1/12/24
Scholarly Reflections
Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Fourteen: Liturgy in the Age of Certainty." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 483-537.
Senn considers the 17th century as difficult to categorize, as there were multiple developments theologically and culturally, as well as in art, music, and architecture. He settles on "the age of certainty" due to Descartes' conclusion that there is being related to thought (Senn 1997, 484). The certainty may well have been evidenced in communities of faith which pursued a theological conformity so as to unify the people of their area (Senn 1997, 485). Senn observes that this included Prussian prohibitions against Lutheran practices such as use of "candles, copes, chasubles, Latin hymns, and the sign of the cross" (Senn 1997, 485). The concern was for true doctrine, but the understanding of what constituted true doctrine varied from place to place (Senn 1997, 486).
Senn begins his review of the age of orthodoxy by considering developments in the Eastern Church, as the center shifted in the 16th century toward Russia (Senn 1997, 486). As Rome declined in authority, then Constantinople fell, the guardians of Orthodoxy remained in Moscow (Senn 1997, 487). During this time period, there were moves to revise liturgy in the East so as to create consistency among the ethnic Syrians, Greeks, Ukranians, and Russians. This endeavor was fraught with difficulty, largely due to the static nature of the oral traditional liturgy, which resisted change (Senn 1997, 488).
Meanwhile, in the West, after the Council of Trent, Rome tended to centralize their hierarchy (Senn 1997, 489). Senn notes that while in the Lutheran tradition congregational hymns formed part of the liturgy, in Roman practice there were hymns which the congregation could sing during the celebration of the mass, although they were to "stop during the reading of the gospel, at the elevation, and at the final blessing" (Senn 1997, 490). Choral singing was also an element, unrelated to the actual progression of the liturgy. The mass and actual reception of communion were also separate from one another (Senn 1997, 490-491).
About the same time, in Gaul, the Jansenist movement reacted against external religiosity in favor of a more internal piety (Senn 1997, 491). The conflict which arose, especially between the Jansenists and the Jesuits, led to controversies regarding the frequency of reception of communion, as well as regarding publication of various liturgical manuals (Senn 1997, 492). The Council of Trent had specifically allowed for liturgical usage which was at least 200 years old. The Jansenist movement spurred historical research into, and recovery of, older Gallican liturgical elements (Senn 1997, 493).
The period of Lutheran orthodoxy from about 1580 to 1750 was not highly creative in terms of liturgical orders (Senn 1997, 494). The changes which came about, in Senn's opinion, were largely motivated by Lutheran leaders not pursuing an ascetic agenda which would make a strong show of Christian commitment. The Thirty Years' War in the early 1600s was also closely related to moves of the Reformation as understood by various groups of people (Senn 1997, 495). It resulted in a mixing of civil and religious life, with legal requirements to gain catechesis and attend church (Senn 1997, 496). This made outward change but failed to produce a moral commitment in the general public. In reaction to what some considered practice without faith, there were moves to recover hymnody and Christian spiritual traditions.
Articulations of Lutheran Pietism arose in the second half of the 17th century (Senn 1997, 497). The Pietists, who were seen as separatists, were driven out of some areas, but gathered in others, thriving in some communities by the early 18th century (Senn 1997, 498). Among noteworthy Pietists was Count Nicholas von Zinzendorf, whose estate became a refuge to "Lutherans, Reformed, Brethren, Separatists, and even Roman Catholics. Zinzendorf became the de facto bishop of the community and eventually led the Moravians to North America" (Senn 1997, 498). While the movement does not show many marks in liturgical development, there is a marked emphasis on subjective experience and especially on the experience and personality of the minister who would conduct services.
In contrast to the Pietistic movement, the region of Saxony, and particularly the city of Leipzig, flourished in the early 18th century as a place of orthodoxy in which the Christian faith was very evidently alive (Senn 1997, 499). Senn describes the church life in some detail, drawing on descriptions made by the sexton of St. Thomas Church from 1716-1739, while J.S. Bach was the cantor.
