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Sources for Didache 1.3b-2.1

9/22/2023

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9/22/23
Scholarly Reflections
Kloppenborg, John S. "Chapter Six: The Use of the Synoptics or Q in Did. 1:3b-2:1." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 105-129.

Kloppenborg observes that recent scholarship has moved from considering the Didache dependent on canonical texts to its independence (Kloppenborg 2005, 106). Upon comparison with various other early Christian church orders, Kloppenborg considers Didache 1:3b-2:1 to be of great importance, as numerous texts present the greater context of the Two Ways material, but only some include 1:3b-2:1 (Kloppenborg 2005, 107). The discussion of dependence and its direction is complicated, and has led various scholars to even contradictory conclusions (Kloppenborg 2005, 108-109).

At issue in interpretation is not the fact that there are differences between the Didache and the Synoptic texts, but evaluation of the significance of those differences (Kloppenborg 2005, 110). In Kloppenborg's view, this discussion is made more challenging if the Synoptic texts were fluid in nature for some time before arriving at a final form. Not only the fact that a text could change, but also the fact that the Didache tends to make allusions rather than quotations causes difficulties (Kloppenborg 2005, 111). It is very difficult to identify the definitive source of an allusion. Kloppenborg suggests the most fruitful way of evaluating the dependence would be to identify areas where the Didache specifically uses material which must by its nature have been revised by a redactor (Kloppenborg 2005, 112).

Didache 1:3b-2:1 may be of importance as we consider the relationship between the Didache and Matthew's Gospel (Kloppenborg 2005, 113). In this passage, Kloppenborg considers the material related to Matthew to be heavily reworked. The material, compared with the statement of Jesus included in Matthew, has been expanded. This has suggested to some, including Koester, to assign it to the work of a different redactor than other parts of the Didache (Kloppenborg 2005, 114). While Kloppenborg recognizes that the critical edition of a reconstruction of Q is a hypothetical document, he also observes that it was prepared without reference to the Didache (Kloppenborg 2005, 115). The passage, however, does line up with material in the Q edition. The admonition to pray for enemies occurs both in Q and in Didache 1:3b. Kloppenborg finds developments in the Didache when comparing it to the material he sees as a common source for Luke and Q (Kloppenborg 2005, 120). However, in his subsequent discussion he doesn't find entirely conclusive evidence for the way dependence or wording may be confirmed. The purpose of prayer for enemies in Didache 1:3b is to win them over. This differs from many of the New Testament passages, where there may be a motive of gaining God's favor (Kloppenborg 2005, 123). The clearest evidence Kloppenborg finds of a reference specifically to Matthew rather than Q or Luke is the statement of the "right" cheek in Didache 1:6. Here, though, many commentators take Matthew to be dependent on the Didache, which may further complicate the situation (Kloppenborg 2005, 124). The remaining possible piece of evidence is a command to give freely, even in the case of a request for a theft of garments (Kloppenborg 2005, 126). Here the Didache and Luke are more similar, while Matthew deviates.

Kloppenborg concludes that there is no concrete evidence for the Didache's dependence on a specific source, whether Matthew, Luke, or Q. It has significant differences from other works (Kloppenborg 2005, 129). The compiler may well have known Luke, and possibly knew Matthew and Q, but we cannot be entirely certain.
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Sermon on the Mount and Two Ways

9/21/2023

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9/21/23
Scholarly Reflections
Syreeni, Kari. "Chapter Five: The Sermon on the Mount and the Two Ways Teaching of the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 87-103.

Syreeni takes the Two Ways portion of Didache 1-6 to be significantly similar to the Sermon on the Mount of Matthew 5-7 (Syreeni 2005, 87). However, when evaluated in terms of catechetical object, composition history, and possible source material, they are not very similar. So as to work toward a possible history of development, Syreeni begins with the Didache, which he assumes to presuppose Matthew, then looks to earlier stages.

The Didache contains both a catechetical section and a section we would take as a church order. Syreeni considers both to have been adapted as they were pulled into a collection of materials (Syreeni 2005, 88). The various segments may rightly be understood as fitting into different genres. Syreeni also views the sections of the Didache as self-consciously not exhaustive. They do not provide everything that might be taught before baptism or all one would need in terms of community practices (Syreeni 2005, 89). They point out essential principles.

Syreeni reviews the materials within Diache 1-6, noting that the conceptual framework is similar at some points to material in the Epistle of Barnabas, and that the concepts stress boundaries between Christianity and paganism, rather than between Christianity and Judaism (Syreeni 2005, 91). Due to the relative clumsiness of Barnabas, Syreeni considers the Two Ways materials in the Didache to be based on Baranabas, rather than the opposite flow of influence (Syreeni 2005, 92). It is further possible that both Barnabas and the Didache drew on a common source. Syreeni does think there is something which underlies Barnabas, though he does not pursue it in this chapter (Syreeni 2005, 93).

Syreeni notes that the Didache has particular ways of dealing with moral exhortation. Specifically, prohibitions are drawn from the second part of the decalogue. Leviticus 19:18 is present, and there is an address to "my child" (Syreeni 2005, 94). These uncercurrents in gathering commands could lead both to the distillation of Torah in James and also to the Sermon on the Mount. Syreeni is clear that this is not a necessary outcome but that it is certainly a possible one (Syreeni 2005, 96).

Next, Syreeni considers the compositional history of Matthew 5-7, which he takes to be clearly based on Q 6:20b-49, as informed by his two source theory (Syreeni 2005, 97). The intent of Matthew is to produce a gospel based on narrative and discourses, while the Didache is identified as a paraneitic set of instructions (Syreeni 2005, 98). The Sermon on the Mount is an example of what Jesus, in 28:19, would refer to as what he commanded his disciples. Syreeni takes the Sermon on the Plain in Luke to be constructed from the same Q material. Though Q is a hypothetical document, Syreeni notes that it also has a debated history of composition. He summarizes that the passage is a composite of several groups of sayings (Syreeni 2005, 99). Logically, he finds ties to the structure of the Didache, with an early emphasis on discipleship, further moral teacings, and eschatology toward the end. The redaction which could lead to Matthew 5-7 shows marks of oral enhancement and reorganization of ideas in order to strengthen its impact (Syreeni 2005, 100). Syreeni does not consider it conclusive either that Matthew 5-7 shows the work of a community or of an individual redactor (Syreeni 2005, 101).

Syreeni concludes that while Matthew knew of Two Ways teachings, the Sermon on the Mount was not directly influenced by them. However, both Matthew 5-7 and Didache 1-6 set out to teach essentials of the Christian faith, using Jewish patterns, and taking fairly similar structural paths (Syreeni 2005, 102).
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The Didache's Audience

9/20/2023

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9/20/23
Scholarly Reflections
Milavec, Aaron. "Chapter Four: When, Why, and for Whom Was the Didache Created? Insights into the Social and Historical Setting of the Didache Communities." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 63-84.

