard.

Marriage, ministry to the sick, and burial orders also developed with the Reformation's church orders (Senn 1997, 352). The marriage orders tend to be a full liturgy, not simply something utilitarian. The sick would receive anointing with oil, generally after the regular service. Luther prepared no funeral rites, so these tended to differ significantly from one another (Senn 1997, 353).

Senn observes the noteworthy traditionalism of the Lutheran Reformation. In general, it was not a very radical Reformation (Senn 1997, 354).

Scripture as Determinant of the Nature of a Sacrament

11/2/2023

11/2/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Nine: Word and Sacrament in Luther's Reformation." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 299-322.

Senn sees the newfound centrality of Scripture reading and preaching as the heart of Luther's liturgical reforms (Senn 1997, 299). The recent developments in printing technology had already sparked an interest in study based on reading. The literary interest was present especially in the areas north of the Alps, where the Reformation occurred (Senn 1997, 300). Affordable printing led to greater uniformity of liturgy as the printing of church orders made forms easily distributed.

At the same time, Senn considers that ritual became less important and "textual piety" became more prominent (Senn 1997, 301). The visual and musical elements of worship likewise declined in prominence. While Luther's revisions to the liturgy were conservative in nature, other Reformers took a more radical approach, such as Zwingli, who replaced the canon of the Mass with four prayers and a number of biblical passages (Senn 1997, 302-303).

Luther considered the Word of God as more than a text, also being a self-communication of God, and to serve as an event in the preaching (Senn 1997, 303). Preaching was an essential element to every congregational gathering in Luther's mind. In the Wittenberg University culture, Hebrew, Greek and Latin studies were expected of all preachers, who would also study Classics and history (Senn 1997, 306). This led to sound biblical exegesis.

As to the Sacrament of the Altar, Senn finds that Luther was more satisfied with the Roman view of transubstantiation than any other view. He specifically did not use the word "consubstantiation" and also rejected the Zwinglian view that made the elements representations only (Senn 1997, 307). Luther's view was that Christ is present, according to His promise, for His people, in the consecrated bread and wine (Senn 1997, 308). The eating and drinking, as well as the entire doctrine, came from the Lord's command, not from our reason. Augsburg Confession Article 10 regarding the Lord's Supper was not subject to attack in the Roman Confutation (Senn 1997, 310). The sacrament was understood as being created by God's word. The dispute between the Lutherans and the more radical part of the Reformation was focused on whether the body and blood could potentially be separated from the bread and wine, such as in a view of their spiritual presence (Senn 1997, 312). This remained a conflict through the 16th century.

Luther's view of the priesthood of all believers has often been seen as contradictory to his concept of a priesthood called to preach and administer the sacraments (Senn 1997, 317). In fact, he took any Christian man to be potentially a priest but that only those formally appointed to the task are to preach and administer the sacraments. The need for oversight of pastors gradually became more evident, resulting in a greater role of bishops in the life of the church (Senn 1997, 319). The person ordained for word and sacrament ministry is thus both called by the congregation and sent by the bishop and the larger church. Congregation and church body together oversee the ministry (Senn 1997, 320).

A Nuanced View of Sacraments

11/1/2023

11/1/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Eight: Luther's Liturgical Reforms." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 267-298.

Luther's reforms were largely carried out in his opposition to contemporary views of sacraments. The critique of the mass, in Senn's view, was nuanced. An understanding of his actual view is necessary for discussion to continue (Senn 1997, 268). Luther's desire was not to create a scholastic explanation for the presence of Christ, but rather to embrace the mystery of his presence. Within Luther's objection was that the mass could be seen as a matter of works righteousness (Senn 1997, 269). The concept of works, as used by Luther, further is seen as the opposite of faith. By considering the eucharist as a work Luther considers faith in God to be excluded (Senn 1997, 270). The concept of the mass as a human act which merits God's favor is opposed to Christian faith. It is rather to be seen as a work of God which delivers God's favor to man.

Luther further objected to the Roman view of the mass as a sacrifice which humans offer to God (Senn 1997, 271). The intent of the sacrament, according to the institution passages, is that it be a gift from God to man. It was essential to Luther that the direction of the offering be kept in its proper order, God to man (Senn 1997, 272). The Lutheran liturgy therefore omitted the sacrificial language from the eucharistic liturgy.

