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Articulating the Doctrine of the Trinity

6/19/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
6/19/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 10: The Doctrine of the Trinity." (pp. 252-279). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    As the fourth century progressed, the Nicene formulation regarding the full deity of the Son led to further evaluation of the nature of the Trinity (Kelly 1978, p. 252). The growing acceptance of the Nicene point of view that the Father and the Son were of the same substance led to a recognition of the Holy Spirit as equally divine. Kelly notes a further element in the discussion of doctrine in the reign of Julian the Apostate (361), who allowed extensive interaction among different factions, possibly hoping that the conflict would put an end to Christianity. In the long run, the debate was not so much about the terms used, but about the concepts underlying the terms (Kelly 1978, p. 254).
    With this matter more or less resolved, the nature of the Holy Spirit became a more central element for consideration (Kelly 1978, p. 256). He was easily recognized as a member of the Trinity. Yet the problem of discussing substance in the case of a spirit was significant. Athanasius, responding to some Egyptian Christians who understood the Holy Spirit as inferior and part of creation, described the Holy Spirit as "fully divine, consubstantial with the Father and the Son" (Kelly 1978, p. 257, Kelly's summary). The Holy Spirit is a person of the Godhead and not a part of the created order.
    The Cappadocian Fathers, though exercising caution, developed Athanasius' view of the Holy Spirit, describing his being given "from the Father through the Son" (Kelly 1978, p. 259). Their view was not universally embraced, as there remained those who would deny consubstantiality of the persons of the Godhead regardless. yet the Cappadocian Fathers' point of view did gradually become more broadly accepted (Kelly 1978, p. 260). Kelly observes that the remaining Arians complained of the Cappadocians that they held to the Father having two sons. This required articulating the different origin of the Son and the Spirit. The statement which proved definitive was that of Gregory of Nyssa, who taught that the Spirit "is out of God and is of Christ' He proceeds out of the Father and receives from the Son; He cannot be separated from the Word" (Kelly 1978, p. 262).
    Kelly observes that this discussion of the Holy Spirit formed the backdrop for the council of Constantinople in 381 (Kelly 1978, p. 263). There the Holy Spirit was formally described in an ecumenically endorsed statement as consubstantial with the Father and the Son. The three persons of the Godhead are seen as undivided, though existing in three persons (Kelly 1978, p. 264). The terms "Father," "Son," and "Holy Spirit" may essentially be understood to describe relation, while "God" describes essence (Kelly 1978, p. 266). The issue of divisibility persisted, as there is debate (as early as Aristotle) as to whether anything non-material is divisible. The solution reached by the Cappadocians was that though each Person of the Godhead is one, they cannot be added together, as there is only one unique nature involved (Kelly 1978, p. 268).
    The consideration of the nature of the Trinity in the East was paralleled in the West. By the time of Ambrose, theologians were articulating one God in three persons (Kelly 1978, p. 269). Kelly notes in particular the work of Victorinus. He considered that the living nature of God is, in effect, always moving, and thus capable of eternal generation without change, as the unchanging nature of a moving God is to do things (Kelly 1978, p. 270). The different persons of the Trinity are all equally God but typically perform different roles.
    Augustine was, in Kelly's opinion, the one who provided the definitive articulations of the Trinity in the West (Kelly 1978, p. 271). Kelly references Augustine's work De Trinitate, assembled at various times from 399 and 419. Augustine takes the fact of one God in three persons as a Scriptural given, then creates exposition based on that idea (Kelly 1978, p. 272). God is one, and each member of the Trinity is fully divine and of the same nature. Kelly sees Augustine's view as well described in the Athanasian Creed, which he dates later than Augustine (Kelly 1978, p. 273). Augustine was not satisfied with the term "persons," yet he accepted it as a matter of common use (Kelly 1978, p. 274). Yet, as opposed to the Arians, he rejected the idea that a "person" might imply a distinction of substance. As to the procession of the Spirit, Augustine took Him to be the Spirit of both the Father and the Son. he would therefore teach that the Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son (Kelly 1978, p. 275). Yet he definitively rejected the idea that the Father begot the Son and the Spirit, using the language of procession instead (Kelly 1978, p. 276).
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Bad Doctrine as a Reaction to Bad Doctrine

6/17/2025

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Church History
6/17/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§125. Semi-Arianism." (pp. 2374-2375).
    In the years following the Nicene council, Schaff observes that some tried to hold a moderating point of view between that of the orthodox and the Arians. These "simi-Arians" were, in Schaff's view, attempting to use tactics of political compromise to gain acceptance of their subordinationist teachings when couched in vague language (Schaff 2014, p. 2374). The teaching did reject the stark affirmation of Christ having a different nature than the Father (hetero-ousion), but it also makes no insistence on Christ having the same nature as the Father (homo-ousion). The term "similar" (homoi-ousion) is preferred. There is an assertion of the eternal generation of the Son, and that he is not a created being (Schaff 2014, p. 2375). The Athanasians rejected the Semi-Arian position as there is not a middle point in essence. Either the Son has the same essence as the Father or he does not.

"§126. Revived Sabellianism. Marcellus and Photinus." (pp. 2375-2378).
    In the course of the dispute with Arianism, another error arose. As is often the case, this one was used by the advocates of orthodoxy. Marcellus, from Ancyra, "so pushed the doctrine of the consubstantiality of Christ that he impaired the personal distinction of Father and Son, and, at least in phraseology, fell into a refined form of Sabellianism" (Schaff 2014, p. 2376). In effect, he held to such a unity of the Father and Son that they could be seen as one person until the incarnation. Marcellus therefore became a polarizing figure as he entered into error due to his strong stance against another error. Schaff describes the logical process which led to his error in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 2377).

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What Was Arius Trying to Do?

6/12/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
6/12/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 9: The Nicene Crisis." (pp. 223-251). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
Kelly takes the start of the fourth century to open a new phase of the development of Christian doctrine. In this period the question of the nature of the Godhead came to the fore, serving to spur attempts to articulate the doctrine of the Trinity (Kelly 1978, p. 223). At the opening of the fourth century, we have little information about a Western view of the place of the Word in the godhead. In the East, the emphasis had primarily been on divine unity (Kelly 1978, p. 224). The distinctions were held as mysterious and didn't receive much discussion.
    In the first third of the fourth century, Alexander of Alexandria, while affirming the unity of the Godhead, still asserted that the Word, while uncreated, served as a mediator between God and creation (Kelly 1978, p. 224). While the Son is co-eternal with the Father, and cannot be separated from the Father, he is, in some way, not completely identical to the Father (Kelly 1978, p. 225). In contrast to Alexander, Eusebius considers the Word to be God, yet he is hesitant to appeal to co-eternity (Kelly 1978, p. 226). Eusebius will affirm that the Father and Son share an identical glory.
    Arius, a presbyter from Alexandria, entered into this discussion in the decade before 324 (Kelly 1978, p. 226). He was clear that the Father was ingenerate, eternal, and without beginning. Because God is never changing, Arius considered it impossible that he could share in substance with any other being, as that would diminish him (Kelly 1978, p. 227). For this reason, Arius believed it necessary that the Son must be created. This resulted in a doctrine of the Son as not self-existent, not eternal, and differing from the Father in his essence (Kelly 1978, p. 228). In short, the Son is finite, while the Father is infinite. This subjects the Son to accusations of change and even sin (Kelly 1978, p. 229).
    Arius' teaching gained some traction for several years, though Kelly observes that it would not have been broadly acceptable in the East or West. Receiving notice from Constantine in 324, the move toward unity of doctrine resulted in the council of Nicea in 325 (Kelly 1978, p. 231). The creedal statement, which is essentially that which we use today, was to receive elaboration of the third article at a later date. It also included a statement anathematizing several specific statements of Arian thought (Kelly 1978, p. 232). Subsequently, Athanasius wrote a number of treatises to refute Arius' claims. Kelly notes that in many ways the Nicene Creed engages in negative teaching. The positive theological teachings intended are more difficult to articulate (Kelly 1978, p. 233). The statements about the substance of the Son, however, are clear. At issue, in Kelly's opinion, is the extent to which the Creed rejected Origen's understanding of the nature of οὐσία in the Son (Kelly 1978, p. 234). It was understood by later theologians that the Father and the Son have an identical nature. It is not entirely clear what Origen had intended in using that language.
    In the twenty years or so after the council of Nicea, Arianism continued to be a matter of serious debate (Kelly 1978, p. 237). Ariaans who had been exiled continued to teach, and to return into the empire. Some were able to depose and even exile supporters of the Nicene faith (Kelly 1978, p. 238). Eventually, however, the council of Constantinople in 381 reaffirmed the Nicean faith. Kelly describes the polemics in use during the period in some detail (Kelly 1978, p. 239).
    The Nicene party included radical and more moderate elements. Kelly describes the more radical element as leaning toward a Sabellian point of view in which the Logos cannot be distinguished from the Father in any meaningful way (Kelly 1978, p. 240). Athanasius strikes Kelly as a more moderate adherent to the nicene faith. His affirmation that the Son must be fully divine was not remotely Sabellian in nature. Rather, salvation is possible only if the Son is just as divine as the Father (Kelly 1978, p. 243). On this account, Athanasius would condemn Arian thought. Because the Father is eternal and uncreated, not limited by time, so the Son is eternal and uncreated (Kelly 1978, p. 244). The Son is distinct from the Father, but is of the same nature.
    In opposition to the Nicene party, Kelly identifies three parties (Kelly 1978, p. 247). One was conciliatory in tone but consistently left ways an Arian could remain in fellowship with orthodoxy. For example, the united will of the Godhead, or the fact that the Son was begotten outside of time would be emphasized (Kelly 1978, p. 248). Another party was specifically and unabashedly Arian, often manifest in "a neo-Platonic metaphysic of three hierarchically ordered, mutually exclusive οὐσίαι" (Kelly 1978, p. 249). Finally, there was a group sometimes (unfairly) described as Semi-Arian (Kelly 1978, p. 249). They preferred to take no definitive stand on the nature of the generation of the Son. These parties in opposition to Nicene piety generally dissipated toward the end of the fourth century (Kelly 1978, p. 251).  

