Scholarly Reflections
Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Twelve: Scandinavian Liturgies." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 393-447.
The Lutheran Reformation arrived in Denmark relatively early by decree in 1537, while it was a bit slower to arrive i nNorway and Iceland, though they were also ruled by Denmark (Senn 1997, 393). Senn considers that imposition by governmental decree was not as effective as adoption as a result of the work of a reformer. The growth of Lutheran ideas in Denmark had proceeded under the reigns of two kings who reigned for short periods of time (Senn 1997, 394). After a three year civil war, the new king, Christian III, rejected Rome and brought in Johannes Bugenhagen to bring the Reformation to Denmark (Senn 1997, 395). Senn provides an outline of the new Danish liturgy, published as early as 1528 (Senn 1997, 395-396). This is largely based on Luther's Formula Missae and Deutsche Messe. Senn finds Bugenhagen's involvement significant and even revolutionary. As a priest, rather than a bishop, Bugenhagen installed bishops who had previously been consecrated. He also "presided at the coronation service for the king and his queen" (Senn 1997, 397).
Senn observes that the Reformation was slow to penetrate Sweden (Senn 1997, 399). After 1515 Sweden endured a war between church and state, which began to moderate when in 1523 King Gustav Vasa made an alliance with several reformational figures with ties to Wittenberg. With this alliance, he was able to make an effective plea that his government was able to move the nation to unity (Senn 1997, 401). The compromise involved a retreat from overt Reformational thought and a rapprochement between the church and state, followed by a move back toward the Reformation (Senn 1997, 402).
Olavus Petri, one of the three Reformational figures, published three brief works in 1526, and also has credit for a large role in a Swedish New Testament (Senn 1997, 403). The works are largely catechetical and practical in nature. He also published a larger work with instructions for conducting church services, prayers, and explanations of numerous gospel texts (Senn 1997, 403-404). The work of Olavus Petri provides a comprehensive liturgical framework for regular and occasional usages, in Swedish (Senn 1997, 405). Senn discussed the order of Olavus' Mass and its differences both from Roman usage and from Luther's orders at some length.
Sweden was slow to follow the publication of a mass (1557) with materials for a full church order. The earlier work was largely based on German precedents. However, the new king, Erik XIV (1561) had Calvinist leanings and was unwilling to commit to a more Lutheran work (Senn 1997, 413). Erik was replaced in 1568 by Johan III, who sought theological mediation based on the first five centuries of Christian thought (Senn 1997, 414). The Swedish church order of 1571 contains rituals and explanations of practices which lean distinctly toward Lutheran and Roman practices, rather than toward the more radical parts of the Reformation (Senn 1997, 415). Senn observes that the practice of communion is emphasized in the Swedish order, even daily communion, due to the strong comfort it provides (Senn 1997, 416). When people do not desire the sacrament, a service of the Word would be put in its place, so as to awaken desires for godliness.
Near the end of 1573, after Laurentius Petri's death, King Johan III sought revisions to the Swedish Church Order to reflect a more ecumenical point of view (Senn 1997, 418). This Nova Ordinantia Ecclesiastica was released in 1575. Senn observes that a further revision, made by royal action apart from church review, was released in 1576. This revision, known as "the red book," used the concept of adiaphoron to promote retention of ceremonies, as counter to the German view in the 1577 Formula of Concord, which used the concept to endorse rejection of ceremonies (Senn 1997, 421). The Red Book created division, particularly as the genesio-Lutheran factions took it as endorsing a level of liturgy which could represent superstition (Senn 1997, 422). In response to ongoing dissent, Swedish students were no longer allowed to attend German genesio-Lutheran universities. King Johan's brother, Karl, sought alliances with more radical reformational factions so rejected the Red Book (Senn 1997, 423). This move threatened a regional conflict. It was clear that an alliance between the Swedish king and the Jesuits was a possibility. This sparked negotiations which did not result in a return to Roman catholicism (Senn 1997, 424).
Senn moves on to an analysis of "the structure and sources of the liturgy of King Johan III" (Senn 1997, 427ff). He initially makes a comparison in three columns of the elements of the 1570 Missale Romanum, the 1557 Swedish Mass, and the 1576 Red Book (Senn 1997, 428-429). Senn's conclusion is that most elements taken from the Roman Missal were mediated through the Swedish Mass. A number of items were mediated through other Lutheran liturgical traditions as well (Senn 1997, 430). Senn provides the specific texts of a number of portions for evaluation.
King Johan III's brother Karl continued in his opposition to the reforms of the Red Book, expanding his search among Lutherans for detractors (Senn 1997, 441). After the death of Johan in 1592, his son Sigismund, who had clear Catholic sentiments, was slated to accede to the throne (Senn 1997, 442). The anti-liturgist movement looked to Duke Karl for a solution. The legislative assembly called for joint rule of the legislature and Karl when Sigismund was absent, and committed the nation to the Augsburg Confession (Senn 1997, 442-443).
Senn emphasizes that the anti-liturgist clergy were a minority in Sweden, but were very persistent and well educated (Senn 1997, 445). This allowed them to implement theological clarifications and even a change of government. It moved Sweden into an age of Lutheran orthodoxy from 1593 forward. However, actual liturgical change moved rather more slowly.