Senn observes that, though Luther made a radical change in the sacrificial language of the mass, he was conservative in his treatment of other parts (Senn 1997, 275). While there were various liturgical experiments under way around 1522, Luther made an attempt to avoid unnecessary innovations (Senn 1997, 276). Senn continues by discussing the details of Luther's order of the mass. Of note, several elements of congregational involvement were brought in as a temporary solution, placing a German version of an element right after the Latin version. In some instances, the temporary adjustment became permanent (Senn 1997, 280).

Senn further reviews Luther's German mass of 1526 (Senn 1997, 281ff). Luther's was not the first German setting. Senn reports versions as early as 1522. Luther's version was prepared with a special concern of making the liturgy have an idiomatic German tone, not merely to be a translation of words (Senn 1997, 282).

The Lutheran Reformation saw a flowering of hymnody, as the culture at large, which already used music extensively, developed music as a means to teach and spread theology (Senn 1997, 285). Luther contributed to German hymnody and also encouraged others in composition and use of new music (Senn 1997, 286).

Events through the course of the Christian life received liturgical adjustments at Luther's hand. Senn recalls his earlier comments about baptism as God's work rather than a human work. This led to some revision, though not as extensive as that applied to the mass. In general, Luther considered that Rome had adhered to the essential baptismal faith (Senn 1997, 287). The emphasis on the need for personal appropriation by faith of one's baptism was clear (Senn 1997, 288). Luther is credited with orders of baptism from 1523 and 1526, both reviewed in detail by Senn (Senn 1997, 290-291).

Senn previously described the rite of confirmation, where the bishop would verify a child had been baptized. Luther considered such a process to have no basis in Scripture, but he supported catechesis and the examination of children by pastors (Senn 1997, 292-293).

Luther encouraged but did not require private confession (Senn 1997, 293). He did write a series of guidelines to prepare for confession. The absolution was of much greater importance to him than was the assigned performance of penance (Senn 1997, 294). The purpose of confession is to receive and trust in God's forgiveness.

Luther's view of vocation had great social consequences. Senn notes from Luther's view of the priesthood of all believers to the primacy of marriage in society, to the marriage of priests and the priestly rather than episcopal ordination of priests, the Lutheran Reformation served to make significant adjustments to the societal order (Senn 1997, 296-297).

Christ's Real Presence in Eucharist

10/31/2023

10/31/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Seven: The Real Presence and the Sacrifice of the Mass." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 240-263.

Senn considers the philosophical developments of the later Middle Ages to have driven the changes in the outlook on the Mass, as European culture took on a more empirical way of thinking about life (Senn 1997, 240). The move, in Senn's opinion, was to say that what is visible is what is real (Senn 1997, 244). What was spiritual took on the connotation of being not real.

Because of the emphasis on the concrete or that which is real, discussions arose as to exactly when the bread and wine became the body and blood of Christ (Senn 1997, 243). Cyril of Jerusalem, Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine all assigned particular points during the consecration when the change took place (Senn 1997, 243-245). By the late Middle Ages, Senn finds the view that it is only by Christ's words that the body and blood are present. Ritual movements grew up around the altar and the time of consecration, pointing to the real Christ arriving on the altar (Senn 1997, 246).

Senn takes the issue of the real presence to have become prominent in the late Middle Ages because of a change in categories. In Classical Antiquity a "sign" or "figure" could be thought of as a very real thing, while by the Carolingian period it no longer held that connotation (Senn 1997, 248). Therefore, theologians felt the need to ask when the reality appeared. Senn describes a number of these theological formulations in some detail.

An important element of the discussion was whether God's Word could change one thing into something else. This question was central to the debate concerning transubstantiation (Senn 1997, 251). While some views of transubstantiation were limited to an internal change of the essence of the elements, others went farther and took the consecration to be an act in which the priest was a partner with Christ. Sasse, for instance, found the former acceptable but not the latter (Senn 1997, 252).

The nature of eucharist as sacrifice was considered of less importance in the late Middle Ages. Attention was focused on the consecration, which, in many opinions, was a sacrifice, especially as we consider the parallels between the two terms (Senn 1997, 253). The crux of the question lay in whether the act at the altar was a "liturgical reactualization" or a "dramatic portrayal" of Christ's once-for-all sacrifice (Senn 1997, 254). The language used is difficult, in English as in Latin, since there is some ambiguity, for instance, in the meaning of the word "represent." It may indicate presenting something again or bringing something to mind, a world of difference when speaking of the eucharist. On the one side, articulated by Gabriel Biel and Cardinal Cajetan, in the eucharist there is a ritual presentation in which Christ, truly present, ministers to His people (Senn 1997, 256ff). Senn unpacks the idea at some length. The eventual outcome of the argument was a view of the eucharist as a commemoration or a re-enactment of the sacrifice of Christ, neither of which views, in Luther's estimation, adequately represented coherence with the Scripture and the Church Fathers (Senn 1997, 262).