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Community, Baptism, and Eucharist in the 3rd Century

6/5/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
6/5/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 8: The Christian Community." (pp. 189-220). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    While we may be tempted to think of early Christianity in terms of independent local congregations, Kelly notes that Ignatius considered the churches as part of one larger body. The Smyrnans reported on Polycarp's martyrdom to multiple churches (Kelly 1978, p. 188). The concept of one larger, universal church is present from the earliest time. This concept can also be found in the second century apologists, who treated the Church as representing a universal body of beliefs (Kelly 1978, p. 189). Kelly notes, however, that counter to many 20th century assumptions, the early Christians did not think in terms of a "visible" and "invisible" church. In their view, the Church was always something with a visible manifestation (Kelly 1978, p. 191). The concept of an invisible church was a fruit of Gnostic thought. It was therefore opposed by the orthodox thinkers (Kelly 1978, p. 192).
    Sacraments, in this period, were understood as "external rites, more precisely signs, which Christians believe convey, by Christ's appointment, an unseen sanctifying grace" (Kelly 1978, p. 193). Kelly considers baptism, eucharist, and penance, as he finds evidence for these practices as early as the second century. The technical terms μυστήριον or sacramentum were not in clear use before the time of the Alexandrian fathers and Tertullian.
    Baptism, from this time period, was seen as the entry into the church (Kelly 1978, p. 194). It was seen as effective in cleansing from sin and imparting the holy Spirit, and thus, life. A literal anointing with oil may or may not have been practiced. However, Kelly maintains that the symbolic view of an anointing of the Holy Spirit was recognized and was distinguished from the various Gnostic anointings (Kelly 1978, p. 195).
    The eucharist, which was not received by those who were not baptized, was fairly quickly recognized as some form of a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 196). The actual nature of this sacrifice was less clearly defined. Kelly finds it related to prayer as well as serving as a "memorial." In general, he sees the understood motion as an offering made to God, though it is also clear that it is related to jesus' offering himself for humans (Kelly 1978, p. 197).
    Kelly notes that, though there is evidence for a sacrament of penance, it is "bafflingly meagre" (Kelly 1978, p. 198). The purpose is to deal with sins in the life after baptism. In the second century, Kelly finds it common to maintain that sins committed purposely could not be remitted. Yet, in practice, it would seem most took a more lenient approach (Kelly 1978, p. 199).
    From a doctrinal standpoint, Kelly does not see many developments during the second century (Kelly 1978, p. 200). The Church was one body throughout the world, and was that which unified all the individual congregations. Toward the end of the second century, some forms of rigorist thought, which we might consider akin to Pietism, arose. The particular acts of righteousness which were expected of Christians became more clearly codified, along with penitential practices (Kelly 1978, p. 201). The Church, in some cases, was viewed more as a training ground for sinners than as a gathering of the righteous. Kelly describes at some length, however, the views of Clement and others in Alexandria who emphasized the church as the gathering of the righteous, often in terms of a pure heart rooted in γνῶσις (Kelly 1978, p. 202-203). In contrast to the eastern view of Alexandria, Cyprian of Carthage emphasized a "practical and even legalistic" orientation (Kelly 1978, p. 204). This view was to dominate the West until the time of Augustine. Unity is to be found in the agreement of the various bishops as they seek out a unified understanding of the Christian faith (Kelly 1978, p. 205). Schismatics could not be tolerated in the Church. Therefore, belief and practice needed to be clearly defined (Kelly 1978, p. 206).
    In the course of the third century, Kelly notes that schismatic controversies and the rapid growth of the church had an influence on baptismal practices and understandings (Kelly 1978, p. 207). Baptism came to be understood more in terms of forgiveness of sins but less in terms of an impartation of the Holy Spirit. This shift moved the expected reception of the Holy Spirit to coincide with a laying on of hands or chrismation (Kelly 1978, p. 208). In this process, the effect of water baptism was downplayed. In some authors, the laying on of hands by the bishop, thus imparting the Holy Spirit, was understood as the critical need (Kelly 1978, p. 210).
    Eucharistic doctrine did not undergo much development in the third century, though Kelly does find the emphasis to shift slightly more toward that of a eucharistic sacrifice. The concept of the presence of the body and blood of Christ feeding the soul remained fairly consistent (Kelly 1978, p. 211). Kelly does particularly observe a difference in language used regarding the Eucharist. Tertullian, among others, affirms that the bread "represents" the body of Christ. However, in the idiom of the time, the word meant that the bread made Jesus' body present again (Kelly 1978, p. 212). It was not understood as we would now consider a symbol. Kelly illustrates this in some detail. He finds that Cyprian of Carthage articulated the concept of a eucharistic sacrifice, by describing the Eucharist in terms of doing exactly what Jesus did, including, in some way, making a pleasing offering of the passion of Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 215).
    By the start of the third century Kelly finds at least an outline of a penitential discipline recognized (Kelly 1978, p. 216). It appeared to be a public observation, rather than the private confession and absolution with which we are more familiar. Public penance was very serious and could only be undertaken once in a lifetime, after baptism. It was reserved for sins we would consider very serious, such as idolatry, adultery, or homicide (Kelly 1978, p. 217). Less notorious sins were to be cared for by individual repentance, and were not particularly mediated by the Church. During the third century a tendency for the more notorious sins to be dealt with by the bishops without public ceremony grew up (Kelly 1978, p. 218).

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What Makes Arianism So Poisonous?

6/3/2025

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Church History
6/3/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§123. The Theological Principles Involved: Import of the Controversy." (pp. 2367-2369).
    Schaff here begins to review the theological challenges, rather than political and personal issues involved in the conflict between Arian and orthodox thought (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). Though the dispute in Nicea seemed to center around a difference made by an iota in a word, the philosophical implications of the dispute are enormous. At issue was the relationship of the Father and the Son, which is central to the understanding of the very nature of Christianity. In the orthodox understanding, particularly as described by Athanasius, if God the Son is not absolutely the very God, he is relegated to a role in the created order and is not able to restore fallen man to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). The Arian concept further separates man from God. Schaff considers Arian thought to be governed by human reason, political intrigue, and not by divine revelation (Schaff 2014, p. 2369). This may well explain the Arian operation in the political world, as opposed to being primarily a biblical discussion.

"§124. Arianism." (pp. 2370-2374).
    After cataloging a number of names used of Arians, tied to leaders or specific content of particular doctrines, Schaff summarizes the doctrine (Schaff 2014, p. 2370). At issue is the contention that the Father is the only true God and that the Son is in some way a contingent being, though the creator of the world. He was created out of nothing, and as a created being he does not share the essence of God. It is important, in Schaff's estimation, to affirm Arianism as far superior to a number of older heresies as well as to deism or rationalism. The Son is personal and exists before all worlds. Yet he is still part of creation, so not God (Schaff 2014, p. 2370).
    Arius limited God the Son in "his duration, his power, and his knowledge, and expressly asserted that the Son does not perfectly know the Father" (Schaff 2014, p. 2371). As Arian thought was developed, its advocates brought further inconsistencies into theology. Rationalism was applied to the Arian doctrine, but was unable to resolve the central difficulty, that of a Son who was not entirely God (Schaff 2014, p. 2372). Schaff finds that the Arian arguments are based on Scriptures which indicate Christ doing things such as growing, not knowing some things, becoming weary, or being sorrowful (Schaff 2014, p. 2372). Athanasius, in his opposition to Arius, has a tendency to assign all these characteristics to Jesus' human nature. He then responds to Arius with texts attributing divinity to Jesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2373). The Arians primarily argued by denial of orthodox affirmations. The orthodox normally laid out a positive case for their point of view.

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Eight

5/29/2025

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Eight

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Seven Jesus is executed.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 434-444.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Recall that at the death of Jesus in chapter 27 there was an earthquake. In 28:2 there is one accompanying the resurrection as well. Matthew's account here suggests that the angel came at the same time as the women, and that Jesus was gone when the tomb was opened. What does this tell us about the nature of Jesus' body in the resurrection?

In verse 11 the guards tell the chief priests what happened. In the verses that follow, the chief priests engage in what they see as damage control. What do their actions signify?

We are told in other passages, notably in Luke/Acts, John, and 1 Cor. 15 of other post-resurrection events until Jesus ascended 40 days after the resurrection. Matthew jumps directly to the 40th day in verse 16.

Analyze the implications of verses 16-20 in detail. How do they anticipate what Christians still think and do?