Lutheran orthodoxy came to North America, established initially on the Delaware River in New Sweden (Senn 1997, 502). Though the area was subsequently colonized by the Dutch, then the British, Lutheran worship continued in the area. As time progressed and Swedish immigration and use of the Swedish language declined, Senn observes the Lutherans tended to join with the Anglicans in opposition to the growing Pietism of the Quaker movement, thus resulting in an absorption of Lutheranism into Anglicanism (Senn 1997, 502). The two church bodies had a high degree of agreement in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Senn 1997, 503). Under the leadership of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, the Pennsylvania Ministerium was founded in 1748, and shortly developed a liturgy which would be acceptable to the congregants, mostly from Germany, rather than Sweden.
During the age of orthodoxy the Anglican church was driven by a need to create "comprehension" in the sense of unifying those with Catholic and Puritan sentiments in one church body (Senn 1997, 505). Despite Puritan sentiment opposed to ceremonies and ornamentation, the 1604 Prayer Book and Canons retained at least some ceremony. The advocates of High Church polity objected to the Prayer Book for reasons essentially opposite to those of the Puritans. Seeking rapprochement with the Scottish bishops, a Prayer Book was updated, with some rites and language intended to be more similar to Scottish idioms and to English liturgical patterns (Senn 1997, 506). Though introduced in 1537, the riots inspired led to the Civil War and to the book remaining out of use until the 18th century.
Senn returns to describe the English 1662 Book of Common Prayer, which bore a significant similarity to several earlier versions. Adjustments in the liturgy, focused on a greater role of the people as opposed to "specialists," were also reflected in a simplification of architecture, best illustrated by Sir Christopher Wren (Senn 1997, 507). This version of the Prayer Book was in use until the late 20th century, though a revision was proposed in 1928. Senn discusses the elements and order of worship in some detail (Senn 1997, 508ff).
The Puritan movement, in the early 17th century, showed a strong biblicism and was marked by a rejection of extrabiblical liturgical practices, particularly those seen as imposed by an outside authority (Senn 1997, 510). Senn notes that there was a strong commitment to local authority. The response of the British Parliament included an analysis of the Book of Common Prayer, concluding in 1583 with a formal statement that it "containeth nothing in it contrary to the Word of God" (Senn 1997, 512). The Puritans continued their dissent, particularly rejecting imposed liturgical actions. One practice Senn notes specifically is the creation in 1944 of a Directory for the Publique Worship of God, which provided instructions for each step of a worship service, but phrased so as to serve as a prompt for prayer (Senn 1997, 514-515). Puritanism in North America led to acceptance of local distinctions. Because of the emphasis on personal, rather than ecclesial, interpretation of Scripture, the movement tended to fragment into small splinter groups (Senn 1997, 516).
Senn observes that this same period saw a significant shift in the style of music used in liturgy. The Council of Trent limited the complexity of church music. The resulting style of singing hymns and Psalms gave birth to a different style of polyphony which grew into common use in the European Baroque period (Senn 1997, 517-518). Church cantatas, similar in form to opera, but based on biblical texts, were regularly used during Lutheran services (Senn 1997, 519). On the other hand, this practice was tempered in British usage. The strict Calvinism was not held in Britain, but cantatas were normally present only in the cathedrals. Much of the music in use was associated with the canticles for Morning Prayer and Evening Prayer (Senn 1997, 520).
Within Reformed and Puritan traditions, singing was largely that of metrical Psalms (Senn 1997, 521). The development of hymnody was mostly carried on in Lutheran circles. Senn considers the Thirty Years' War as a significant stimulus for hymnody (Senn 1997, 521-522). Especially inLutheran practice, hymnody reflective of God's grace appeared frequently. In musical developments, the use of figured bass and organ settings increased (Senn 1997, 524).