Liturgical Decline

10/30/2023

10/30/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Six: Medieval Liturgical Deteriorization." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 211-239.

Senn takes the monastic piety of the 9th-11th centuries to have drawn a focus on introspective aspects of Christianity and to have eroded the centrality of corporate, liturgical piety (Senn 1997, 211). With this shift in emphasis, the Church as a whole saw a reduction in unity across cultural, economic, and occupational lines. Senn notes that the liturgical changes can be seen in architecture. He describes the Romanesque church design which spread through Europe, with features of the early Roman basilicas (Senn 1997, 213). By the 12th century, construction of buttresses and other framework allowed for more flexibility in walls, windows, and roofing (Senn 1997, 214), and Gothic architecture became favored. The flexibility inherent in the Gothic architecture allowed for multiple rooms which could house different groups independently. This is precisely what Senn describes, seeing the corporate liturgy decline in importance (Senn 1997, 215). Senn describes the ongoing development of some prominent cathedrals, noting that features were added over time to allow for various functions.

The Gothic period also saw development in music, with the growth of polyphony and the insertion of repetitive tropes into existing sung liturgy (Senn 1997, 218). Senn takes these developments as tending to clutter the liturgy. The insertions may distract from the historic emphasis of the worship (Senn 1997, 219). Senn observes that liturgical drama was also gradually introduced. This became popular outside the liturgy as well, so religious drama came into community life by the end of the tenth century (Senn 1997, 220-221).

Senn observes that from the Carolingian period, priests had prayers to be engaged in at various points in the services. This pulled the priest away from participation in the liturgy. Architecture further separated him from both the choir and the congregation (Senn 1997, 221).

Additional fragmentation of the congregation occurred as private masses for the dead or others became more popular (Senn 1997, 222). In the 8th and 9th centuries many of these were performed by a priest without any assistant or congregation, which explains the presence of many altars in some churches. This also led to the "utter liturgical novelty" (Senn 1997, 222) of spoken masses. The spoken form could proceed more quickly.

During the same period, people received communion less frequently. Senn views this as the result of ascetic practices and insistence on confession and absolution (Senn 1997, 223). Some, who desired the eucharist, would develop a eucharistic cult in which it was celebrated outside of the normal liturgy. These eucharistic cults led to the processions, most notably, the Corpus Christi procession (Senn 1997, 224). The sacrament therefore became something to observe. The emphasis was no longer on partaking of Christ's body and blood (Senn 1997, 226).

Senn continues by describing the separation in time of baptism and first communion, which was related to the fear that the consecrated wine could be desecrated by an accidental spill. Children would not receive communion until they could reliably eat the bread. The cup was reserved for the priest (Senn 1997, 226-227).

The Middle Ages also saw developments in practices of confession and absolution. Senn finds that attitudes of effective contrition moved from the visible, to the internal, and back to the visible during the Middle Ages. Penitence was always recognized as leading to forgiveness. Recognizing penitence was the challenge (Senn 1997, 228). Senn describes numerous writings about the nature of penitence.

In the late Middle Ages, the Missal, a book which contained all the liturgical texts needed for the liturgy, was developed. This allowed one minister with one book to celebrate the mass (Senn 1997, 230). Senn observes this as an extension of the private mass practices to all masses, and a move which rendered the congregation into passive spectators (Senn 1997, 231). As the missal served the mass, the breviary served the same function for the daily offices. This observation leads Senn into a discussion of the various types of churches and functions of clergy by the close of the Middle Ages. He notes that for many the singing of the Daily Offices became an incomprehensible process due to the many inserted tropes and sequences. Further, it became a matter of lawful obedience rather than devotion (Senn 1997, 235).

Despite the challenges Senn notes, with the breaking down of the liturgy in churches, there was participation on the popular level. People would find ways to express their devotion to God in the context of the Church (Senn 1997, 236). There were devotions, particularly centered around prayers of a rosary or contemplating the stations of the cross. Senn notes the pastoral concern to see the laity connected with the Gospel (Senn 1997, 238). In the end, it was the repetitive, liturgical use of Christian devotions which accomplished this.

Western Liturgy Development

10/27/2023

10/27/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Five: The Franco-Roman Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 173-210.

Senn now moves to developments in liturgy specific to the Western church and related to times into the Middle Ages (Senn 1997, 173). During this time, Rome as a unified Empire became subject to social, ethnic, and cultural incursions from various people groups, many of whom followed an Arian version of Christianity (Senn 1997, 174).