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Implications of Redemption in Christ

5/29/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/29/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 7: Man and His Redemption." (pp. 163-188). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    In this chapter, Kelly turns his attention to the attempts at explaining why humanity is in need of salvation and the way that salvation is granted through Jesus. He notes that through the late first century and the second century the condition is taken for granted and the fact of salvation in Christ is asserted, but not sufficiently explained (Kelly 1978, p. 163). The closest statements he finds to an explanation have to do with humans receiving a knowledge of Christ. This is a broadly held concept, but it falls short in terms of serving as an explanation (Kelly 1978, p. 164). Kelly additionally finds some statements which affirm Jesus' work as our substitute. However, the function is not altogether clear (Kelly 1978, p. 165). It is normally viewed as a way that we are challenged to repentance, though in Barnabas Jesus has the role of a sacrifice. Ignatius does go so far as to say that by his death Jesus abolishes sin and death (Kelly 1978, p. 166). 
    Kelly sees a significant shift in the work of the Apologists (Kelly 1978, p. 166). They see humanity as a combination of body and soul, and portray the soul as having rational powers to decide whether or not to live as Christ would desire. In Justin's thought, our free desire to please God is interfered with by demonic forces which would confuse us and entice us into sin (Kelly 1978, p. 167). Our temptation to sin, then, is like that to which Eve fell prey.
    Tatian and Theophilus treat the fall into sin in a similar way to Justin, but with more nuance, holding still that the fall into sin was provoked by demonic forces, and that remaining sin in the world can be overcome through out will. All evil, therefore, is a consequence of sin (Kelly 1978, p. 168).
    Kelly finds that only Justin gives a concrete reason for the incarnation and that it is didactic in nature (Kelly 1978, p. 168). Christ becomes man to show us how we should live. Jesus' work, then, is that of illumination. He gives us the knowledge we need (Kelly 1978, p. 169). In this work, Jesus breaks the demonic power which has hindered us.
    In Kelly's view, the most substantial development of the period was to articulate the implications of Paul's teaching that in Christ there is "a new, restored humanity" (Kelly 1978, p. 170). This concept led to developments in both anthropology and Christology. Kelly considers Irenaeus and Justin to be at the forefront of these attempts to explain both concepts. Irenaeus took Adam;s sin to separate him and all humanity from God, changing the already substantial distance between the creator and the created into an enormous chasm (Kelly 1978, p. 172). This condition persisted in all humans. Jesus, then, "became what we are in order to enable us to become what He is" (Haer. 5, praef.) (Kelly 1978, p. 172). In effect, Christ undid what Adam's sin had done. This would allow us to start afresh in Jesus (Kelly 1978, p. 173).
    As is typical, the nature of salvation developed different explanations in the East and the West (Kelly 1978, p. 174). Development in the West was centered in North Africa, anticipating the later work of Augustine. Teertullian emerged as the spokesman at this earlier period. His view considers each soul and body to be a new creation, derived from the parents (Kelly 1978, p. 175). The characteristics of the soul are likewise inherited from parents. We therefore have some remaining attributes of our father Adam, both in bearing the image of God and in having responsibility for sin. We are thus predisposed to sin since we are born of sinful parentage. In Tertullian's view, then, Chrsit's death for us functions primarily as a sacrifice, atoning for our sin and restoring us to Adam's image. Kelly observes that though the seed of a substitutionary atonement is present, it is not fully developed (Kelly 1978, p. 177). Subsequent Western theologians tended to write in terms of an atonement as well as of an example (Kelly 1978, p. 178). 
    In the East, in contrast, the inherited nature of sin was "largely absent" (Kelly 1978, p. 179). Humans, with their free will, were to progress toward perfection. Any inheritance of sin is related to our inheritance of desires which are disordered, rather than an inheritance of guilt (Kelly 1978, p. 180). Origen goes so far as to take the Genesis account as a piece of mythology to be interpreted as a sign that all souls are pre-existent. God gave all the souls a free will which could imitate God or not. They all chose, to one or another extent, not to imitate God. This explains sin among humans as well as the existence of demons. Some souls were bound to bodies as a punishment (Kelly 1978, p. 181). While Kelly does not take Origen's system to have been adopted as a whole, the basic premises of a sharp distinction between physicality and spirituality were broadly accepted (Kelly 1978, p. 183).
    The work of Christ was likewise taken in a relatively mystical sense in the East (Kelly 1978, p. 183). In Clement, for example, the real work of Jesus was to teach true knowledge which would purify human desires (Kelly 1978, p. 184). This ultimately leads to some sort of theosis. Humans eventually may become God (Protr. 12, 120, 3). Jesus serves as an example for humans. However, in Origen's thought, he also was engaged in defeating the Devil and taking control over the earth (Kelly 1978, p. 185). This was finally accomplished in his death and resurrection. Origen additionally saw Christ's death as a propitiatory sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 186). The offering had the effect of satisfying the justice of the Father. The role of Jesus in salvation is thus very complex. Again, Kelly observes that the views of Origen were not universally accepted in the East. However, the complex nature of the work of Chrsit was broadly admitted (Kelly 1978, p. 187).
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Arian Reaction to Orthodoxy

5/27/2025

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Church History
5/27/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§121. The Arian and Semi-Arian Reaction, A.D. 325-361." (pp. 2358-2364).
    Schaff identifies the outcome of the Council of Nicea as a victory, but of limited effect. Numerous subscribers to the Nicene Creed were marginal in their support or were acting out of deference to the emperor rather than from a conviction of truth (Schaff 2014, p. 2358). After the council, the Arians sought to consolidate their political power and promote their view. These moves regularly resulted in contentious councils and bloodshed (Schaff 2014, p. 2359). The controversy outlived Constantine, Arius, and Constantine II. Charges of intolerance were lodged against both sides, as a third, "semi-Arian" party arose (Schaff 2014, p. 2360). Over time, the dispute came to have a geographic element as well. The East tended to follow the Arian beliefs, while the West was more likely to adhere to the Nicene creed (Schaff 2014, p. 2361).
    After 350, the emperor Constans, who had briefly (under pressure from his brother) supported Athanasius, summoned three synods which took a moderately favorable view of Arianism. He subsequently pressured the church in the West to adopt these views (Schaff 2014, p. 2361). This soft form of Arianism was thus established, though with much controversy, throughout the imperial church (Schaff 2014, p. 2362). In the ongoing conflicts, Schaff notes the imprisonment or exile of numerous orthodox bishops.
    While the Arian heresy seemed to have won the day, it then separated into two factions. One contended that the Son was of similar but not identical essence with the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2363). The other faction contended that the essence of the Father was not "similar" but "different." Beginning in the late 350s numerous councils attempted to understand this issue.

"§122. The Final Victory of Orthodoxy, and the Council of Constantinople, 381." (pp. 2364-2367).
    The policy of Julian the Apostate, who released orthodox bishops from exile, in Schaff's opinion, was intended to provoke the Christian factions to destroy each other (Schaff 2014, p. 2364). Rather, the Christians united against the common enemy of paganism. Arianism tended to decline as orthodoxy brought out robust arguments in multiple synods.
    With the death of Athanasius in 379, Arianism arose again in a violent manifestation (Schaff 2014, p. 2365). In response to this unrest, the emperor Theodosius I, who ascended to the throne in 379 and was orthodox in his convictions, required all subjects to pursue orthodoxy. He further convened the council of Constantinople in 381. Among other actions, the Nicene Creed was confirmed, with the additions to the third article which are used today (Schaff 2014, p. 2366). A variety of heresies, including Arianism, were specifically condemned. This spelled the end of Arianism as a formally recognized belief system, though some cells of Arian belief remained in existence for several centuries (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). 

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Christology in the Second and Third Centuries

5/22/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/22/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 6: The Beginnings of Christology." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition. (pp. 138-162). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Though the full issue of Christology was at the center of the Council of Nicea in 325, Kelly traces partial formulations of specific issues back to the apostolic period (Kelly 1978, p. 138). Jesus had nearly universally been considered both divine and human, a conviction rooted in the New Testament. The difficulty was in showing "how the two aspects could be held together in synthesis" (Kelly 1978, p. 139).
    Kelly observes there were a number of heretical sects which emerged in the second century, denying the deity of Christ. These would include the Ebionites and the monarchian heretics (Kelly 1978, pp. 139-140). Some took the opposite tack, taking Jesus to be entirely divine and not actually human, such as the Docetists (Kelly 1978, p. 141). Much of Gnosticism can be taken similarly to deny the actual humanity of Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 142). 
    Counter to these errors, orthodoxy insisted on both the true divine and human natures being present in the one Jesus (Kelly 1978, p. 143). Kelly traces the idea of Jesus' full divinity and humanity to Barnabas, Hermas, and to Ignatius of Antioch, who was quite explicit about it (Kelly 1978, p. 144). Some authors tended to equate the pre-incarnate Christ with the Holy Spirit.
    In Kelly's view, the second century Apologists provide rather little explanation of their view of Christ. He is treated as God and man, though at times the descriptions may come close to allowing accusations of modalism (Kelly 1978, p. 145). Incarnation and physical sufferings are acknowledged. However, the co-existence of the two natures in one person is not explained to any significant degree (Kelly 1978, p. 146).
    The Christology of Irenaeus, in Kelly's estimation, is more strongly influenced by the apostles Paul and John than by the Apologists (Kelly 1978, p. 147). He emphasizes the unity of God and man in Jesus, rejecting the separation common in Gnostic thought. Christ must have a truly human bodily nature (Kelly 1978, p. 148). Otherwise he could not have served as the second Adam.
    In the West, Kelly emphasizes the enormous influence of Hippolytus and Tertullian (Kelly 1978, p. 149). Hippolytus is clear that the Logos became flesh, putting on the entirety of human nature but without sin. This stands in sharp contrast to the Docetists. Yet Jesus remains the divine Logos, never surrendering that nature. Tertullian took a similar view. However, in his discussion, he preferred to say that Christ was made of 'two substances" (Kelly 1978, p. 150). This term could cause difficulty as the persons of the Godhead are now routinely described as one in "substance." 
    Tertullian's description, which is the first known attempt to describe the relationship of human and divine (Kelly 1978, p. 151), is that the Word was not transfigured into flesh, but that he "clothed" himself in flesh. God is immutable, so to become flesh he had to take on flesh. Jesus is at once both God and man. The paradoxes implied by this view are recognized by Tertullian, who finally embraces them (Kelly 1978, p. 152).
    The Alexandrian school, represented by Clement, made attempts to defend the full divinity and humanity of Christ. However, terminology of attachment left Clement open to charges of Docetism (Kelly 1978, p. 154). he was, however, clear that Jesus was a real human with a real human body. Clement's soteriology was largely predicated on the identity of Jesus as the divine Logos, rather than on his humanity.
    Origen also saw Jesus as entirely human while still being the divine Logos (Kelly 1978, p. 155). He viewed the unity of the divine and human to be unbreakable. Jesus possessed a whole human nature and full divinity. And Origen was clear that the divinity persists in the human (Kelly 1978, p. 156). Kelly observes that Origen was the first to use terminology of Jesus as God Incarnate (Kelly 1978, p. 157). However, he did not consider the humanity of Jesus "either permanent or essential" (Kelly 1978, p. 157). While Origen was not Docetic, he considered Jesus' humanity to have fallen away after the resurrection.
    After Origen, in the East there was hesitancy about the pre-existence of souls as well as a concern about the implications of introducing human mind into the divine unity (Kelly 1978, p. 158). The unity of the Godhead was considered to be of necessity a unity of substance. For this reason it was much easier to admit of Jesus having a human body but not a human soul (Kelly 1978, p. 159). Kelly does observe that the discussions of this matter are fragmentary in nature (Kelly 1978, p. 159). The records are all from the fifth century, making it difficult to discern actual third century opinion. However, Kelly considers it clear that Origen was fairly quickly accused of holding adoptionist views (Kelly 1978, p. 160). Origen's view of the Christological problem was largely rejected, as it is unclear that the two natures were fully enduring in the one person (Kelly 1978, p. 161).