Milavec observes that his view of the Didache evolved in the period since about 1990. He sees more of an "intentional unity" in the text than he had before. He also finds less reason to take the Didache as dependent on a canonical gospel than he had previously (Milavec 2005, 63). The oral character suggests a teaching which would have been stable for some time in an oral form. For this reason, the rigidity of textual studies based on literary dependence seem out of place in regards to the Didache (Milavec 2005, 64).

Milavec's studies of orality moved him to memorize the work as an oral "performance piece." He reports being surprised at the ease with which he did so, as well as the grasp he gained of the overall logic and organization of the Didache (Milavec 2005, 65). He finds it to be a fruitful piece of teaching with a strong pastoral concern for transforming the lives of its hearers.

Milavec takes the "Way of Life" in the Didache as a signal of the training a master would provide for his apprentices (Milavec 2005, 66). He emphasizes that the apprenticeship process is a lengthy type of learning, not only information but life values. In the Didache the mentor is speaking from God, so is to be accepted with a certain reverence (Didache 4.1) (Milavec 2005, 67). The mentoring was quite possibly individual in nature. Milavec notes the use of the second person singular to address the disciple (Milavec 2005, 68). One would expect that men would teach men and women would teach women. Milavec considers the relatively nonsexist language (addresses to "child" rather than "son," for instance) to indicate that it was expected that both men and women would be disciples (Milavec 2005, 69).

Milavec moves on to walk through several topics of the Didache, describing the logical order and connections. It is of primary importance that a convert pray for his enemies expecting that there will be opposition to conversion. The convert's family and friends may, in this way, become at enmity (Milavec 2005, 70). It is important to pray for those people and seek peace despite the conflict.

The Didache speaks of giving first in 1:4-5, then in 4:5-8. While at first, the novice is to give freely, Milavec sees this as an initial surrender upon conversion. Later, in chapter four, he sees an ongoing sharing in the community (Milavec 2005, 71). Milavec notes that a Roman attitude toward private property would normally take no concern for sharing with the poor. The giving in the Didache cares for the poor while making no attempt at self-promotion (Milavec 2005, 72).

Milavec next observes that the training presents prohibitions first, then positive virtues, and that this is done in progressive layers, dealing with the simplest directives before increasing difficulty (Milavec 2005, 72). The program is thus organized for the greatest success. The most difficult conflict resolution situations are reserved for the end of the teaching, in chapters 14 and 15 (Milavec 2005, 73).

Obedience to the Jewish Law is a matter of important discussion as regards the Didache. Milavec notes that both Flusser and Draper, seemingly independently, concluded that converts would be expected to adhere to the Torah as much as possible (Milavec 2005, 73). Milavec, however, takes Didache 4:13 to exhort obedience to the teaching of the Didache, rather than the Torah (Milavec 2005, 74). Though strong demands are made, Milavec observes flexibility, but not in the standard. "When it comes to achieving these things, however, allowance is made for failure and for gradualism" (Milavec 2005, 75). Confession of failings moves people to shame and urges them to diligence in correcting the failings.

Milavec understands a prohibition against food sacrificed to idols to have been placed very shortly before the time of baptism because family meals and celebrations in pagan circles would routinely involve an offering to a deity. To avoid this would be virtually impossible in society before being welcomed, as Milavec sees it, to the communal Christian meals. Therefore, the prohibition is delayed until the immediate pre-baptismal period (Milavec 2005, 76). After the fast, during which any nourishment which had been sacrificed to idols was expelled from the body, the convert and others would fast, in solidarity with one another (Milavec 2005, 77). The eucharistic meal would then be received. Milavec observes that while Didache 9-10 speaks of eucharist, so does chapter 14. After surveying disparate views of the reason, he concludes that while the eucharist is in essence the same, the earlier context is that of baptism and the later version is what regularly occurred in the life of the congregation (Milavec 2005, 79).

Milavec observes that the Didache and Matthew's Gospel both deal with many similar situations (Milavec 2005, 80). This is common to Christianity. When dealing with instance of sin, he sees the two texts as taking different approaches. The Didache has a culture of confessing, with a shunning of members who will not change their ways (14:1, 15:3). Matthew sees the offending member as confronted with a need for repentance numerous times before any sort of shunning (Matt. 18:15-18). Milavec sees the model in Matthew, which bears Jesus' endorsement, as persuasive enough that the Didache community would have certainly adopted it if they had been aware of Matthew (Milavec 2005, 81).

Milavec briefly surveys opinions about provenance and date of the Didache (Milavec 2005, 81-83). He concludes that the Didache was composed with no awareness of the canonical gospels, thus probably at an early date.
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Matthew's Community

9/19/2023

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9/19/23
Scholarly Reflections

Weren, Wim. "Chapter Three: The History and Social setting of the Matthean Community." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 51-62.

In this paper, Weren seeks out the history and setting of Matthew's Gospel, a task made difficult due to the lack of external witness (Weren 2005, 51). He identifies the "community" as not necessarily one local group, but likely a number of groups, possibly spread out geographically, which share substantial agreement. Rather than focusing on the period around A.D. 80, when many critical scholars would identify a final phase of redaction, he looks at three phases of construction (Weren 2005, 52). First, he considers a period prior to 70 and a community mostly identified as Jews. Second, he studies the period between 70 and 80, as the group would consider themselves Jewish Christians. Third, he looks at final redactional moves as the Christians associate with many non-Jews. Weren acknowledges that the boundaries among these times are not clear. 

In the first period of development, Weren considers the Christians to have been largely associated with their Jewish heritage and community. During this period, he takes the community to have focused on the sayings of Jesus, particularly those which were not later found in the other canonical gospels (Weren 2005, 53). Matters such as temple customs were familiar and considered normal. Weren refers us, for example, to Matthew 4:5; 17:24-27; 5:23-24; 5:17-19; 23:23; and 6:1-18. The community focused evangelism toward other Jews and would expect the return of Jesus (10:6, 23). Weren takes this to reflect a condition prior to the destruction of the temple. While Weren would consider various possible locations, the action seems to be centered in Capernaum or Galilee.

After the destruction of the temple in A.D. 70, Jewish life was necessarily changed. Weren sees this as a time of "urgent reorientation" (Weren 2005, 55). There was a rise in the importance of the rabbinic culture, which worked for unity and a Jewish identity, even without temple worship. Weren considers this to be the period in which conflict would have arisen between the Christians and the Pharisees, who would now be linked with the scribes. In these passages of Matthew, the Pharisees are depicted very negatively. Weren does note that the concept may not have been invented by the Christians. "The Christian Jews knew themselves backed by Jesus, who had also disputed Pharisaic interpretations of the Torah on a number of points" (Weren 2005, 55). The Christians therefore emphasized the power and authority of Jesus, over against the claims of Pharisees who sought to strengthen and purify the Jewish people. Weren observes that the two opposing groups were both intent on using Scripture to assert their points of view and considered that they were rooted in right tradition (Weren 2005, 56). Because of the conflict with the Pharisees, the Christians were separating from the mainstream of Judaism. Weren sees the Christians placing leaders in roles which might be parallel to Jewish people. For instance, rather than the scribes, who would ensure fidelity, Peter's apostolic role carries a preaching and teaching authority which would assure orthodoxy (Weren 2005, 57). Weren notes a geographical shift at this time as well, with Christians tending to move from lower Galilee to upper Galilee, where there was less influence of the Pharisees.