Senn observes that "the Carolingian renaissance was, to a great extent, a liturgical renaissance" (Senn 1997, 176). Importation, copying, and publishing of books of liturgy from Rome was carried on apace. Among these books, Senn describes sacramentaries with eucharistic liturgy, lectionaries with scripture readings, antiphonaries with music for the sung parts of a service, and ordines, with liturgical rubrics (Senn 1997, 176-177). Senn describes various works and their contents in some detail (Senn 1997, 177ff).

The period of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages also saw developments in church buildings, especially in and around Rome (Senn 1997, 182). There were basilicas at various locations in the city. Additionally, Senn identifies properties called tituli, titled to the church and cared for by presbyters. There were diaconal facilities which managed charity, and, on the borders of the city, were cemetery churches. All served different purposes. The type and functions of churches spread from Rome to other cities over time, also gradually adjusting their function depending on the need of the region (Senn 1997, 183).

The mass as celebrated by the bishop of Rome is seen as an archetype for station masses. Senn describes in detail the liturgy as known from the late seventh century (Senn 1997, 184ff). The liturgy tended to continue in its development in Frankish territory, where Senn observes it was adapted to the local cultures (Senn 1997, 186).

Senn describes some liturgical development, including specific elements of processions and special services related to the period around Easter, as developing in France or England and later moving to Rome (Senn 1997, 187ff). The growth of festivals was accompanied by a proliferation of saints' days and a desire of churches to obtain relics of martyrs (Senn 1997, 190ff).

In contrast to the liturgical developments cited earlier, Senn describes the unified view of baptism as disintegrating during the same period (Senn 1997, 192). Particularly in the West there was dispute about the efficacy of baptism, and therefore about its applicability to infants. There was a subsequent development of a longer period of time between baptism and confirmation (Senn 1997, 194). These grew from the visit of a bishop to confirm the validity of a baptism performed by a presbyter or a deacon.

Systems of penance developed considerably during the period, with severe requirements which may well have discouraged penitence (Senn 1997, 195). In response, Senn describes an increase in informal private confession, which spread especially in Britain and Ireland (Senn 1997, 196).

Forms of the daily prayer offices differed from one church or monastery to another (Senn 1997, 197). Though they normally fell into recognizable forms, with singing, Scriptures, and prayers, the forms were specific to individual locations. Senn describes a number of liturgies in different regions. He then describes the forms of daily life and prayer offices in Cassian's monastic writings (Senn 1997, 198-201). Senn notes that Cassian's forms are paradigmatic for Western Christianity as a whole.

Singing or chanting of Christian liturgy was a traditional practice of the Church. Senn describes the development of chant and hymnody in the Church, particularly as customs were traded between France and Rome (Senn 1997, 206ff).

Fourth Century Liturgical Developments

10/26/2023

10/26/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Four: The Patristic Liturgical Synthesis." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 109-172.

While the earliest Christians tended to avoid publicity, Senn notes that the Edict of Milan, making Christianity a religio licta, paved the way for Christians to be more public about their faith (Senn 1997, 109). At the same time, as Christian leaders gained in social status, many of them accepted the ceremonies such as processions normally given to important people. Some of these ceremonies were adopted into Christian liturgy (Senn 1997, 110). As the culture influenced Christian observances, the Christian customs also influenced the broader society. Care for the poor in particular spread as a societal concern.

The fourth century saw the rise of numerous church orders, some of which retained portions of Apostolic Tradition or the Didache (Senn 1997, 111). Senn provides a brief description of several church orders and additionally notes that bishops tended to comment on the rites in their sermons (Senn 1997, 112). While the material at this point of Senn's work is interesting, my research focus is on an earlier period, so I will comment relatively briefly. Many of the sermons and homilies which commented on liturgy were preached shortly before Easter (baptismal homilies) or in the week after Easter (mystagogical homilies) (Senn 1997, 112-113). By the late 4th century we also begin to see lectionaries detailing biblical passages associated with different dates in the Church year (Senn 1997, 114).

By the early fourth century, Roman government was tending to decentralize, allowing different regions to express their local cultures (Senn 1997, 115-116). This pattern held true for liturgy, as well. Senn observes the fourth century sees different regional liturgies developing (Senn 1997, 116ff). He describes the East Syrian in detail (Senn 1997, 1116-119), followed by the West Syrian (Senn 1997, 119-133). Within this family there are many variants, all tending toward a high level of logical erudition. Senn nex reviews the Alexandrian family of liturgy (Senn 1997, 133-136), before moving on to the Roman and North African forms (Senn 1997, 136-144). Senn notes that the Roman material in early times is fragmentary and that there were many later developments. This makes it difficult to trace the origins (Senn 1997, 137-138). Senn finally discusses the Gallican and Mozarabic liturgies, also in Latin (Senn 1997, 144-146).