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Arian Thought and the Council of Nicea

5/20/2025

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Church History
5/20/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§119. The Arian Controversy down to the Council of Nicaea, 318-325." (pp. 2344-2348).
    The Arian controversy, though mostly focused on Christ, also makes claims about the Holy Spirit (Schaff 2014, p. 2344). For this reason it was very important to all Trinitarian thought. As Schaff evaluates the issue, "If God is one and if Christ and the Holy Ghost are distinct from the Father and yet participate in the divine substance, God must be triune" (Schaff 2014, p. 2345). The concepts, though not the word 'trinity," can be found throughout the Scriptures.
    Schaff deals with the Arian controversy in three stages. He first discusses the emergence of the controversy and the period to the council of Nicea, where orthodoxy was reaffirmed (Schaff 2014, p. 2346). Next he treats reactions to the Nicene decisions up to the death of Constantius in 361. Finally, he reviews the final battles up to the council of Constantinople in A.D. 381. While Arianism was rejected in the councils of Nicea and Constantinople, it remained a minority view, particularly gaining strength in the Germanic nations for over 200 years (Schaff 2014, p. 2346). 
    Schaff considers the contradictory views of Origen along with poorly communicated elements of discussion between Antioch and Alexandria to have led to the rise of Arianism (Schaff 2014, p. 2346). The hints at subordinationism and the question of whether the Son was generated as a secondary substance could lead to a denial of the eternity of the Son.
    Arius, who served as a presbyter of Alexandria starting in 313, had a reputation for disputations. He pressed the views stated by Origen to their breaking point, affirming that, though Crhist was the creator of the world, he himself was part of the created order (Schaff 2014, p. 2347). Arius and his followers were excommunicated in 321, as they denied the deity of Christ. Arius continued to teach and write in Palestine and Nicomedia (Schaff 2014, p. 2348). He was defended by some bishops and condemned by others. The groups of bishops then engaged against one another, creating a theological and diplomatic crisis. Under the influence of Constantine, the parties were brought to seek a clear answer based on definitive truth rather than on political influence. This led to the Nicene council of 325.

"§120. The Council of Nicaea, 325." (pp. 2349-2358).
    Schaff, after a fairly extensive bibliography, introduces the reader to Nicea, which has fallen into decline, but at his time still existed as Isnik, in Turkey (Schaff 2014, p. 2350). In 325 it was a thriving city, easily accessible. The emperor Constantine called for the council in 325, offering transportation and lodging expenses for each bishop, and for each bishop to bring "two presbyters and three servants" (Schaff 2014, p. 2350). The emperor was strictly unwilling to hear personal complaints, but protected the purpose of the gathering to discuss the theological matters for which the council was called.
    Only about a sixth of the estimated 1,800 bishops attended, all but seven of the attendees being from the Eastern regions.
    The council was formally opened by the arrival of the emperor (Schaff 2014, p. 2351). Schaff notes the substantial change in tone from the recent persecutions to the presence of an emperor who showed considerable courtesy and respect toward Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2352). Among the notable people at the council we number Eusebius of Caesarea, who served to moderate some discussions, from a post next to the emperor, and Athanasius, who, at the time, served as an archdeacon (Schaff 2014, p. 2353). Many of the participants bore signs of persecution or of the hardship of an ascetic life.
    In the council, the orthodox were, at first, the minority (Schaff 2014, p. 2354). The Arian view was represented by about twenty bishops. The majority, following Eusebius of Caesarea, gradually moved their alignment from a centrist position toward orthodoxy.
    Schaff describes presentation of several versions of creeds, some of which had been used in other regions in the past. Versions of a creed which was acceptable to the Arians were considered suspect by the Orthodox partisans. After a number of revisions and counter-proposals, the version which is now in use, but ending with "we believe in the Holy Ghost" was adopted. The remainder was added in the council of Constantinople. Bishops who approved physically signed the creed, the first time such an action is known to have been performed in Christianity (Schaff 2014, p. 2356). Arians and two others who refused to sign were banished to Illyria. Schaff noted this as the first known civil punishment for heresy.
    The council of Nicea also spoke to the dating of Easter and a schism in Meletia, which Schaff discusses elsewhere. There were a total of twenty canons and the creed published, but no definitive account of the deliberations (Schaff 2014, p. 2356). The emperor further promulgated the decisions as law (Schaff 2014, p. 2357). 

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Trinitarianism in the Third Century

5/15/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/15/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 5: Third-Century Trinitarianism." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition. (pp. 109-137). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    While the earliest Christians were Trinitarian, Kelly points out that the main issue through the second century had been combatting paganism and gnostic thought, which postulated a multiplicity of gods. In the third century, it became more important to articulate the unity of God but his manifestation in three persons (Kelly 1978, p. 109). Previous attempts at explanation focused on the functions of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit rather than the interpersonal relationship within the Godhead.
    Among the chief third century thinkers Kelly discusses Hippolytus and Tertullian, who stood in the tradition of the second century apologists (Kelly 1978, p. 110). Among modalists, both were considered polytheists. However, they were both strong advocates of the one and only God. The difficulty was to make an adequate description of one God eternally existing in three persons (Kelly 1978, p. 111).
    While Hippolytus tended to use language which could be viewed as subordinationist in nature, Tertullian made arguments which directly attacked modalist views, so strongly defended the identical substance of each person of the Trinity, including the concept of eternity (Kelly 1978, p. 113). Both Hippolytus and Tertullian affirmed that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit were one God but in three persons, manifest in different ways at the same time.
    Kelly notes that at the end of the second century the teaching of "Dynamic Monarchianism" was circulating (Kelly 1978, p. 115). In this view, Christ was a mere man but was endued with God's spirit. The teaching may well be considered as adoptionist in nature. Kelly discusses several advocates of this point of view who lived well into the third century.
    The more widespread and lasting form of Monarchianism is properly referred to as Modalism. Here God is one, and Christ is God. For this reason, there must only be one person of the Godhead (Kelly 1978, p. 119). Kelly, with Hippolytus, connects this view with the monism of the Greek philosopher Heraclitus (Kelly 1978, pp. 120-121), where the totality consisted of a number of mutually exclusive elements. 
    Kelly points out the fact that Hippolytus and Tertullian were not any sort of official spokesmen for the church at Rome, which was emerging as the theological center for the West (Kelly 1978, p. 123). Rather, those in Rome took on the teaching of Hippolytus and Tertullian, using it to defend against the modalist teaching which was spreading in the West. At the start of the third century, popes Zephyrinus and Callistus were sympathetic to modalism. This may well have been at the root of the hostility between Hippolytus and Callistus. Kelly describes Callistus' views in some detail (Kelly 1978, pp. 124-125).
    At the same time, in Alexandria, Clement and Origen emerged as significant thinkers (Kelly 1978, pp. 126-127). Both attempted to discuss the Godhead using structures of Platonism. Clement, who was primarily a moralistic teacher, affirms one God in three persons, largely defined in functional terms, according to the activities of each person (Kelly 1978, p. 127). Origen made a more clearly analytical description of God, using Platonic terms. God the Father is the one God. The Son and Spirit may possibly be seen as "brought into existence" by the Father (Kelly 1978, p. 128). However, this is understood as an eternal act, so Origen rejects a time when the Son did not exist. However, he views the Son and Spirit somehow as secondary. Origen uses terminology of begetting for the Son, but is clear that He is eternally begotten and of the same substance as the Father (Kelly 1978, p. 130). The concept of some sort of hierarchical relationship among members of the Godhead opens Origen to charges of tritheism and subordinationism (Kelly 1978, p. 132). 
    Origen's views sparked substantial debate, especially in the Greek world through the remainder of the third century (Kelly 1978, pp. 132-133). Kelly notes a number of attempts to clarify his views, demonstrating either that he was genuinely Trinitarian or that he was a modalist or tritheist (Kelly 1978, pp. 134-136 passim).