Senn observes that J.S. Bach's church music brought liturgical music to a pinnacle, though scholars in secular circles tend to read Enlightenment values into his work, ignoring the importance of the liturgical elements visible in his music written for use in the Church (Senn 1997, 525). In fact, there is evidence that Bach deliberately attempted to place himself in situations where he could develop the musical and liturgical life of the Church in terms of Lutheran orthodoxy, rather than pietism.
With the Reformation's emphasis on the church as a congregation, architectural features of church buildings required reconsideration. Senn observes that during the medieval period churches tended to be divided into a series of areas where different groups could function at the same time (Senn 1997, 529). With the renewed emphasis on preaching and teaching, both in Reformational and Roman circles, there developed an interest in bringing the whole congregation together. Senn describes some of the typical renovations which would make this more practicable.
Due to destruction of buildings during the Thirty Years' War, and from fire or due to population shifts at any time, some church buildings needed to be constructed. "Lutherans readily adopted the new Baroque forms, but also arranged their buildings to reflect and expedite the requirements of evangelical worship that had not been possible with a mere adaptation of existing medieval buildings" (Senn 1997, 530). Senn notes that in Lutheran architecture the pulpit and altar were in close proximity to one another. In Reformed buildings the altar was often absent, as the service centered around preaching (Senn 1997, 531). Christopher Wren's work after the London fire of 1666 was definitive in establishing patterns for churches from his time forward (Senn 1997, 532).
Senn observes that in the age of orthodoxy liturgy was understood as a regulated practice which reflected pre-existing truth (Senn 1997, 533). lex orandi and lex credendi were to remain consistent with one another and historic faith and practice. As Senn puts it, "Liturgy proclaims God, not ideas about God: and the God who is encountered in the liturgy is the God revealed in Christ who comes to us concretely through the means of grace" (Senn 1997, 534). This confession of Christ in the liturgy may be seen as early as Irenaeus, who viewed creeds as a "rule of faith" and in Hippolytus, who reports an embryonic form of the Apostles' Creed (Senn 1997, 535). Senn reviews in brief the function of the liturgical elements of the Divine Service to proclaim Christ to the congregation.
Scholarly Reflections
Senn, Frank C. "Chapter Fourteen: Liturgy in the Age of Certainty." Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Evangelical. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, 483-537.
Senn considers the 17th century as difficult to categorize, as there were multiple developments theologically and culturally, as well as in art, music, and architecture. He settles on "the age of certainty" due to Descartes' conclusion that there is being related to thought (Senn 1997, 484). The certainty may well have been evidenced in communities of faith which pursued a theological conformity so as to unify the people of their area (Senn 1997, 485). Senn observes that this included Prussian prohibitions against Lutheran practices such as use of "candles, copes, chasubles, Latin hymns, and the sign of the cross" (Senn 1997, 485). The concern was for true doctrine, but the understanding of what constituted true doctrine varied from place to place (Senn 1997, 486).
Senn begins his review of the age of orthodoxy by considering developments in the Eastern Church, as the center shifted in the 16th century toward Russia (Senn 1997, 486). As Rome declined in authority, then Constantinople fell, the guardians of Orthodoxy remained in Moscow (Senn 1997, 487). During this time period, there were moves to revise liturgy in the East so as to create consistency among the ethnic Syrians, Greeks, Ukranians, and Russians. This endeavor was fraught with difficulty, largely due to the static nature of the oral traditional liturgy, which resisted change (Senn 1997, 488).
Meanwhile, in the West, after the Council of Trent, Rome tended to centralize their hierarchy (Senn 1997, 489). Senn notes that while in the Lutheran tradition congregational hymns formed part of the liturgy, in Roman practice there were hymns which the congregation could sing during the celebration of the mass, although they were to "stop during the reading of the gospel, at the elevation, and at the final blessing" (Senn 1997, 490). Choral singing was also an element, unrelated to the actual progression of the liturgy. The mass and actual reception of communion were also separate from one another (Senn 1997, 490-491).