Weren moves on to the third phase of development, about 80-90 A.D., as Christian Jews tend to build relationships with a broader range of Christian communities (Weren 2005, 58). Here the terminology is important. For instance, Weren notes "among Jews" rather han "the" Jews. He also finds "their synagogues" as opposed to "my church." Further, "In 8:11-12, the expression, 'the children of the kingdom' is an honorary name for the people of Israel, but in 13:38 this appellation is attributed to the followers of Jesus" (Weren 2005, 59). The Christians have appropriated terminology of being God's chosen people. At this time, Weren considers the community to have begun drawing in material from Q and Mark which would speak to a mission to the world, as opposed to Jewish communities. The movement has become more cosmopolitan in nature. There is a decreased emphasis on the Jewish laws, along with a greater emphasis on Jesus for all nations (Weren 2005, 60). Elements such as worship using the Lord's Supper, the Lord's prayer, and application of baptism took precedence, as the group was more clearly distinct from its Jewish heritage. With this new identity, an awareness of false prophets and the danger of false teaching was increasing (Weren 2005, 61). This can be explained by the proliferation of traveling prophets.

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Matthew, Didache, and Ignatius of Antioch

9/18/2023

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9/18/23
Scholarly Reflections

Jefford, Clayton N. "Chapter Two: The Milieu of Matthew, the Didache, and Ignatius of Antioch: Agreements and Differences." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 35-47.

Jefford holds a position that Matthew, the Didache, and the genuine letters of Ignatius all have an Antiochian provenance, though he admits that the evidence for Antioch is tenuous for Matthew and the Didache (Jefford 2005, 36).The texts show signs of access to the same underlying resources, and Ignatius, though he doesn't use Matthew extensively, seems more influenced by Matthew than by the other canonical gospels. While the evidence remains tenuous, Jefford thinks one can make a reasoned conclusion that the same community exercised a strong ifnluence on the three works.

Jefford briefly considers arguments for Egypt as the provenance, observing all are inconclusive (Jefford 2005, 37). British scholarship has historically suggested Palestine as the provenance for the Didache. However, recent scholarship has tended to move at least the final stages of development of the Didache "away from Palestine toward Syria" (Jefford 2005, 38). He also finds some strength in arguments that Matthew may reflect a Syrian context.

The work of Jonathan Draper has recently made some credible suggestions that the Didache depends on a Q tradition which may have accumulated material as the community moved from Palestine to Syria (Jefford 2005, 39). Jefford considers Matthew to show many signs of influence from a Q community as well. The interplay of an established community and influences from outside the community is, in his opinion, an important similarity between Matthew and the Didache. The similarity in concepts but not in wording suggests dependence on similar oral sources, rather than a written source (Jefford 2005, 40). A challenge with this interpretation is presented by the actual use of the materials. Jefford observes that the same idea may be presented in very different contexts in Matthew and the Didache (Jefford 2005, 41). This could easily be taken to show the two texts have different provenance. Yet Jefford takes it as evidence that different authors applied the relevant ideas to different situations.

Jefford reminds his readers that we understand there to be, by necessity, a Jewish background to early Christianity. The influence of Paul was significant to the development of Christianity as well (Jefford 2005, 42). While Pauline theology is not clear in the Didache, we can see that Paul attests to communities in which there are elements both of Jewish and non-Jewish Chrsitianity. We know tha Antioch had both elements, as evidenced by remains in Antioch and by Acts 15 and Galatians 2 (Jefford 2005, 42). The Pauline influence in Antioch is clear, particularly as we consider the concerns which Ignatius shares in his letters (Jefford 2005, 43). Jefford notes the emphasis on heirarchy in Ignatius. Later bishops also show signs of dealing with Jewish factions in Christianity. This suggests there were Pauline and Petrine emphases in the same city.

Jefford considers it important to his inquiry that we attempt to identify the gospel text (or texts) which Ignatius would have taken as authoritative. This is a challenge, since Ignatius only clearly uses a handful of Old Testament writings (Jefford 2005, 44). There are no appeals to Mark, and only perhaps one allusion to Luke. While Jefford finds evidence of John's world of thought there are no quotations. Pauline interpretation seems clear. And the scholarly community largely agrees that Ignatius not only knew and used Matthew, but that he expected his readers to know Matthew as well (Jefford 2005, 45). Jefford therefore concludes that Antioch is a likely provenance for Matthew, and that the apparent parallels in the contexts of Matthew and the Didache suggest the same provenance for the Diache (Jefford 2005, 46). The confluence of evidence suggests to Jefford that Antioch is the most likely large city to serve, primarily due to the fact that Ignatius is clearly associated with that community.
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Judaism and Christianity in Syria

9/15/2023

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9/15/23
Scholarly Reflections
Romeny, Bas ter Haar. "Chapter One: Hypotheses on the Development of Judaism and Christianity in Syria in the Period After 70 C.E." in Van de Sandt, Huub (editor). Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu? Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005, 13-33.

Romeny observes that there is scant concrete evidence for the nature of Christianity in Syria between about 70 and 200. Few written sources exist, and the best source we have, Eusebius, wrote in the early fourth century (Romeny 2005, 13). The Mishna is compiled possibly as early as the early third century. The perspective of the sources also represent the view of those who had won out in theological conflict, so we have little actual material from other voices. For this reason, Romeny speaks in hypothetical terms.

Romeny finds material from the city of Edessa to be valuable. Here there was an early Christian community and we find a Syriac translation of the Old Testament, which signifies Jewish roots to the Christian community (Romeny 2005, 13). There is also inscriptional evidence which reveals some local perspectives. Romeny additionally notes the existence of "Bardasian's Dialogue on Fate (from the beginning of the third century)" (Romeny 2005, 14). There are also some pertinent Pseudepigrapha and Apocrypha. While these materials provide documentation of some divergent ideas within Judaism and Christianity, they provide very little actual context.

The text of Josephus' Jewish Antiquities is also of importance, though Romeny observes it was adopted by Christian authors as early as Origen, in order to assert their own interpretation of failings of Judaism which led to the fall of Jerusalem in 70 (Romeny 2005, 16). Within Jewish commentary, the events of 70 were also seen as cataclysmic, but relatively quickly the changes were seen as a needed reform, resulting in a more unified rabbinic leadership structure.

The city of Edessa contains several sources of information from the second and early third century, which Romeny considers to provide fairly useful information, though he reminds the reader that we proceed cautiously (Romeny 2005, 18). Romeny continues by detailing a number of ways in which we can assume reasonably safely similarities between Edessa and other Syrian cities of the period. He particularly notes a fusion of Greek and Syriac elements within culture and philosophy (Romeny 2005, 19). 