Baptismal rites were discussed a great deal, particularly in sermons and homilies. Senn says, "it is remarkable how similar these rites of initiation were throughout the churches of the Roman Empire and beyond" (Senn 1997, 147). Across geography the rites tended to agree. However, from the third through fifth centuries the rites did change. Senn notes the consistent pattern of converts asking to be baptized, procuring sponsors who were already Christians, and being accepted into catechetical studies. Before baptism, catechumens were taught to confess a creed (which differed in East and West), then were to receive baptism (Senn 1997, 149). While some of the rituals differ, the catechumens are baptized, confessing their faith, and leave with a new white garment, anointed with oil (Senn 1997, 150). Baptism would then lead directly to reception of first communion (Senn 1997, 157).

Senn observes that the rituals surrounding repentance and forgiveness developed early in the Christian period. This was inspired by the New Testament teachings about binding and loosing sins (Senn 1997, 153). The issue rose to greater importance during times of persecution. Senn notes that the Church would typically distinguish between the penitential attitude Christians were expected to have on a daily basis and the public penance and reconciliation which was applied to grievous sins such as denying the faith under torture. These more serious situations called for a public period of repentance and restoration (Senn 1997, 155).

In 321, Senn notes, "Constantine made Sunday an official day of rest" (Senn 1997, 156), which created more freedom for Christians to participate in worship. It also resulted in an association between the Sabbath and the Lord's Day, as well as emphasizing attendance at church services as the mark of Christian character. From that time, additional observances of days and seasons, as well as a more clear system of pericopes associated with different Sundays became more publicly evident (Senn 1997, 157). Senn describes some of the traditional observances around Easter, then around Christmas, all showing signs of development in the fourth century and after (Senn 1997, 157ff). Senn makes a persuasive argument that Church leaders were careful to distinguish between the Christian observances of Christ's birth and the pagan holiday dedicated to the Invincible Sun, celebrated about the same time (Senn 1997, 159-160). The Christians were not attempting to adapt paganism for their own purposes. Rather, the Christians used credible historic and scientific tabulations to establish dates of significant events.

While there is some evidence for buildings adapted for and possibly dedicated to Christian worship, it is not until after Constantine's actions that we see substantial church buildings (Senn 1997, 163). Senn describes the development of architecture which reflects Christian symbolism (Senn 1997, 164ff). Not surprisingly, decorations were a controversial matter, as some were more accepting of use of images than others.

Senn briefly discusses adaptations made to funeral and marriage celebrations. It is important that the Christians did not entirely do away with such cultural rituals, but made them comport with a Christian view of life and death (Senn 1997, 166-167).

Divine offices and liturgical hours grew up in Christian communities. Though they may have had private elements, there were also public gatherings available in larger cathedrals at the various hours of the day (Senn 1997, 169). By the fourth century the morning and evening prayers were well defined and had become an assumed way that Christians would worship together whenever possible (Senn 1997, 169). Senn observes that these offices were taken over by the monastic movement. They were not adopted to the church as a way of imitating monasticism. Senn describes the adaptation made to the prayer hours in the fourth century, emphasizing that it was monasticism which was making modifications to liturgy (Senn 1997, 170-171).

Early Eucharistic Development

10/25/2023

10/25/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Three: Early Christian Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 53-108.

Senn points out that early Christian gatherings were private in nature, in homes, and limited to Christians and those vouched for by Christians. The rituals and liturgy were not public events (Senn 1997, 53). However, there were clearly practiced elements of liturgy, no less than in Judaism. The Eucharist, for example, had close ties to the Jewish meal for the start of the Sabbath. Senn discusses this in some detail (Senn 1997, 55). In particular, he considers the similarity of Jewish prayers and the eucharistic prayers in the Didache (Senn 1997, 57).

Senn finds it important that the New Testament accounts of the Last Supper focus on the bread and the cup, without the other elements of the seder. In addition, Paul's assertion that the consecration was traditional by the time of his letter to the Corinthians calls us to see the Eucharistic celebration as a piece of liturgy which was fixed at a very early time (Senn 1997, 58).