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Theology Influenced by Philosophy, Scripture, and Tradition

5/13/2025

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Church History
5/13/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§117. General Observations, Doctrinal Importance of the Period. Influence of the Ancient Philosophy." (pp. 2327-2332).
    In the period after the council of Nicea, Schaff sees a time of churchly practice settling the concepts of orthodoxy, rather than developing new concepts (Schaff 2014, p. 2327). Doctrinal statements were formalized and tested, particularly in the Western church. The tests were in the form of theological controversies, some of which were very serious in nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2328). Schaff briefly describes the way people of different social classes would participate in the disputes. In the scope of controversy, he sees a parallel to the Lutheran Reformation (Schaff 2014, p. 2329).
    During this period several ecumenical councils served to make clarifications of orthodox doctrine (Schaff 2014, p. 2329). Their decrees serve as the fruit of lengthy and intense discussions. In the East, Schaff finds the debates to be primarily in the realms of "Theology and Christology, while the Latin church devoted itself to Anthropology and Soteriology" (Schaff 2014, p. 2329). These fields fall in line with different cultural values of the Greek and Latin worlds. Both East and West show signs of Platonism in their theological conclusions (Schaff 2014, p. 2331). By the middle of the 6th century Schaff finds a greater influence of Aristotle on theological inquiry (Schaff 2014, p. 2332). Mysticism favored Platonic structures, while scholasticism favored those of Aristotle.
    
"§118. Sources of Theology. Scripture and Tradition." (pp. 2332-2344).
    In this section Schaff updates the story of the source of theological authority. The New Testament is now completely identified, largely agreed upon, and widely circulated along with the Old Testament (Schaff 2014, p. 2333). Tradition now includes that which has commented on and reacted against heretical movements. A typical citation of tradition at this period, then, identifies traditionally accepted means of interpreting Scripture. The Apostles' Creed in the West and the Nicene Creed in the East were recognized and used as traditionally formulated summaries of Scripture (Schaff 2014, p. 2334). Schaff briefly compares and contrasts this period's understanding of Scripture and tradition to those typically held in his day. The fifth century saw broad agreement to a closed canon of Scripture as we have it today, ratified at a number of ecumenical councils (Schaff 2014, p. 2336).
    Schaff observes the scholarly difficulties posed by biblical manuscripts of the fourth century and into this period. As of his writing, the earliest datable manuscripts were from the fourth century and had "errors and omissions of every kind" (Schaff 2014, p. 2337). The problem of identifying a clean and authoritative text history was substantial. He describes the various manuscripts in brief. Rather than making the pessimistic conclusion of a scholarly skeptic, Schaff takes a positive view. The genuine message and the historic Christian faith is not dependent on the letters of the manuscripts but rather on the message of the Gospel preserved in the Scripture as understood through historic tradition (Schaff 2014, p. 2338). In the final analysis, the authority lies in the Scripture as preserved by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit throughout history. The orthodox understanding of Scripture is the recognized tradition (Schaff 2014, p. 2339). This concept was solidified as time went on to an investigation of consensus over time, geography, and current opinion. If all three were in agreement, an idea may be considered orthodox (Schaff 2014, p. 2341).
    Schaff considers tradition to have diverged from Scripture in some ways during the period, resulting in a more rigid dependence on orthodox tradition, which could be used to exclude otherwise biblical teachers (Schaff 2014, p. 2342).

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Early Descriptions of the Trinity

5/8/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/8/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 4: The Divine Triad." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 83-108). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly observes that from the earliest period, Christians have been staunchly monotheistic, confessing one all powerful God who created and sustains all things (Kelly 1978, p. 83). After about the middle of the second century there are some hints of secular philosophical thought creeping into Christian writings (Kelly 1978, p. 84). In the instances Kelly notes, there is some acknowledgement of the secular philosophies moving in a right (or wrong) direction, and clarification or refutation made in the terminology which would be used among the philosophers.
    The difficulty faced by the early Christians was how to articulate this one God who revealed himself through Jesus and poured out the Holy Spirit. Working with these three entities in such a way as to fit with the concept of one and only one God was a challenge (Kelly 1978, p. 87). The clear articulation of "one God existing in three co-equal Persons" was not formally articulated and accepted until 381 at the Council of Constantinople (Kelly 1978, p. 88). In this chapter Kelly reviews the attempts at a trinitarian articulation up to 325 and the Council of Nicea. The descriptions of baptismal catechesis from the early period are particularly helpful in this regard. Irenaeus, the Didache, and Justin Martyr all describe baptism in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 89). Kelly discerns this as some sort of established liturgical form (Kelly 1978, p. 90). The threefold formula can also be found in early eucharistic prayers.
    Kelly observes that the Apostolic Fathers "appear as witnesses to the traditional faith rather than interpreters striving to understand it" (Kelly 1978, p. 90). Though they make few explanations, they assert theological stances which reflect a trinitarian point of view. A specific defense of the trinitarian theology is lacking, very likely because it was not the issue being addressed in the conflicts or explanations at hand. Kelly describes a number of these writings.
    In contrast to the Apostolic Fathers, the second century Apologists made specific attempts to defend doctrinal points of view (Kelly 1978, p. 95). Their monotheism was clear. In general, they tried to deal with the pre-existent and pre-incarnate Son by means of a category of Christ as the mind of the Father. This is a reasonable use of the Logos as described in John as well as in Philo (Kelly 1978, p. 96). Kelly illustrates these discussions particularly in the work of Justin. He then goes on to describe, in turn, Tatian (Kelly 1978, p. 98), Theophilus of Antioch (Kelly 1978, p. 99), and Athenagoras. Kelly notes that the Apologists are not systematic theologians. They use "the Father" for the unified Godhead. They use "the Son" not as the preincarnate Son, but as he becomes evident in the incarnation (Kelly 1978, p. 100). He goes on to say, "they lacked a technical vocabulary adequate for describing eternal distinctions within the Deity; but that they apprehended such distinctions admits of no doubt" (Kelly 1978, p. 101).
    The Apologists were focused on the nature of Christ in the Godhead. For this reason, Kelly observes they did not systematically build a case for the Trinity (Kelly 1978, p. 101). However, their discussion of the Godhead routinely fell into triads, indicating a Trinitarian point of view in the Church. At times, the apologists will make statements about the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit and will use language of distinction in order. However, Kelly thinks this does not refer to subordination but rather to a distinction of operations (Kelly 1978, pp. 104-105). Kelly describes this in some detail. At its root, this view shows the persons of the Trinity all to be divine but to work in different ways. It also affirms that all the persons are equally one God.

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Seven

5/7/2025

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Seven

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Six Jesus is arrested and tried.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 404-434.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Matthew 27:1-10 shows Judas' regret that his betrayal of Jesus to the chief priests had actually led to a death sentence for Jesus. Consider especially his interaction with the chief priests and their response to him. How are Christians supposed to deal with a confession of sin?

Consider the interview Jesus has with Pilate, the governor, in Matthew 27:11-26. From the text of Matthew, try to understand Pilate's opinions and actions. Ask yourself who is in charge of the events described here. How does this compare to the description in John's Gospel chapters 18 and 19?

In verses 27-44, Jesus is mocked, in turn, by soldiers including an execution squad, by fellow prisoners, and by Jewish leaders. Would you expect this? Why or why not?

Was it necessary for Jesus to remain on the cross until he died? Why or why not?

What is unusual about the darkness described in Matthew 27:45-49? Consider the suggestions that it was an eclipse.

As you did with Jesus' hearing before Pilate, consider who is in charge of the events during the crucifixion itself. Compare these events to those depicted in the first half of Psalm 22.

As Jesus dies (Matthew 27:50), a number of other signs happen. What might God be showing us through Matthew's description in verses 51-53? Note that there is debate particularly about which curtain was torn and what it signified. The nature of the resurrection of people from the tombs is also uncertain.

Matthew 27:54-56 makes it clear there were a number of witnesses present at the death of Jesus. How are they and their reactions important?

As we conclude the chapter, what is the controversy about Jesus' tomb and its security? What are people's expectations?

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Poetry, Music, and an Entirely New Poetic Paradigm

5/6/2025

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Church History
5/6/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§115. The Latin Hymn." (pp. 2312-2315).
    Latin hymnody is more important in the Middle Ages than Greek hymnody. Schaff finds it to lead more directly toward the music of Protestantism (Schaff 2014, p. 2312). In Schaff's opinion, much of the best of the Latin hymnody has been naturalized into Protestant use. Orthodox Christianity, notably represented by Hilary and Ambrose, used hymnody to defend against heretical doctrines.
    Schaff also considers the Christian hymnody to have moved customs of Latin poetry from an emphasis on meter based on length of syllable to meter based on stress accent, as well as, at least occasionally, on rhyme (Schaff 2014, p. 2313). This moved the poetry more into a musical direction, in his opinion, in popular usage, particularly by the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Schaff 2014, p. 2314). In this time we also begin to see descriptions and classifications of meters as used in Latin hymnody (Schaff 2014, p. 2315).

"§116. The Latin Poets and Hymns." (pp. 2315-2326).
    Schaff illustrates the growth of Latin hymnody by briefly discussing a number of writers and their more prominent compositions. He does observe that all were significant theologians as well (Schaff 2014, p. 2316). Schaff provides substantial samples of texts, in Latin and English, illustrating the development of Latin usage through the period.
    We can observe that the Latin texts Schaff reproduces show stress rather than metrical predictability, though he does not point out the elisions which clarify the stress. To gain a clear picture it is necessary to compare the metric scansion of lines to the location of stress accents. The stress accents are not always on long syllables, though they often are. Melodic practices, rather than a plain chant, show themselves after the time of Ambrose, leading toward recognizable chorale type melodies (Schaff 2014, p. 2320).
    Schaff describes a groundbreaking development in the work of Venantius fortunatus, who died about 600. He developed the use of the trochaic tetrameter, which is the staple of hymnody from the medieval period onward (Schaff 2014, p. 2322). Again, a comparison of the rhythmic meter to the stress accent meter is required to get a clear picture of the development. Of particular note is Fortunatus' grouping of poetic lines into stanzas. This has remained a common practice to the current time.
    For those who are not familiar with this poetic meter, I observe the longs and shorts, which then became the stressed and unstressed syllables, using dots and dashes.
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
  ._ ._ ._ ._ //
    A typical stanza of four such lines can be found in much later Latin hymnody. With little, if any, variation, the meter is perfectly normal for use in English, as well as other Western languages. In its typical four line stanzas, most hymnals will indicate it as "CM" for "Common Meter."