While Romeny finds evidence for Christianity in Edessa in the second century, he questions what kind of relationship we can affirm between it and Judaism (Romeny 2005, 21). Tatian, who moved back to his native Syria from Rome in 177, makes oblique statements about how he learned his Christian philosophy. His work in the Diatessaron is an apparent response to Marcion, who rejected much of the New Testament (Romeny 2005, 22). The asceticism of Tatian appears in other works, such as the Acts of Judas Thomas and the gospel of Thomas, both of which Romeny considers to have a connection to Edessa (Romeny 2005, 23). He further observes that connections between Edessa and Jerusalem are made in several Jewish traditions.

Romeny adds to the picture the question of the Peshitta, the Syriac version of the Bible, possibly of either Jewish or Christian origin (Romeny 2005, 25). One of the challenges with a Christian origin of the translation is the fact that the early Christian authors we know of from the 2nd-4th centuries knew Greek but not Hebrew. Translations of the Hebrew Bible into other languages in this period can be traced more readily to the Septuagint than to a Hebrew origin (Romeny 2005, 26). The Peshitta shows signs of translation which considered prayer rather than sacrifice as of primary importance, and Romeny cites Weitzman as describing a prayer-cult in which times of prayer were substituted for times of sacrifice (Romeny 2005, 27). This could suggest a Jewish origin, but one which would pass fairly easily to a Christian community. Romeny asks whether this signifies a particular, discrete community or a broader societal trend (Romeny 2005, 28).

Evidence from funerary inscriptions in Edessa suggests that in our period about ten percent of the population was Jewish, and normally used Jewish Aramaic script for inscriptions (Romeny 2005, 28). It is not completely clear to Romeny whether Chrsitians were distinct from pagans in their language use, but it is clear that Jews used a different script than pagans when they marked graves. The Peshitta, however, is in the script typically used by the pagans and Christians. Romeny suggests this may lead us to conclude that the translators were not ethnically Jewish but were Christians of gentile origin (Romeny 2005, 29). He further thinks the shift of emphasis from sacrifice to prayer could be characteristic of a gentile Christian understanding as opposed to a Jewish interpretation. The conflict between Christians and Marcionites could also be a strong motivation for Christians to produce an Old Testament in a local language (Romeny 2005, 30).

Romeny further theorizes that the lack of mention of Jews as separate from Christians in Edessan inscriptions could suggest that the Christians saw no clear difference between themselves and Jews. There may have been no clear distinction (Romeny 2005, 30). While James Dunn sees a sharp contrast by the year 135, Romeny thinks the evidence of this emerges later, close to the end of the second century.

That there was a Christian presence in Edessa in the second century is undeniable (Romeny 2005, 31). It probably arrived in different forms at slightly different times. The boundaries were not necessarily clear at first, but differentiated over time, giving rise to some writings which have different emphases. The teachings and loyalties may well have overlapped as the society involved many personal interactions (Romeny 2005, 32). Over time, the differentiation could be classified more clearly.

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Matthew and Torah

9/14/2023

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9/14/23
Scholarly Observations
Repschinski, Boris. "Chapter Ten: Conclusions." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 173-176.

Matthew's view of Torah is a recurring matter of consideration when we evaluate early Christian documents. Repschinski observes that Matthew shows a strong regard for the Mosaic Law, counter to many early Christian authors, including the authors included in the Canon (Repschinski 2008, 173). Matthew shows Jesus' teaching about the Law at many points, making it more like a living document which has very concrete implications to daily life than many other interpretations (Repschinski 2008, 174). Though Matthew deals very little with mission to Gentiles, the account was quickly adopted and used among Gentiiles (Repschinski 2008, 176). This suggests that the emphasis on observance of the Law was focused on showing love for neighbors and on showing Jewish people that the Gospel was not intended to negate their history or culture.

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Matthew and Jesus

9/13/2023

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9/13/23
Scholarly Observations
Sim, David C. "Chapter Nine: Matthew and Jesus of Nazareth." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 155-172.

In this chapter, Sim sets out to make "a comparison of Matthew's portrayal of Jesus with the real Jesus of history" (Sim 2008, 155). Sim goes on to describe his view of Matthew (whom he has concluded was not a disciple of Jesus) and how he adopted various creations of the early church. This results, in Sim's view, in Matthew not serving as a reliable source of information about the actual Jesus. As material for analysis, Sim selects "Jesus' involvement in a Gentile mission and . . . the attitude of Jesus towards the Torah" (Sim 2008, 156). 

Matthew and Mark provide contrasting descriptions of a mission of Jesus in Gentile territory. Mark notes four occasions of Jesus visiting Gentile areas (Sim 2008, 157). In Mark, with one of the feedings of the multitude occurring in a Gentile area, the eucharistic connotation of the event suggests that Gentiles can be partakers of the Christian community. In contrast, Matthew normally restricts Jesus' ministry to Jewish territory. The few occasions when Jesus is seen in Gentile areas are very brief and may even show Jesus going toward those areas but remaining somewhat distant (Sim 2008, 158-159). The feeding of the multitude of Mark 7 (in Gentile territory) appears in Matthew 15 in Jewish lands (Sim 2008, 159). When Matthew 16-17 place Jesus in Gentile territory, almost all his interactions are with his disciples. 

As he compares Jesus' attitude toward Torah in Mark and Matthew, Sim sees Mark's account affirming moral and ethical commandments but not the rituals included in the Law (Sim 2008, 1260). Matthew shows Jesus saying clearly that Jesus has not come to do away with Torah. Rather, he affirms it and strengthens it.

Sim attempts next to identify an historical Jesus within this dynamic, which he admits is a highly complex matter (Sim 2008, 161). Sim describes scholarship which portrays Jesus as having attitudes ranging from a broad mission to Gentiles to having very little contact with Gentiles. Likewise, some scholars see Jesus as abolishing the Mosaic Law and others portray him demanding obedience to it (Sim 2008, 162-163). Because the scholarship has such apparently irreconcilable differences, Sim moves to a study of the practices of early Christianity in Jerusalem, based on historic reconstruction (Sim 2008, 163). For this study, he relies heavily on Acts 1-5, with some nods to Pauline epistles (Sim 2008, 161). The original group of about 120 were people who knew Jesus; his disciples , and dedicated followers and their families. There was no clear attempt to reach out to Gentiles recorded in the earliest chapters of Acts. The community kept their practices of Torah, including presence at the Temple. The disciples are not charged with subverting Moses, with the exception of Stephen (Sim 2008, 165). The move beyond the boundaries of Judaism seems not to start in earnest until at least Acts chapter six (Sim 2008, 166).

Sim attempts to harmonize his observations about Matthew, Mark, and an historical Jesus. The widely divergent conclusions made by scholars create difficulty in determining the extent of continuity and discontinuity between Judaism and the new Christian movement (Sim 2008, 167-169). While Sim considers the problem virtually impossible to solve, he does think the portrayal of Jesus in Mark is less likely to be accurate in terms of his attitude toward Torah and a mission to Gentiles. The discontinuity is greater than he thinks would be found in Christianity as a whole (Sim 2008, 170).