The Eucharist is described in Didache 9-10 and 14. Senn describes scholarship briefly, certainly acknowledging that in this church order the prayers represent an early (late 1st century) version of eucharistic prayers (Senn 1997, 61-63). There is open debate as to whether chapters 9-10 describe an agape meal or communion, while chapter 14 is fairly clearly communion, celebrated weekly. The lack of an institution narrative is cause for debate. Bouyer has suggested that the narrative was a given but not part of the prayer (Senn 1997, 65), a view which may be supported in part by its absence in the 3rd century anaphora of Addai and Mari (Senn 1997, 66). Senn further notes that the basis of participation in all the meals is repentance, whether as in chapters 9-10 evidenced by baptism or in chapter 14 evidenced by confession of sins.

Senn notes that the New Testament has numerous passages often identified as hymns, songs, or creedal statements. He lists a number (Senn 1997, 67-68). These parts of Christian worship are also thought to come from synagogue worship, though we have relatively little specific information about worship in the early 1st century synagogues. However, Senn considers the second century Mishna to be a reasonably accurate reflection, as it describes in writing what had likely been done and discussed for several generations beforehand. He summarizes the basic form of synagogue worship (Senn 1997, 68-70). Readings, prayers, a homily, and singing were typical. The overall emphasis, especially on Sabbaths and special holidays, was on learning and remembering Scripture (Senn 1997, 70). This emphasis, as well as many of the forms, carried over into Christian practice. Senn continues by describing a number of parallels.

Based on Pliny's account of Christianity, Senn notes that an evening meal was part of Christian observance (Senn 1997, 73). It is possible that because Pliny had banned communal evening meals, the eucharistic meal became associated with the morning gathering and consisted only of the bread and the cup (Senn 1997, 73). By the time of Justin Martyr, writing about 150, the synaxis was relatively well defined and was not kept secret from the imperial authorities (Senn 1997, 74). The Christian worship had taken on a definitive form and structure.

The eucharistic prayer was the only element of worship which would describe the eucharistic meal. Senn observes that the earliest examples we have are the prayers in the Didache, then the clearer description in Hippolytus, about 215 (Senn 1997, 77). He goes on to discuss the account in Apostolic Tradition in more detail, including a translation of his eucharistic prayer (Senn 1997, 78-79). Senn further explores the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, from East Syria, probably dating to the third century. Again, he provides a translation, then comments on salient points (Senn 1997, 80-82).

Senn notes that the eucharistic prayers in Apostolic Constitutions VII.25 and in the Acts of Thomas 133 serve not as a thanksgiving but as a blessing. The texts certainly ask Christ's presence and blessing on the communion (Senn 1997, 84).

The Sanctus in the liturgy seems to appear first in Alexandrian liturgy (Senn 1997, 86). Senn finds some possible justification for its being directly related to the thanksgiving, though it is not necessary to hold to such a model (Senn 1997, 86).

In comparison to many of the textual statements of early Christianity, Senn finds the day for gathering to be fixed and described as "the Day of the Sun" which corresponded to "the first day of the week," and to be that day in honor of the resurrection of Jesus (Senn 1997, 87). There is some debate over whether the Christians tended to keep the Jewish model of the new day beginning at sundown, the Greek model of it beginning at dawn, or the Roman model which began the day at midnight. Senn notes that it was clear from early references and customs that Sunday was not considered a replacement Sabbath (Senn 1997, 89). It was specifically a celebration of God's fulfillment of His Messianic promises.

Senn brings up the challenge inherent in the dating of the crucifixion in comparison to the Passover, noting that Paul, along with the second century Epistula Apostolorum considers John's chronology to be correct (Senn 1997, 89). The conflicts between solar and lunar calendars, as well as controversies between Jews and Christians, led to debate about the correct day to celebrate Christ's death and resurrection (Senn 1997, 90). Senn describes the controversies in brief.

One reason for the importance of Easter is that it became the special date for baptizing converts to Christianity (Senn 1997, 91). Senn briefly describes baptism as a rite of initiation. There may well have been a distinction between Jewish and Christian views of baptism based on the Christian view of a coming of the Holy Spirit at the time of baptism (Senn 1997, 92). In Judaism it was seen as a ceremonial washing and act of dedication. An extensive period of catechesis developed by the late second century. Senn describes this as a period of several years in which candidates were taught and developed in godly practice.