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Scripture - recognized, not imposed

5/1/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
5/1/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 3: The Scriptures." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 52-79). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly notes that by the apostolic period, though the collection was not articulated as such, the Old Testament was agreed upon by Jews, and was quickly recognized by most Christians as their authoritative works as well (Kelly 1978, p. 52). The early Christians seem to have used the Septuagint including what we would now consider the Apocrypha rather than the more restricted Masoretic Text (Kelly 1978, p.
54).  The Apocrypha were less favorably received in the East than in the West. By the fourth century those works were regularly removed from readings in the East. In the West, in most settings, they were included as Scripture (Kelly 1978, p. 55).
    New Testament writings were recognized as Scripture at a very early period. Kelly cites Marcion, the second century heretic, as being the person who compelled Christians to make formal lists of what works belonged to a New Testament (Kelly 1978, p. 57). Kelly, evaluating this activity, notes that there is evidence of some recognized corpus of the New Testament prior to Marcion (Kelly 1978, p. 58). In any case, Marcion's rejection of some writings suggests a known collection from which some parts could be rejected. Kelly notes that the first actual list we have of our current New Testament works comes from Athanasius in 367, and that there was still ongoing debate about the contents into the sixth century (Kelly 1978, p. 60).
    Kelly notes that Christianity adopted a view of inspiration of Scripture from Judaism and quickly applied it to the New Testament writings as well as the Old (Kelly 1978, p. 61). The nature of inspiration as understood by the patristic authors was generally that the writers were taken into an ecstatic state and had little or no control of how they wrote what they did (Kelly 1978, p. 62). After the rise of Montanism, however, Christian interpreters tended to assign more personal care and consciousness to the biblical authors (Kelly 1978, p. 63).
    Issues of biblical interpretation were of considerable importance in early Christianity. In particular, the relationship of the Old and New Testaments was a matter of discussion (Kelly 1978, p. 64). A key interpretive element is seen in the canonical gospels as Chrsit and the evangelists treat the Old Testament as a Christian book, describing the Messiah (Kelly 1978, p. 65). This, then, is the pattern found in Acts and the epistles. A similar interpretation can be found in the post-apostolic authors as well. At times the interpretation of the Old Testament's symbolic references to Christ becomes more allegorical than most modern Chrsitians would like. Kelly describes a passage in the epistle of Barnabas (as interpreted by C.H. Dodd According to the Scriptures 1952, p. 9) in which Abraham's 318 servants show Christ. The Greek number 18 is IH, a common abbreviation of "Jesus." The number 300 is T, which looks like a cross (Kelly 1978, p. 66). Kelly goes on to note that such allegorical readings were not universal. There is a harmony between the Old and New Testaments. However, in general, the New Testament came to be seen as making the implications of the Old Testament more clear.
    Typology and allegory are terms normally used to describe interpretive methods. Kelly suggests avoiding the term "allegory" as it is understood differently now than it was in the patristic period (Kelly 1978, p. 70). In allegory, the details of a narrative itself play a relatively unimportant role, as they intend to symbolize other spiritual truths. The exegete's job is to identify these spiritual truths and explain them. In contrast to allegorical reading, typological readings interpret the Old Testament events as prefiguring or anticipating those in the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p. 71). The historical context of a type was important in determining its fulfillment, or antitype.
    Kelly observes that while typological exegesis became very normal within Christian teaching, allegorical exegesis was problematic. This is particularly the case in dealing with Marcionism and the various Gnostic movements, as they could pick and choose allegorical symbols to prove whatever they wished (Kelly 1978, p. 72). Allegorical interpretation was used in orthodox ways, particularly in Alexandria. However, it opened interpretive doors which could prove problematic (Kelly 1978, p. 73).
    Kelly refers finally to a reaction against allegorical exegesis of every sort. This reaction was centered in Antioch during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 75). These interpreters maintained that an adequate understanding of the text would be based on the facts of the text rather than a symbolic understanding of letters or numbers within the text. This emphasis led to typological interpretations but a rejection of allegory (Kelly 1978, p. 76). Symbolic language could be accepted as symbolic, but the Scriptures are normally located in literal times and events.

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Poetry and Music in Early Christianity

4/29/2025

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Church History
4/29/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§113. Church Poetry and Music." (pp. 2302-2305).
    Schaff observes the more important role of poetry and music when compared with art and architecture (Schaff 2014, p. 2303). The expression of specific tenets of Christianity in a clearly articulated and memorable verbal medium is of critical importance. The devotional nature of hymnody was therefore crucial in the life of Christians (Schaff 2014, p. 2304).
    Schaff notes early Christian use of the Psalms, as well as the apparent use of other, newly composed texts, some of which are quoted in the epistles (Schaff 2014, p. 2304). However, we have no known examples of the complete text of an early Christian song (Schaff 2014, p. 2305).

"§114. The Poetry of the Oriental Church." (pp. 2305-2312).
    As referenced above, Schaff observes we have no complete hymn texts from the first few centuries in the East, with the exception of the Te Deum and the Gloria in Excelsis (Schaff 2014, p. 2305). Orthodoxy may have been hesitant to use hymnody extensively due to the misuse of it within Gnostic and other heretical circles (Schaff 2014, p. 2306). In the fourth and fifth centuries Schaff notes conciliar resolutions against the use of such hymnody. In the late fourth century, however, numerous hymns were introduced, especially in Syrian regions (Schaff 2014, p. 2307). The sixth century saw broad acceptance of new songs in Greek territories.
    Schaff describes this Greek hymnody in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 23080. Historic Greek meters were quickly rejected, with the type of metrical structure found in Hebrew Poetry being favored. The forms of appropriate songs took on a regularity, thoguh the forms are more complex than recent Western Protestant hymnody. Both Greek and Latin hymnody of the period can be found in collections such as the Greek Menaea and the Latin Breviary (Schaff 2014, p. 2309). 

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Tradition, Then Scripture

4/24/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
4/24/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter Two: Tradition and Scripture." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 29-51). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    The question of the source of Christian doctrine is an important one, in Kelly's estimation. At some point, probably by the end of the first century, principles to interpret writings and practices became evident. otherwise, it would not have been possible to distinguish between orthodoxy and heresy (Kelly 1978, p.29). In his evaluation, Kelly considers the salient factors to be Scripture and Tradition. There was a clear identification of the authoritative apostolic writings as well as a known and continuous flow of traditional interpretation at a fairly early time (Kelly 1978, p.30). Kelly emphasizes that tradition as understood by the church fathers referred to the authoritative delivery of interpretations, something which would not be separated from and placed in opposition to Scripture.
    Kelly's investigation into the interplay of Scripture and tradition focuses on the period up to the middle of the second century, when canonical Scripture and doctrinal orthodoxy can be seen as relatively well established (Kelly 1978, p.31). During this period, the Old Testament was recognized by Christians as a Christian book, testifying to the person and work of Christ (Kelly 1978, p.32). The exegetical practices which led to this conclusion were likewise accepted as normative. The methodology used can be traced to the apostolic witness, thus placing it as part and parcel of the Christian tradition. Kelly cites numerous examples of church fathers identifying the authority of the interpretive methods of the apostles. In Kelly's view, the early Church did not consider this authority to be limited to apostolic documents. Rather, the documents may well have been accepted because they were consistent with the interpretive models which came from the apostolic period (Kelly 1978, p.33). The "preaching, liturgical action and catechetical instruction" may well have carried as much weight as the documents of the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p.34).
    As the ideas of gnosticism gained traction, Kelly observes that the distinctions between orthodoxy and gnosticism became more clear (Kelly 1978, p.35). Representatives of orthodoxy increasingly pointed to apostolic ideas. Meanwhile, purveyors of gnosticism made reference or claims to possessing secret apostolic gnosis. Kelly particularly notes this as shown in the writings of Irenaeus and Tertullian. Their claims, counter to gnosticism, were centered on a body of interpretive tradition derived from known apostolic teaching. Kelly describes Irenaeus' understanding of tradition as "'the canon of the truth.' Byu this he meant, as his frequent allusions to and citations from it prove, a condensed summary, fluid in its wording but fixed in content, setting out the key-points of the Christian revelation in the form of a rule" (Kelly 1978, p.37). The New Testament Scriptures, in Irenaeus' view, serve as a subsequent commitment of this teaching, produced in writing (Kelly 1978, p.38). The written documents then could be used as a reference to weigh the tradition which had previously been delivered to the Church (Kelly 1978, p.39).
    The understanding of the interplay of Scripture and Tradition described in the second century above became further entrenched in the Church during the third and fourth centuries (Kelly 1978, p.41). Kelly notes two changes. First, as Gnosticism lost influence, authors became less involved in articulating doctrines on the basis of apostolic tradition, preferring to use the Scripture as authoritative documents. At the same time, interpretations of the content of tradition tended to become broader (Kelly 1978, p.341). Yet Kelly observes that works such as Hippolytus' Apostolic tradition still affirmed practice which was derived from the earliest days of Christianity and which cannot be found in the same terms within the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p.44). Kelly provides multiple examples of third and fourth century authors alleging that heretical interpretations of the New Testament could not have been made if the heretics had rightly understood the historic traditions (Kelly 1978, p.44-48).
    By the fifth century, Kelly finds the practice of reference to past orthodoxy in order to clarify interpretation of Scripture or practices to become increasingly common (Kelly 1978, p.48). Teachers of the past were viewed as sources of authoritative interpretation. Kelly observes, though, that these past luminaries were not considered authoritative on their own, but by token of their rightly understanding both Scripture and tradition (Kelly 1978, p.49). This, I note, allows for embracing the sola scriptura of the Reformation.