Sim's conclusion is that Matthew may stand closer to an accurate portrayal of Jesus, in terms of his attitude about Torah and a Gentile mession, than does Mark (Sim 2008, 171). The discontinuity evidenced in Mark seems greater than he thinks would be warranted, based on early practices as recorded in Acts.

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Matthew and Ignatius of Antioch

9/12/2023

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9/12/23
Scholarly Observations

Sim, David C. "Chapter Eight: Matthew and Ignatius of Antioch." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 139-154.

Sim observes that both Matthew and Ignatius can be placed in Antioch in Syria, within about 20 years of each other. This should suggest great similarity, but Sim notes striking contrasts. "Matthew belonged to the Law-observant strain of the Christian tradition that had not broken with Judaism and which opposed the Law-free Pauline tradition, while Ignatius represented the Pauline version of the Christian message and saw no compatibility whatsoever between the Christian tradition and the practice of Judaism" (Sim 2008, 139). Sim adds to this philosophical difference a suggestion that the two factions had been in conflict by the time of Ignatius.

Sim assigns the Gospel of Matthew to someone who was not a disciple of Jesus, but doesn't provide reasons, simply affirming the author is unknown (Sim 2008, 140). In contrast to Matthew's identity, Sim is confident that we know a good deal about Ignatius from his letters, that he was Bishop of Antioch and that he was transported to Rome for execution. On the way he wrote letters which tell the theological orientation held by himself and his church.

Matthew can be dated, in Sim's opinion, to 85-95. He places it in Antioch, though he admits to some scholarship suggesting Galilee. The evidence against Galilee is mainly based on the composition in Greek and the lack of discussion of the Jewish war (Sim 2008, 141). Ignatius' letters identify the author as Bishop of Syria, who resided in Antioch (Sim 2008, 142). The date during the reign of Trajan (98-117) is fairly certain, and most will assign the events to a date of 107 or after.

In their theological orientation, Sim sees a substantial difference between Matthew and Ignatius. Matthew fits into a pattern Sim calls "Christian Judaism," characterized by a high level of continuity of thought with the Old Testament and traditional Judaism (Sim 2008, 143). The practices of Jewish life were continued, and Christian theology and practice were additional layers of their lives. Sim details elements of Matthew which show Jesus clearly as the Messiah as well as elements which affirm Jewish traditional practices (Sim 2008, 144-147). Sim suggests that the apparent dispute with Formative Judaism after 70 AD may have indicated a schism within Judaism or that the Matthean community was already separated from Judaism (Sim 2008, 147). Sim is fairly certain that Matthew had a strongly negative attitude toward Paul (Sim 2008, 148).

Counter to Matthew, Ignatius shows a heavy influence of Pauline thought (Sim 2008, 148). Ignatius makes many references to Paul's thought and refers to Paul in the context of his letter to the Ephesians (Ignatius thinks it was written by Paul, though Sim does not). Sim assumes that at the time of Ignatius there would be no concept of Paul being considered authoritative Scripture and that Ignaitus, as a prisoner, would not have access to reference sources so would depend on his memory (Sim 2008, 149). Sim does think Ignatius was very familiar with a good number of Paul's letters. His concept of the Law is remarkably similar to that of Paul, who directs people to live acording to faith, not the Law (Sim 2008, 150).

Sim compares the views of Matthew and Ignatius, noting they would have been in sharp opposition at their time, and speculating that Matthew either would write as a corrective to Paul's influence or possibly as a corrective to the growing community which Ignatius would lead (Sim 2008, 151). Ignatius warns about opponents within Christianity. These warnings may be against two different factions or one, including elements of Judaizing behavior and docetism (Sim 2008, 152). Ignatius, while he doesn't adopt Matthew's theology, does use Matthean language to describe the Judaizing tendencies of his detractors (Sim 2008, 153). This suggests a broad knowledge of Matthew but a rejection of the Jewish tendencies of his Gospel.

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Matthew and the Didache

9/11/2023

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9/11/23
Scholarly Observations

Van de Sandt, Huub. "Chapter Seven: Matthew and the Didache." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 123-138.

Van de Sandt recognizes a strong affinity between the Didache and Matthew's Gospel, detailing a number of the thematic similarities (Van de Sandt 2008, 123). Scholarly consensus in the past was that the Didache drew on the final form of Matthew and perhaps Luke. The line of thinking which places the Didache near the end of the first century suggests the influence of Matthew was strong at that time (Van de Sandt 2008, 124). The views which make Matthew dependent on the Didache, in Van de Sandt's opinion, push the dating of the Didache much earlier and possibly too early. However, dependence on a common tradition is quite plausible.

Both Matthew and the Didache use obedience to the principles of Torah (particularly commands to love your neighbor, fulfilling the second table of the commandments) as key to their moral code (Van de Sandt 2008, 125). The manner of interpretation is similar in each text. Van de Sandt evaluates this idea in greater depth by looking at the Didache's Two Ways section, as it provides a way of understanding matters considered those of life and death (Van de Sandt 2008, 127). The Way of Life is built on the foundation of love for neighbor. The Decalogue serves as the unifying principle for the Didache (Van de Sandt 2008, 129). Likewise, in Matthew 5, observance of righteousness is what brings perfection (Mt. 5:20-48) (Van de Sandt 2008, 130). The Didache also describes perfection in terms of obedience to commands of righteousness, first in non-retaliation (1:4) and then in obedience to all God's laws (6:2) (Van de Sandt 2008, 133).

Matthew and the Didache do not treat practical matters of carrying out the Law in the same way. Van de Sandt observes that Matthew calls for detailed observances of the Law in such a way as to go beyond the specific commands and reach for the intent or implications (Van de Sandt 2008, 135). The Didache does speak (6:2) of perfection through keeping the commandments. However, immediately afterward it relaxes the stance. This is the opposite of Matthew's view (Van de Sandt 2008, 137).

Van de Sandt concludes that both documents take Torah for granted and as a means of some sort of perfection (Van de Sandt 2008, 137-138). They have different ways of going about this quest for perfection, particularly in the case of addressing Gentiles. The Didache has a different standard. While Gentiles are to attempt to observe Torah, it is recognized as being a cultural departure for them. This is more akin to Paul's view that the law is good but not salvific.
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Matthew and James

9/8/2023

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9/8/23
Scholarly Observations

Zangenberg, Jürgen. "Chapter Six: Matthew and James." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 104-122.

Zangenberg observes that though there seem to be connections between Matthew and James, the works do not make specific and clear cross-references (Zangenberg 2008, 104). This, however, is also the case in many works from the same general period, which may be closely related to one another. It is frequently more productive to consider evidence of material clearly drawing on similar source matter or of it having similar vocabulary or style. Zangenberg briefly lists some similarities which will influence his analysis (Zangenberg 2008, 105). Both texts were written at a time when most of Christianity existed in a predominantly Jewish context. Though there are different factions within Christianity and Judaism at the time, these texts do not attempt to sort out these differences.