About the same time, in Gaul, the Jansenist movement reacted against external religiosity in favor of a more internal piety (Senn 1997, 491). The conflict which arose, especially between the Jansenists and the Jesuits, led to controversies regarding the frequency of reception of communion, as well as regarding publication of various liturgical manuals (Senn 1997, 492). The Council of Trent had specifically allowed for liturgical usage which was at least 200 years old. The Jansenist movement spurred historical research into, and recovery of, older Gallican liturgical elements (Senn 1997, 493).
The period of Lutheran orthodoxy from about 1580 to 1750 was not highly creative in terms of liturgical orders (Senn 1997, 494). The changes which came about, in Senn's opinion, were largely motivated by Lutheran leaders not pursuing an ascetic agenda which would make a strong show of Christian commitment. The Thirty Years' War in the early 1600s was also closely related to moves of the Reformation as understood by various groups of people (Senn 1997, 495). It resulted in a mixing of civil and religious life, with legal requirements to gain catechesis and attend church (Senn 1997, 496). This made outward change but failed to produce a moral commitment in the general public. In reaction to what some considered practice without faith, there were moves to recover hymnody and Christian spiritual traditions.
Articulations of Lutheran Pietism arose in the second half of the 17th century (Senn 1997, 497). The Pietists, who were seen as separatists, were driven out of some areas, but gathered in others, thriving in some communities by the early 18th century (Senn 1997, 498). Among noteworthy Pietists was Count Nicholas von Zinzendorf, whose estate became a refuge to "Lutherans, Reformed, Brethren, Separatists, and even Roman Catholics. Zinzendorf became the de facto bishop of the community and eventually led the Moravians to North America" (Senn 1997, 498). While the movement does not show many marks in liturgical development, there is a marked emphasis on subjective experience and especially on the experience and personality of the minister who would conduct services.
In contrast to the Pietistic movement, the region of Saxony, and particularly the city of Leipzig, flourished in the early 18th century as a place of orthodoxy in which the Christian faith was very evidently alive (Senn 1997, 499). Senn describes the church life in some detail, drawing on descriptions made by the sexton of St. Thomas Church from 1716-1739, while J.S. Bach was the cantor.
Lutheran orthodoxy came to North America, established initially on the Delaware River in New Sweden (Senn 1997, 502). Though the area was subsequently colonized by the Dutch, then the British, Lutheran worship continued in the area. As time progressed and Swedish immigration and use of the Swedish language declined, Senn observes the Lutherans tended to join with the Anglicans in opposition to the growing Pietism of the Quaker movement, thus resulting in an absorption of Lutheranism into Anglicanism (Senn 1997, 502). The two church bodies had a high degree of agreement in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Senn 1997, 503). Under the leadership of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, the Pennsylvania Ministerium was founded in 1748, and shortly developed a liturgy which would be acceptable to the congregants, mostly from Germany, rather than Sweden.
During the age of orthodoxy the Anglican church was driven by a need to create "comprehension" in the sense of unifying those with Catholic and Puritan sentiments in one church body (Senn 1997, 505). Despite Puritan sentiment opposed to ceremonies and ornamentation, the 1604 Prayer Book and Canons retained at least some ceremony. The advocates of High Church polity objected to the Prayer Book for reasons essentially opposite to those of the Puritans. Seeking rapprochement with the Scottish bishops, a Prayer Book was updated, with some rites and language intended to be more similar to Scottish idioms and to English liturgical patterns (Senn 1997, 506). Though introduced in 1537, the riots inspired led to the Civil War and to the book remaining out of use until the 18th century.
Senn returns to describe the English 1662 Book of Common Prayer, which bore a significant similarity to several earlier versions. Adjustments in the liturgy, focused on a greater role of the people as opposed to "specialists," were also reflected in a simplification of architecture, best illustrated by Sir Christopher Wren (Senn 1997, 507). This version of the Prayer Book was in use until the late 20th century, though a revision was proposed in 1928. Senn discusses the elements and order of worship in some detail (Senn 1997, 508ff).