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Six

4/22/2025

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Six

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Five gives parables about preparedness, ability, and care for others.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 371-404.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Matthew 26:2 has an identification of time, two days before the Passover, so Tuesday of Holy Week. The Jewish leaders at this time are determined to get rid of Jesus.

Verses 6-13 describe Jesus being anointed by a woman in Bethany. What does this action say about giving expensive gifts? What was the woman accomplishing?

Verses 14-16 describe Judas' arrangement to betray Jesus. Consider his incentive to do this.

Verses 17-25 describe preparations for Passover. The conversation turns to Jesus' upcoming betrayal. What is significant about the preparations? Consider also the interpersonal dynamic in verses 24-25.

The institution of the Lord's Supper is found in Matthew 26:26-30. Consider the way Christians have normally received communion, using almost identical words and actions, every Sunday. What does it give you?

Verses 31-35 predict Peter's denial of Jesus. Trace through the rest of this chapter and chapter 27 to see how Peter's rejection of Jesus progresses. Especially compare Jesus and his disciples in 26:36-46, then see them scattered afterward. Then return to Peter's actions in 26:69-74.

Verses 47-56 describe Jesus' arrest. In what ways does Jesus seem to be in charge of what happens? In what ways does he seem to be a victim of others?

Verses 57-68 describe Jesus' hearing before the Jewish authorities. What seems odd about the hearing?

​
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Early Christian Graphic Representative Arts

4/22/2025

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Church History
4/22/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§110. Images of Christ." (pp. 2290-2298).
    Schaff observes that the architecture of the Jewish temple made it clear that careful architecture was appropriate for Christians. however, painting and sculpture was less clear based on the second commandment (Lutherans and Roman Catholics  would include this in the first commandment.) (Schaff 2014, p. 2291). Images of Christ were controversial. They could signal idolatry within a pagan culture. Representations of Christ are first seen among Gnostics and other heretical groups, and may well have served as objects of adoration. They are first found in orthodix settings after the time of Constantine, when the victorious Lord is depicted in heavenly glory (Schaff 2014, p. 2292).
    Schaff observes a dispute about such artistic representations of Christ. Some rejected representative art in general, though more often rejecting images of Chrsit (Schaff 2014, p. 2293). This view can be seen expressed clearly in the writings of Eusebius. He llowed for symbolic representations, such as a good shepherd or Daniel among the lions. Others would not accept any of these pieces of art. On the other side of the debate were those who considered artistic representations of ideas and people as helpful in devotions, especially among those who did not read (Schaff 2014, p. 2294). In the East, sculpture was never embraced, while it was more accepted, though with hesitation, in the West. Painting tended to be widely accepted, especially as an aid in teaching. The Cappadocial Fathers in the fourth century embraced artistic representations of the apostles, prophets, and other biblical characters (Schaff 2014, p. 2295). Schaff cites numerous authors who expressed opinions on these matters.
    Schaff notes two different types of paintings of Christ. Some would depict Jesus as the calm, dignified, and gentle Jesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2297). These anticipate the representations by Raphael and Michelangelo. The second type of depictions focus on Jesus' sufferings, especially with his crown of thorns.


"§111. Images of Madonna and Saints." (pp. 2298-2301).
    In addition to representations of Jesus, it was common for artists to depict other characters in the Bible (Schaff 2014, p. 2298). Mary, the Magi, the evangelists, the Apostles, and others, including people from Christian history, would often be depicted. The Madonna was frequently portrayed, especially as "the ideal of female beauty, purity, and lovliness, and as resembling her divine Son" (Schaff 2014, p. 2299). Book manuscripts, homes, and even vestments were often decorated with such pictures. Actual reverence for the works of art developed in the sixth century, and was criticized by leaders such as Augustine.
    Schaff considers these works of art to be uncompelling as art, but recognizes that they played an important role in the devotion and the discussion of the Church (Schaff 2014, p. 2300).

"§112. Consecrated Gifts." (pp. 2301-2302).
    Schaff briefly describes the custom among pagans of making gifts to be stored in temples (Schaff 2014, p. 2301). At times apparently Jews would place important items in a shrine. This was also a known practice among Chrsitians particularly following the time of Constantine. Schaff describes several such offerings.

​
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Pre-Existing Influences on Early Christian Doctrine

4/17/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
4/17/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter I: The Background." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 3-28). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)

    Kelly's goal is to review doctrinal development from the end of the first century to the mid-fifth century (Kelly 1978, p. 3). The close of the first century marks the start of subapostolic development. The council of Chalcedon in 451 may well end this period of doctrinal creativity. Many issues central to Christianity were largely settled by this time.
    During the patristic period, Kelly sees a strong influence on Christianity coming from Judaism (Kelly 1978, p. 6). Especially at the start of the period, nearly all frameworks for thought were adapted from the world of Judaism. Kelly considers the two most important concepts to be the divine nature as consisting of separate persons but one nature, as well as the interest shown to angels (Kelly 1978, p. 7). Kelly notes that Philo of Alexandria and his interpretation of Platonic conceptions of deity had a profound influence on biblical interpretation, particularly on allegorical interpretations which could harmonize elements of philosophy and theology (Kelly 1978, p. 8). The concept of a logos, held as a creative and explanatory force, was prominent in Plato (Kelly 1978, p. 10). The connection between the divine logos and Plato's forms then becomes an important matter of consideration.
    The Roman Empire considered its classical religions to be significant. For this reason, Christianity arose in the context of a culturally religious atmosphere. Kelly observes that the Roman paganism had lost much of its practical power by the patristic period, but still was a source of cultural unification (Kelly 1978, p. 11). The rise of mystery religions with ceremonial meals and worship served as competitors of one another and of Christianity, also seen as an exotic, new religion (Kelly 1978, pp. 12-13).
    Greek philosophy, particularly Platonism and Stoicism, was influential, particularly among the educated elite (Kelly 1978, pp. 14-15). Particularly the Platonic theory of the non-sensible Forms was easily seen as analogous to a biblical concept of God. Kelly briefly summarizes Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic concepts which could influence Christian thought (Kelly 1978, pp. 16-20, passim). Kelly's synopsis of the philosophical viewpoints is particularly helpful as he makes brief mention by name of philosophers who emphasized particular concepts.
    Neoplatonism was characterized by a strong emphasis on the transcendence of God (Kelly 1978, pp. 20-21). These ideas, flourishing after about 200 A.D., could be interpreted as similar to Christian conception, especially regarding the persons of the Godhead. However, in significant ways, an interpretation of Christianity in Neo-Platonic terms leads directly to Gnosticism (Kelly 1978, p. 22).
    The various Gnostic groups were syncretistic in nature, drawing from a wide variety of sources, but always emphasizing the need for a sort of arcane knowledge (gnosis) which would lead to truth (Kelly 1978, p. 23). They typically articulated multiple levels of aeons, which served essentially as a pantheon. Some Gnostics have more affinity to orthodox Christianity than others. However, the entire system is deeply contradictory to Christianity (Kelly 1978, p. 26).

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Five

4/16/2025

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Five

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Four Jesus predicts the destruction of the temple.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 356-370.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Consider Matthew 25:1-13, the parable of the wise and foolish virgins. The parable speaks of a coming judgment in which the wise and foolish are separated. How do the details of the actions describe life in general? What does the passage say about coming judgment?

Verses 14-30 describe the work of the disciple of Christ in terms of a servant who has been entrusted with money to care for in the master's absence. How does God provide us with what we need to do his work? How do we use the resources he has provided? Consider stewardship of both time and money.

Verses 31-46 are a parable of final judgment. In the last day, Jesus will separate his disciples who are faithful from those who are not faithful. Consider the distinctions between the two groups and their treatment.

​
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Byzantine Style, Baptisteries, and Crosses

4/15/2025

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Church History
4/15/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§107. The Byzantine Style. (pp. 2283-2286).
    In about the sixth century, Schaff notes a growth of Byzantine architectural style. This was used in the West as a modification to basilica styles. In the East it replaced basilica style and became well enough rooted to remain in use to the present. The style is characterized by a "hemispherical dome . . . supported by massive columns" (Schaff 2014, p. 2284). Attention is thus drawn upward and to the center, rather than to the quarter sphere at the liturgical east as in the basilica. The basilica draws attention to the altar, while the Byzantine style draws attention to heaven above the center of the congregation. It is common for the main dome to be surrounded by four smaller domes (Schaff 2014, p. 2285). Schaff describes the Hagia Sophia as an outstanding example of the form (Schaff 2014, pp. 2285-2286). While the form was developed in the sixth century, modifications to basilicas in the West were not common until the ninth century and afterward.

"§108. Baptisteries, Grave-Chapels, and Crypts." (pp. 2286-2288).
    The construction of special buildings for baptism began in the fourth century, with acceptance of Christianity as a licit religion (Schaff 2014, p. 2287). Baptism by immersion was still common at this time, and there were often many candidates for baptism, which was typically performed four times per year. The structure of a baptistery was generally round and under a dome. Several steps went down into the water. Normally the structure was divided into a side for each sex.
    "After the sixth century, when the baptism of adults had become rare, it became customary to place a baptismal basin in the porch of the church, or in the church itself, at the left of the entrance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2288). This became typical in parish churches as pastors, rather than only bishops, became engaged in baptizing people. 