Matthew and James are both ascribed to particular authors, though Matthew's ascription is external rather han internal (Zangenberg 2008, 105-106). Identification of the James claimed as the author of the leter is a bit more difficult. He is not clearly identified in the letter. However, we may well take him to be the person who was the lead elder in Jerusalem for many years (Zangenberg 2008, 107). Matthew, though not identified clearly as the author in the body of the Gospel, is referred to by Papias and others relatively early (Zangenberg 2008, 108). 

We know relatively little about the community in which James wrote. Zangenberg notes the letter is addressed as a circular letter to the twelve tribes, yet they are not "of Israel" and they are all scattered, with none remaining in Palestine (Zangenberg 2008, 109). James speaks of a variety of leaders, but does not reference apostles. He also doesn't make statements about different subgroups, such as nationalities (Zangenberg 2008, 110).

Matthew shows interest in teachers but also speaks clearly about "apostles" and "disciples" (Zangenberg 2008, 110). Matthew is much more specific than James about the types of doctrinal differences among groups, as well as different religious practices. James paints a more unified picture (Zangenberg 2008, 111). Matthew shows a tension with Judaism, but Zangenberg considers it unclear what specific type of Judaim is in his mind (Zangenberg 2008, 112). Matthew also makes it clear that there are differences between Christianity and Roman culture. However, the type of differences are not shown clearly.

Zangenberg goes on to discuss the content and terminology found in Matthew and in James. Matthew and James both take a high view of the Law, urging not only hearing, but also active obedience (Zangenberg 2008, 113). This is common in many early Christian texts. While Matthew speaks clearly about ritual regulations for purity, James does not. Matthew's emphasis is based on Jesus' commands; James' motivation is based on broader, more typically Jewish logic (Zangenberg 2008, 114). James gives us more Jesus traditions than are found in any other writings except the canonical Gospels. James, however, never uses context found in Matthew, restraining himself to individual sayings. James has an oblique way of developing his Christology. While not mentioning the birth, death, or resurrection of Jesus or using Messianic titles, he clearly shows Jesus as the lord and returning judge (Zangenberg 2008, 115-116). Matthew grounds his Christology in all the elements which James chooses not to mention.

Zangenberg thinks James shows a close kinship to 1 Peter, with common traditions and similar community situations (Zangenberg 2008, 117). Matthew fits similarly into the context with James and 1 Peter. The alleged controversy between James and Paul may be overblown. There seems to be relatively little contact in topics or settings (Zangenberg 2008, 118). Paul and James both consider God's law as essential and expect people to hear and obey. Both pursue love as the way of fulfilling the law, and recognize that we live by faith. Paul has a greater expectation of the work of the Holy Spirit to bring forth works than does James (Zangenberg 2008, 119). The two authors are dealing with different situations and go about them in slightly different ways. 

Zangenberg concludes that Matthew and James have a close relationship. Though there is diversity in their literary outlook and use of other material, they draw on the same thought world as one another (Zangenberg 2008, 120). For that matter, the world of Paul and John are clearly within the same tradition as well (Zangenberg 2008, 121).

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Matthew and Hebrews

9/7/2023

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9/7/23
Scholarly Observations

Hasitschka, Martin. "Chapter Five: Matthew and Hebrews." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 87-103.

Hasitschka places Hebrews as written probably between 80 and 90, likely in Rome (Hasitschka 2008, 87). Jesus, the High Priest, has come before the presence of God as the final sacrifice. Hebrews and Matthew are both decidedly rooted in the Hebrew scriptures. Hasitschka evaluates common elements in Matthew and Hebrews, then specifically reviews the concept of sacrifice in the two texts.

Both Matthew and Hebrews use the Old Testament extensively, often specifically quoting the Septuagint (Hasitschka 2008, 88). There is a strong concept of Jesus, the son of Abraham, rescuing the children of Abraham. Jesus receives the adoration which we would expect to be reserved for God. He is presented clearly as the Son of God in both texts. Matthew and Hebrews speak freely of the Law, referring to the commands of God (Hasitschka 2008, 89). They also emphasize the importance of mercy and peace, which are greater than ritual laws. Both texts look forward to an eternity, the end of the world, in hope. Jesus is pictured in prayer (Hasitschka 2008, 90), as the one who is reconciling God and man through a covenant.

Hasitschka next considers forgiveness of sins as presented in Matthew. Jesus' name is a reference to Jehovah's salvation (Hasitschka 2008, 91). He proceeds to live a life which specifically fulfills prophecies pertaining to salvation. Jesus is presented not only as the one who lives such a life as to be able to forgive sins, but he models and encourages a willingness to forgive sins (Hasitschka 2008, 92). Forgiveness is part and parcel of Jesus' mission. This forgiveness extends to the work of Jesus in the Last Supper (Hasitschka 2008, 93). In Matthew, all the disciples are to drink, and the cup is specifically Jesus' blood for their forgiveness. Jesus is also presented, in Matthew 20:28, as a "ransom" who gives up his life for others (Hasitschka 2008, 94). Jesus' blood is understood as a sacrifice which can bring forgiveness (Hasitschka 2008, 95-96). Matthew shows a strong connection between Jesus' blood in the Last Supper and an eschatological fulfillment (Hasitschka 2008, 96). There will be peace in the future kingdom when Jesus again drinks wine.

Hebrews also treats cleansing of sin as a central topic. Though little is said about Jesus' earthly work, what there is centers on salvation from sin (Hasitschka 2008, 97). Jesus' death is seen as a fulfillment of the Day of Atonement, as he has made purification then sits down at the right hand of the Father (Hasitschka 2008, 98). In Hebrews this is seen as the work of the High Priest, who brings an offering. However, unlike the Old Testament High Priest, Jesus can enter into the holy place and make an offering of his own blood, the blood of the covenant (Hasitschka 2008, 99). By its nature, a covenant requires blood, which serves to purify things. In Hebrews, blood is also used to gain access to God, to purify consciences, and to make a new covenant (Hasitschka 2008, 100-101).

Hasitschka concludes that in both Matthew and Hebrews the work of Jesus is all about forgiveness of sins (Hasitschka 2008, 102). The forgiveness, which is tied up with a covenant and blood, strikingly occurs in these terms only in Matthew and Hebrews. Jesus' purpose is to fulfill salvation by his blood (Hasitschka 2008, 103)

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Matthew and John

9/6/2023

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9/6/23
Scholarly Observations

Painter, John. "Chapter Four: Matthew and John." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 66-86.

"Matthew and John have the dubious distinction of being recognized as two of the most anti-Jewish documents in the New Testament" (Painter 2008, 66). Painter notes that John is the one who shows Jesus calling the Jews children of the devil and blind, remaining in sin. They are repeatedly condemned, in no uncertain terms. The message of Matthew and of John is that of faith and a vision of the future. This is a sharp contrast to the Formative Judaism which arose around the time of their composition, between 80 and 100 (Painter 2008, 67).