The Puritan movement, in the early 17th century, showed a strong biblicism and was marked by a rejection of extrabiblical liturgical practices, particularly those seen as imposed by an outside authority (Senn 1997, 510). Senn notes that there was a strong commitment to local authority. The response of the British Parliament included an analysis of the Book of Common Prayer, concluding in 1583 with a formal statement that it "containeth nothing in it contrary to the Word of God" (Senn 1997, 512). The Puritans continued their dissent, particularly rejecting imposed liturgical actions. One practice Senn notes specifically is the creation in 1944 of a Directory for the Publique Worship of God, which provided instructions for each step of a worship service, but phrased so as to serve as a prompt for prayer (Senn 1997, 514-515). Puritanism in North America led to acceptance of local distinctions. Because of the emphasis on personal, rather than ecclesial, interpretation of Scripture, the movement tended to fragment into small splinter groups (Senn 1997, 516).
Senn observes that this same period saw a significant shift in the style of music used in liturgy. The Council of Trent limited the complexity of church music. The resulting style of singing hymns and Psalms gave birth to a different style of polyphony which grew into common use in the European Baroque period (Senn 1997, 517-518). Church cantatas, similar in form to opera, but based on biblical texts, were regularly used during Lutheran services (Senn 1997, 519). On the other hand, this practice was tempered in British usage. The strict Calvinism was not held in Britain, but cantatas were normally present only in the cathedrals. Much of the music in use was associated with the canticles for Morning Prayer and Evening Prayer (Senn 1997, 520).
Within Reformed and Puritan traditions, singing was largely that of metrical Psalms (Senn 1997, 521). The development of hymnody was mostly carried on in Lutheran circles. Senn considers the Thirty Years' War as a significant stimulus for hymnody (Senn 1997, 521-522). Especially inLutheran practice, hymnody reflective of God's grace appeared frequently. In musical developments, the use of figured bass and organ settings increased (Senn 1997, 524).
Senn observes that J.S. Bach's church music brought liturgical music to a pinnacle, though scholars in secular circles tend to read Enlightenment values into his work, ignoring the importance of the liturgical elements visible in his music written for use in the Church (Senn 1997, 525). In fact, there is evidence that Bach deliberately attempted to place himself in situations where he could develop the musical and liturgical life of the Church in terms of Lutheran orthodoxy, rather than pietism.
With the Reformation's emphasis on the church as a congregation, architectural features of church buildings required reconsideration. Senn observes that during the medieval period churches tended to be divided into a series of areas where different groups could function at the same time (Senn 1997, 529). With the renewed emphasis on preaching and teaching, both in Reformational and Roman circles, there developed an interest in bringing the whole congregation together. Senn describes some of the typical renovations which would make this more practicable.
Due to destruction of buildings during the Thirty Years' War, and from fire or due to population shifts at any time, some church buildings needed to be constructed. "Lutherans readily adopted the new Baroque forms, but also arranged their buildings to reflect and expedite the requirements of evangelical worship that had not been possible with a mere adaptation of existing medieval buildings" (Senn 1997, 530). Senn notes that in Lutheran architecture the pulpit and altar were in close proximity to one another. In Reformed buildings the altar was often absent, as the service centered around preaching (Senn 1997, 531). Christopher Wren's work after the London fire of 1666 was definitive in establishing patterns for churches from his time forward (Senn 1997, 532).
Senn observes that in the age of orthodoxy liturgy was understood as a regulated practice which reflected pre-existing truth (Senn 1997, 533). lex orandi and lex credendi were to remain consistent with one another and historic faith and practice. As Senn puts it, "Liturgy proclaims God, not ideas about God: and the God who is encountered in the liturgy is the God revealed in Christ who comes to us concretely through the means of grace" (Senn 1997, 534). This confession of Christ in the liturgy may be seen as early as Irenaeus, who viewed creeds as a "rule of faith" and in Hippolytus, who reports an embryonic form of the Apostles' Creed (Senn 1997, 535). Senn reviews in brief the function of the liturgical elements of the Divine Service to proclaim Christ to the congregation.
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