"§109. Crosses and Crucifixes." (pp. 2288-2290).
    Use of crosses and the sign of the cross dates back at least to the second century (Schaff 2014, p. 2289). Schaff observes that the use of a cross could and did often become a matter of superstition, bringing criticism upon Christians as early as the time of Tertullian. This is not surprising, yet it is unfortunate. Schaff notes that about the sixth century we begin to see crosses with a figure of Christ or a lamb attached to them (Schaff 2014, p. 2290). Eventually in the East three-dimensional figures of Chrsit were banned, though pictures were allowed. Other people were sometimes added to artistic representations of a cross, such as Mary or others who were present at the death of Jesus. 

​
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Matthew 28 - Life in the Resurrection

4/10/2025

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New Testament Studies
4/10/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 28" In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1596-1659). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

"Matthew 28:1-10 The Promise Kept with One to God: Jesus Is Raised and Will Go to Galilee." (pp. 1596-1613).
    Matthew 28:1-10 describes the first post-resurrection events. Jesus moves from the dead to showing himself as very much alive. After extensive grammatical and textual notes, Gibbs notes that these verses easily divide into three parts (Gibbs 2018, p. 1603). First, the angel opens the tomb. Second, the angel tells the women not to fear. Third, Jesus appears to the women and sends them on their way with the message of resurrection.
    In Matthew 28:1, the women had gone to visit Jesus' grave. They had no expectation of finding Jesus alive (Gibbs 2018, p. 1604). Yet not only was there an earthquake, but they met an angel of God who caused the earthquake. Gibbs notes the multiple uses of ἰδοῦ (behold) in this passage. Something worth watching was happening. Not only has the angel removed the stone blocking the entrance to the tomb, but he has also frightened the soldiers so they could do nothing to guard the tomb (Gibbs 2018, p. 1606).
    The angel reminds the women not to fear. This is because Jesus is risen, in accord with his promise (Gibbs 2018, p. 1607). For this reason, the women are to go and tell the disciples that Jesus will keep another promise, that of appearing to them in Galilee (Gibbs 2018, p. 1608). Gibbs observes that this promise was made in Matthew 26:31-32. In the context, the disciples were all denying that they would fall away. Now, in chapter 28, Jesus will gather his scattered sheep again.
    To cap off the work of the angel, in Matthew 28:8-10 Jesus himself appears to the women while they go to the disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1609). The women were moved to worship Jesus. Their move to grab Jesus' feet testifies to a real physical presence, counter to Gnostic views that Jesus only seemed human (Gibbs 2018, p. 1610). It is significant, in Gibbs' estimation, that when Jesus repeats the call for the women to go to the disciples he calls them "my brothers" (28:10_ (Gibbs 2018, p. 1611). This serves as an affirmation that they can be reconciled to Jesus. It also suggests that they have a mission like his, to proclaim the Gospel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1612). It finally draws attention from the start of Psalm 22, referenced several times in chapter 27, to the later part of Psalm 22, which speaks of brothers and victory. Gibbs will unpack this further in his comments about Matthew 28:16-20 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1612). 

"Matthew 28:11-15 The Reign of Heaven Will Continue to Suffer, Even in Light of Easter." (pp. 1614-1620).
    In his notes regarding the text of Matthew 28:11-15, Gibbs observes the strong parallels between chapters 27 and 28 (Gibbs 2018, pp. 1614-1617). The soldiers, having recovered from their encounter with the angel, report what has happened to the high priest (Gibbs 2018, p. 1617). Gibbs briefly speculates about the content of the report from the soldiers. While we have no clear information about it, we can assume they reported the angelic encounter and the fact that Jesus was no longer in the tomb (Gibbs 2018, p. 1618). The most reasonable story to spread was that the soldiers fell asleep and the disciples stole the body. Gibbs notes the soldiers must have received a lot of money from the religious leaders, as sleeping on duty was a serious offense.

"Matthew 28:16-20 The Risen Jesus Assures, Sends, and Accompanies His Israel in Mission to All the Gentiles/Nations." (pp. 1621-1649).
    Matthew brings his Gospel account to an end by discussing the final earthly appearance of Jesus to his remaining eleven disciples. After extensive grammatical notes, Gibbs specifies that his commentary here will reference Matthew's Gospel as an independent source rather than making an attempt to harmonize the various topics as recorded in all four canonical Gospels (Gibbs 2018, p. 1628). In brief outline, he considers the passage to center on the identity of Jesus, the identity of the Eleven, and the identity of the Gentiles/nations.
    Matthew 28:16 describes Jesus appearing to his disciples in Galilee. Gibbs sees Galilee as the particular place of revelation of Jesus, as well as of reconciliation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1629). It is in Galilee that much of Jesus' ministry has centered. From Galilee is the place where the light of God will shine to all the world. Verse 17 shows the Eleven worshiping Jesus, now reconciled to him after they fell away. Yet some of the Eleven still had doubts. Gibbs considers the text to refer here still to the Eleven rather than referring to others, not of the Eleven (Gibbs 2018, p. 1630).
    Gibbs considers that, according to Matthew, jesus has fulfilled all things, including, as foreshadowed in Matthew 28:10, completing the second half of Psalm 22, where the Psalmist sparks of a proclamation to "my brothers" (Ps. 22:23) (Gibbs 2018, p. 1632). Gibbs describes a number of ways in which the final sentences of Jesus in Matthew's Gospel connect to the second portion of Psalm 22. 
    Gibbs sees the appearance of Jesus to his disciples in Galilee as a reference to Daniel chapter seven, as Jesus is presented as the glorious Son of Man (Gibbs 2018, p. 1633). He is further presented as the Son of God, a clearly divine identity (Gibbs 2018, p. 1634). Gibbs notes the singular divine name Jesus shares with the Father and the Holy Spirit. As with other themes in Matthew, Gibbs considers the names used of Jesus throughout Matthew are now more clearly understood as part of the divine name. Gibbs takes this to be a means by which Jesus' various claims of his identity are finally vindicated (Gibbs 2018, p. 1637). He is fully shown as the Lord of all, the fulfillment of God's promises to the world.
    Gibbs takes Matthew 28:16-20 to also show definitively who the Eleven disciples are in their restoration to Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1638). Matthew has earlier established the special nature of Jesus' work through them. They have a special authority and special tasks (Gibbs 2018, p. 1639). In a way they represent the different tribes of Israel, as Jesus represents Israel in one person. Gibbs then sees the disciples as a start of the Church. However, he cannot say they serve as a replacement of Israel. Rather, he contends that the disciples serve for the Church as the patriarchs did for Israel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1640). Jesus is the fulfillment, rather than the replacement, for Israel.
    The command Jesus gives to his disciples in Matthew 28:19 is to make disciples. This remains the mission of the Church (Gibbs 2018, p. 1640). They do this by baptizing and teaching, with the promised presence of Jesus. Gibbs emphasizes that "ultimately the work of making disciples is rooted in [Jesus'] authority to save" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1641). It is decidedly not an authority held by the disciples. Jesus' summary of how they are to make disciples is that they do it baptizing and teaching others. The baptizing is specifically trinitarian in nature (Gibbs 2018, p. 1642). This brings people into a participation with God as Jesus has shown throughout Matthew. They are associated with Jesus' death and resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1643). The command to make disciples was given to the Eleven. However, Gibbs is clear that work continues to belong to the whole Church in every age. Those are the people who have been made into disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1645). Gibbs takes the mission of Matthew 28:19-20 to be incumbent on those who are pastors, but that it also applies to other Christians. All God's people are to evangelize (Gibbs 2018, p. 1646). Yet pastors are uniquely involved in the process.
    Verse 19 also refers to the people who are evangelized and taught, the "Gentiles," or the "nations" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1647). However, Gibbs maintains that ethnic Israel is always to be included in proclamations of the Gospel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1648). All the people of the world are to be baptized and taught.

"Excursus: The Resurrection of Jesus in Matthew's Gospel and in the New Testament." (pp. 1650-1659).
    Gibbs writes this brief excursus after his thoroughgoing commentary on Matthew' Gospel because, in his opinion, much of Western Christianity has emphasized the death of Jesus with scarce consideration of his resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1650). Without the resurrection, the story remains incomplete. And Gibbs finds that whenever the word εὐαγγέλιον (Gospel) is used in Matthew it always is related to events involved in the reign of Jesus, something which takes place in the resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1652). Jesus not only predicts his death, but also his resurrection.
    Gibbs reviews a number of passages within Matthew in which it becomes clear that it is necessary that Jesus be raised. The final judgment, in particular, cannot happen until the time of resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1652). It is particularly clear from Jesus' use of texts from Psalms that the resurrection is critical to God's plan (Gibbs 2018, p. 1653). Of great importance in Gibbs' thought is the process by which, in Matthew 27, Jesus makes a cry of dereliction, then is raised from the dead to be received to heaven in Matthew 28 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1656). The cycle of dereliction and reconciliation is central to the work of redemption.

​
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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Four

4/8/2025

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Four

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Three Jesus condemns the actions of the Pharisees.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 337-356.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

In Matthew 24:1-3 the disciples wonder at the impressive temple. in the end, Jesus says even that will be destroyed. What are some things you think of as permanent? What if they are destroyed?

Verses 4-8 show some signs that the end of the world may be near. What is our response to this news? What of Jesus' statement that it is just the beginning?

Verses 9-14 speak of cultural changes. What is our response? How do we prepare for a time like this?

In verses 15-25 the picture grows darker. How are we to respond to such trials?

Verses 26-31 speak of both deception and the return of Jesus. Is there any danger of not noticing his return? 

Signs point to some different reality. What do the signs in Matthew 24 point to?

How do we live as people who expect the Lord's return?

​
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