Painter analyzes usage of "Jew" as opposed to "Israelite" especially in John's Gospel. He concludes that it is likely John had adopted the usage of the Diaspora in the narrative portions of his Gospel, but in the speech of the characters he used the characteristic language which those individuals would have used (Painter 2008, 67). Non-Israelites call people "Jews" but the Israelites refer to one another as Israel. Matthew, coming from the same period, shows a clear tension with the Pharisees (Painter 2008, 68-69). The work of rebuilding a Judaism without a temple led to some degree of heavy-handed nationalism which was not compatible with Christian thought. In Painter's estimation the conflict may or may not have created a permanent rift which separated a Matthean community from Jewish Chrsitianity (Painter 2008, 71). 

Matthew takes a view of the Law which can be distinguished from the other evangelists. Painter uses, as an example, Matthew 15:1-20 as compared to Mark 7:1-23. Mark uses the situation to demonstrate that all foods can be clean, while Matthew uses the same event to demonstrate that the ceremonial uncleanness of hands doesn't defile a person (Painter 2008, 72). Painter draws a conclusion that in Matthew's community the dietary laws may have been practiced, but that the layers of customs piled up by the Pharisees were not. Matthew considers Jesus' mission to be wrapped up in fulfilling the Law and the prophets (Matthew 5:17) (Painter 2008, 73). Jesus' intent is to complete the required obedience to the Law and make it pass away. This is a sharp contrast to Formative Judaism. Painter also sees it as in contrast to Pauline Christianity (Painter 2008, 74). The Law is not abandoned. It is rather brought to completion. The objection to the Pharisees is that they fail to be concerned with the most important elements of God's Law (Painter 2008, 76).

Painter makes a brief comparison of Matthew and Q, which he views as "rather neutral" (Painter 2008, 77). In his opinion, Matthew tends to align Jesus more with the Old Testament prophets and John the Baptist to the new order. This, Painter thinks, may be a contrast with Q (Painter 2008, 78).

Compared to John, Matthew does not have as welcoming an attitude toward the Gentile mission. Matthew acknowledges there is a mission to all nations after the resurrection, but he limits it to the Jews prior to the resurrection (Painter 2008, 78). The mission, in Matthew 28:19-20, is to make disciples, baptize, and teach (Painter apparently does not take the participles as modifying the main verb, "disciple" but treats it as three separate actions) (Painter 2008, 79).  

In contrast to Matthew's view of the Law, John makes a distinction between Jesus on the one hand and Moses and the Law on the other hand (Painter 2008, 80). John 1:17 draws this distinction clearly. Jesus, the one who replaces the Law, has come to dwell with His poeple (Painter 2008, 81). The Jews, who know the Law, have not kept it. This drives the hostility which they pour out on Jesus, who is confronting them with their failure (Painter 2008, 82). At the same time, with his different view of the Sabbath, Jesus seems to be breaking the Law. This moves the Pharisees to greater hostility toward Jesus (Painter 2008, 83).

Painter ties the sense of mission in John to Jesus' statements about the disciples doing things "just as" (καθώς) Jesus has. They love as he loves them, etc. (Painter 2008, 84). Just as the Father sent the Son into the world, the Son sends his disciples. The mission is clearly to the entire world, regardless of ethnicity (Painter 2008, 85).

In conclusion, Painter finds that Matthew and John are both full of Jewish character. While Matthew does not diminish the Law, he sees it fulfilled in Jesus, who cares for Jews and the whole world (Painter 2008, 86). John also sees a mission to the world and a Jesus who causes the Law to be needless.

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Matthew and Luke

9/5/2023

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9/5/23
Scholarly Observations

Repschinski, Boris. "Chapter Three: Matthew and Luke." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 50-65.

Repschinski considers that there was not only a rift between Christianity and Judaism evidenced in the Gospels, but that there were substantial differences between the kind of Christianity Matthew and Paul would have promoted (Repschinski 2008, 50). There were certainly philosophical tensions between the Jewish traditions apparent in Matthew and the form of gentile Christianity which came to predominate (Repschinski 2008, 51).

Matthew's Gospel shows a clear concern that the Gospel should be made fully known to people of all nations (Repschinski 2008, 51-52). Counter to Sim, Repschinski takes many of the negative statements against gentiles in Matthew to show a contrast with Jesus' disciples (Repschinski 2008, 53). While even the gentiles get some things right, the disciples of Jesus do far better. Repschinski illustrates this using several passages from Matthew. While Matthew portrays Jesus' mission as focused to Jews, not Gentiles, there are still Gentiles around, participating in life and receiving blessing from God and His people (Repschinski 2008, 56).

In contrast to Matthew, Luke has normally been associated with a Gentile audience. However, Repschinski observes "Gentiles do not feature prominently in the Gospel at all" (Repschinski 2008, 57). In Luke's Gospel, while Jews are criticized, Gentiles are rarely characters who show up again and again (Repschinski 2008, 59). Even in Acts, when Paul is known for having a mission to Gentiles, he proceeds to go to the synagogue first, then to the Gentiles who receive him more favorably (Repschinski 2008, 60). In the Gospel, Luke tends to portray the Samaritans favorably. They are those, not accepted as fully Jewish, who turn to Jesus in faith and obedience (Repschinski 2008, 61). In Acts 8, the mission to the Samaritans is shown as fully developed. Repschinski also sees the mission to the Samaritans almost as a prototype for all New Testament mission to Gentiles (Repschinski 2008, 63). They are not previously bound to the Law and covenants. They are set apart from Jews.

Repschinski sees a growth of differences between Jewish and Gentile Christianity, as the implications of the background of the Mosaic Law or its absence are worked out. Both the Jewish and Gentile types of Christianity grow and flourish (Repschinski 2008, 64). The writings of Matthew and Luke show different emphases and approaches to bringing the Gospel to Gentiles. Yet they both deal with similar issues. Repschinski concludes, "We can only appreciate that for the early Christians, there was more than one way in dealing with the conflict between a rich tradition and a visionary future" (Repschinski 2008, 65). 

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Matthew and Mark

9/4/2023

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9/4/23
Scholarly Observations

Svartvik, Jesper. "Chapter Two: Matthew and Mark." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 27-49.

Svartvik understands Matthew to have redacted, or possibly to have made a "re-creation" of Mark (Svartvik 2008, 27). While he takes a view of Markan priority, he sees Matthew as indispensable. He intends, in this study, to "show to what extent Matthew has been read eclectically" (Svartvik 2008, 28). Considering Matthew as its own work, with its own message, he hopes to understand why Matthew was more influential in the development of Christian theology than Mark, then to identify important elements of Matthew's redactional strategy.