The function of the assembled church developed over time. While there were calls to holiness at all times, it was apparent very early on that not all Christians were living a life of holiness at all times. Senn illustrates this concept with citations of 1 Corinthians, demonstrating the dynamic of questions of moral failure (Senn 1997, 97). The unity of the body in regard to the Eucharist is emblematic of the interaction of the spiritual and the physical. Senn describes these interactions at some length, also relating them to Paul's teaching on spiritual gifts, in close proximity to his teaching on communion (Senn 1997, 98ff). The ultimate purpose is to build up the body of Christ (Senn 1997, 99). By the late first century or early second century, there were clear and orderly differences observed, as different people exercised different gifts, for the benefit of all (Senn 1997, 101).

Senn identifies an ordination to ministry as an important element in liturgical development, since certain liturgical roles would be carried out by certain people. The apostles appointed by Jesus may or may not have had the same role as the "missionary apostles such as Barnabas and Paul" (Senn 1997, 102). Prophets and teachers seem to be directly equipped by the Holy Spirit, while bishops, elders, and deacons were appointed through a laying on of hands. Senn takes the laying on of hands to be a likely parallel to Jewish ordinations, but he admits we know very little about accompanying rituals (Senn 1997, 103). However, laying on of hands does appear to be a typical means of commissioning people for tasks. Senn observes that the ordination of bishops, presbyters, and deacons is described in Hippolytus, but that the specific rite is absent. We do see a pattern of hierarchy and honor for those officers (Senn 1997, 105-106).

Finally, Senn notes that the early Christians took the earthly worship as reflecting that worship in the heavenly presence of God (Senn 1997, 107). Senn describes these in very brief terms.

Ritual and Liturgy

10/24/2023

10/24/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Two: The Incarnational Reality of Christian Liturgy." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 30-49.

Senn observes that religious rites contain symbols which connect the rite with deeply human ways of knowing and experiencing ideas (Senn 1997, 30). Christianity uses a great number of these ritual symbols. Augustine referred to the sacrament as a visible word created by God's word coming to a visible element, and would use the word "sacrament" of many actions (Senn 1997, 31).

Theological distinctions between sacrament and sacrifice have long been recognized. Senn is clear that here, "sacrifice" does not mean that which atones for sin but rather that which the Christian does in thanksgiving to God. The "sacrament," on the contrary, is what God provides for the good of His people (Senn 1997, 32). Senn does note that many actions in Christian practice have elements both of sacrament and sacrifice. They cannot be separated entirely (Senn 1997, 34). Chrsit routinely acts by means of words in our mortal mouth and actions performed by our hands.

In Christian piety, Christ plays a central role in sacramental encounters (Senn 1997, 36). Christ as the mediator between God and man not only receives human prayers and other sacrificial works on behalf of God, but delivers the sacramental blessings from God to humans. Senn traces this to very early in Christianity. He further considers that the language was clarified in the fact of heresy, not because the orthodox understanding changed, but because a clearer articulation was needed (Senn 1997, 37).

Because ritual and liturgy include both the actions of God and the actions of humans, Senn proposes that a study of liturgy must include theology and various human social sciences such as "anthropology, comparative religion, psychology, and sociology" (Senn 1997, 40). An understanding of both God and man is essential. There is an additional element dealing with the historical and theological use of symbolic elements (Senn 1997, 41), though I personally would classify this as history or anthropology. Senn's point, however, is helpful. Elements of liturgical ritual have a tendency to change slowly or even stop changing even when their original significance is no longer valid. Liturgy is static in nature, rather than being innovative. Senn finds that in a way liturgy is canonical in nature. It remains as presented (Senn 1997, 43).

Senn reminds the reader that liturgy serves the Gospel. In this it participates in the freedom which Christians have ascribed to the Gospel, as well as providing necessary structure in the life of the Church (Senn 1997, 43-44). Christian worship has been remarkably constant over the course of approximately 2,000 years. The constancy Senn considers to be catholicity. It is applied to the whole church over time (Senn 1997, 45). At the same time, the essential elements of the liturgy proclaim the unchanging message of the Gospel - Christ overcoming death for sinners, gathering them as the people of God. This is the evangelical, or gospel-centered, aspect of the liturgy.

Myth, Ritual, and a Priesthood

10/23/2023

10/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

Senn, Frank C. "Chapter One: The Repertoire of Rites." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 3-29.

Senn opens by discussing worship as less than liturgy due to its relative lack of ritual, but more than liturgy by its lack of spatial and temporal boundaries (Senn 1997, 3). While ritual may be looked down on by some rationalists, Senn finds it has a close relation to important social, psychological, and even biological developments. Liturgy of one sort or another is universal to Christianity. Senn also finds this the case in other religions and ordered societies, where people engage in a variety of rituals which can often identify the group (Senn 1997, 4).

Senn distinguishes between a sign and a symbol where a sign indicates something outside itself and a symbol has to do with participation in the symbol itself (Senn 1997, 5). For this reason, Senn understands "only a symbol" to be fallacious. By its nature, a symbol is never "only" or "merely."

While symbolic actions easily lead to allegorical interpretations, Senn observes that allegory has often been used in inadequate ways. He prefers the liturgical use of typology, which "suggests that there is a pattern in God's redemptive activity" (Senn 1997, 6).

Ritual plays an important role in society and particularly in the Church. Senn finds it both preserves the past and that it changes the way we look at the future (Senn 1997, 8). Senn classifies rites as those which sanctify life (baptism, marriage, burial, etc.), those which sanctify time (daily, weekly, or special occasional services), and those which sanctify space (consecration or blessing of a building, anniversaries, etc.). Though many rituals maintain strong meaning and function, some lose their power over time, leading to the idea that rituals are unimportant or even negative (Senn 1997, 9).

Senn points out that many rituals are rites of passage, crossing various thresholds, including that of death (Senn 1997, 9). These rites of passage mark steps in a greater process. As an example, baptism, whether it signifies death with Christ, washing, or adoption, still demonstrates a passing from the old life to the new (Senn 1997, 10). Senn discusses the symbolism of the washing in some detail. The question Senn would have us ask in regard to a sacrament or any other ritual is not what is minimally required for the ritual to be valid but rather what the full meaning and purpose of the ritual is (Senn 1997, 12). This leads to a greater appreciation for the act and its underlying meaning.

Senn sees myth as belonging with ritual, though the way they are related has historically been unclear (Senn 1997, 13). Myth has historically been understood as an explanation of something which is indisputably true, at least in its native culture. By this definition, "the Christian gospel serves the function of myth in that it relates a story that is regarded as absolutely true and that is intended to provide a pattern of behavior in those who hear it" (Senn 1997, 14). The Bible, further, takes mythic ideas and recasts them in such a way that the worldly myth is subservient to God. For instance, Senn notes that Genesis 1 describes the heavenly bodies, often an object of worship, as being put in place by God (Senn 1997, 15). Liturgy further takes on mythic ideas and uses the images and stories in Christian worship to God.

Another important element is ritual chanting and singing. Senn observes that it not only serves a mnemonic purpose, but can build cohesion in a group recitation and urge thoughtful meditation on a text (Senn 1997, 16). Use of music in Christian worship has a long and significant history.

Sacred meals are very important rites, especially within Christianity (Senn 1997, 17). Senn recalls that the Eucharist has sacrificial connotations within the ritual meal. He further provides a summary list from R.F. Yerkes of ways in which ancient concepts of sacrifice differ from modern concepts. In particular, the sacrifice had no secular meaning, was a joyful occasion offered specifically to a god, with an emphasis on thanksgiving and on giving something away (Senn 1997, 18).

Ritual celebrations often are observed at particular times in the solar or lunar calendar. Senn observes that if an event meets with God, the source of life, it should not be surprising that it happen regularly (Senn 1997, 19). Senn sees even the Sabbath as something derived from Babylonian religion and intended to provide for rest at an appropriate time which could be favored (Senn 1997, 20). Likewise, Senn thinks that various rituals, such as the Jewish feasts, had been gradually adapted from other observances (Senn 1997, 21).

Historically rituals are associated with particular sacred spaces. Senn notes the development of sacred space in Israel from altars set up by the patriarchs, to Sinai, the Ark of the Covenant, and eventually the temple (Senn 1997, 23). The temple provided a permanent place for sacrifice, though it was subsequently destroyed, being replaced, in Christian thought, with the Church, a living temple. The church buildings which were eventually built came to be seen as sacred spaces, but because of the Eucharistic celebrations which took place there (Senn 1997, 24).

Within Israel, and in other cultures, a priesthood holds sacred authority. Senn observes that, while in most cultures a monarch would exceed the priesthood in that authority, in Israel the prophets and priests represented God's sacred nature (Senn 1997, 24). The characterization of Israel as a priestly kingdom (Ex. 19:6) implies that the people were rooted in liturgy rather than the acts of a king (Senn 1997, 25). The people of Israel, though they didn't always succeed in practice, saw themselves as people who were set apart from surrounding foreign cultures as a people of God with a distinct culture. As the Christian period began, it was only the sect of Pharisaic Judaism and the Christians, identified as people who took the Torah as the important unifying element, who flourished. Those who depended on temple observances or a culture rather than definitive teaching, failed (Senn 1997, 27).