Papias asserted that Mark was drawn from the teachings of Peter. However, scholars comparing the apparent thought world of Peter and of Mark question that relationship (Svartvik 2008, 30). They have more of a tendency to associate Mark with Pauline thought. This leads Svartvik to consider the possibility that there is more distance between the thought world of Matthew and Mark than we might assume if Mark were primarily influenced by Peer (Svartvik 2008, 31). As Paul often refers to the actions of Jesus, but not Jesus' teachings, Mark provides actual teaching of Jesus in an extended way only in chapters 4 and 13. Both Paul and Mark tend to speak critically of the twelve disciples (Svartvik 2008, 32). Mark and Paul also tend to draw positive emphasis toward ministry to the Gentiles. This seems not to be the emphasis in Peter, who would be considered the apostle to the Jews (Svartvik 2008, 33). 

Svartvik goes on with his comparison of Gospel and Epistle to consider whether James might be a better match for Matthew, as Paul seems a good match for Mark (Svartvik 2008, 34). The thoughts expressed in James are closely related to those in Matthew, as are allusions James makes.

An important element in understanding Matthew is the emphasis on Jesus  and his specific teachings. Svartvik takes Matthew 28:20, where Jesus tells his disciples to teach all he has commanded, as of prime importance (Svartvik 2008, 37). It is significant that Matthew focuses on the words of Jesus much more than Mark does. Svartvik concludes "that Matthew not only regarded Mark as insufficient and inadequate, but also as inaccurate" (Svartvik 2008, 37, emphasis his). Mark did not match up with Matthew's priorities. Svartvik considers Mark to have presented an insufficiently Jewish Jesus. Matthew wanted to correct the impression.

In Svartvik's opinion, Matthew's emphasis on halakhic principles is a call to a greater understanding of the continuity of Christianity with the Old Testament, counter to what he sees in Mark and Paul (Svartvik 2008, 38). Matthew expresses a higher opinion of circumcision and the importance of the Sabbath than does Paul or Mark. Svartvik specifically compares Mark 13:18 and Matthew 24:20 in regard to the Sabbath (Svartvik 2008, 39). Matthew 15 refines a view of dietary laws and the importance of speech. Jesus does not declare all foods clean, but emphasizes the importance of words as compared to foods (Svartvik 2008, 40). 

Matthew does not reject Old Testament dietary laws, but the Pharisaic interpretations of them. Svartvik finds the rebuke of the Pharisees as a third important distinctive of Matthew. Matthew has Jesus referring to the Pharisees repeatedly as "hypocrites" (Svartvik 2008, 41). While Matthew ties Jesus directly to the Old Testament, he carefully ties the Pharisees to layers of practice which contradict the Old Testament (Svartvik 2008, 42).

Svartvick observes that an important way Matthew differs from Mark is in his treatment of Peter, along with the other disciples. While in Mark, Peter's failings are front and center, Matthew points him up "as the foremost disciple of Jesus" (Svartvik 2008, 44). As a group, the disciples in Matthew are considered willing to follow Jesus' teaching, even if they are not always able and frequently don't understand. It is possible that Matthew's favorable portrayal was related to a desire to show Christian teachers in a better light than the Pharisees, who were rising to greater prominence at the time Matthew was writing (Svartvik 2008, 45).

Svartvik concludes that there is little, if any, reason to assume Matthew was making concessions to a Judaizing movement (Svartvik 2008, 46). Matthew presents Jesus as a Jew who observes the Torah. This is perfectly clear. However, the vocal rejection of the Pharisees is evidence that Matthew is speaking against the rise of the rabbinic culture, not favoring it (Svartvik 2008, 47). This is one of the important distinctives of Matthew over against Mark. The problem in observing it is due to conflation of the two gospels. Each author presents Jesus from a different perspective so as to speak in a particular situation (Svartvik 2008, 48).

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Matthew and Paul

9/1/2023

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9/1/23
Scholarly Observations


Harrington, Daniel J. "Chapter One: Matthew and Paul." in Sim, David C., and Repschinski, Boris (editors). Matthew and His Christian Contemporaries. London: T&T Clark, 2008, 11-26.

Harrington compares Matthew and Paul, who appear to take very different positions in terms of Christian theology, despite their solid roots in Judaism (Harrington 2008, 11). Because Paul wrote some time before Matthew, Harrington addresses Paul first, then Matthew in each topic he considers.

The contextual differences of Paul and Matthew need to be taken into account (Harrington 2008, 12). The letters of Paul, simply due to their nature as letters about topics, are different in their emphasis and structure than a gospel account, as Matthew wrote. Matthew's narrative gives highlights of Jesus' teaching and life, beginning with an infancy narrative, continuing with a description of his work with his disciples, and ending with an account of his death, resurrection, and post-resurrection appearances. Harrington thinks if Paul had written a Gospel, it would be much like Mark, and that if Matthew had written letters, they would be more like James. Paul's letters, from about the 50s, acknowledge tensions among Christians and between Jews and Christians. Matthew, probably written after the Roman destruction of the temple in 70, shows signs of an increasing animosity of the Jewish authorities toward Christians (Harrington 2008, 13).

Paul routinely refers to Jesus in terms of Christology. He calls him "Lord," as well as "Christ." Harrington takes this to indicate rapid development of Christology (Harrington 2008, 13). Paul's attention in Christology is focused on Jesus' death and resurrection (Harrington 2008, 14). Paul attaches other theological topics to the death and resurrection of Christ, which serves as his theological hub. While Paul rarely makes clear reference to Jesus' teachings, he frequently references his person and his actions. Matthew uses a similar christology, but also presents Jesus as the ultimate authoritative teacher. The five major discourses use Jesus' words to teach, rather than focusing on his actions.

Analysis of the attitude toward Law and Love presents a challenge. Paul makes positive and negative comments. However, Harrington concludes that "Paul did not believe that any Christian . . . was required to observe every part of the Mosaic Law" (Harrington 2008, 15). By being baptized and receiving the Holy Spirit, people were gathered into God's covenant. Yet Paul has a respect for the Mosaic Law. It is simply his understanding that it will not justify people, as Christ did (Harrington 2008, 16). Matthew's audience, as contrasted with Paul's, was composed mostly of those who had grown up in Judaism. They were accustomed to learning and practicing the Torah (Harrington 2008, 17). The Mosaic Law, in Matthew, is something to be fulfilled by Jesus. It serves as a valid measure of our life. Though Matthew and Paul have many of the same conclusions, Matthew considers teaching the commands to remain essential (Matthew 28:19) (Harrington 2008, 18).

Morality in life is a concept not far removed from that of keeping Torah. Harrington considers Paul to emphasize a goal of resurrection, but also the need to live a life characterized by the three virtues of faith, hope, and love (Harrington 2008, 18). All these virtues originate in God, not in our own abilities. Paul lists numerous vices to be avoided as well. Matthew emphasizes virtues in a slightly different way, primarily through the Sermon on the Mount. The acts of piety show wise conduct in society (Harrington 2008, 19). The prime virtue is a life of righteousness and justice. Harrington doesn't say whether he considers Paul's faith, hope, and love to be a summary of this.

Harrington moves on to discuss "communal conflicts." The examples he gives are related to living at peace within the community (Harrington 2008, 20). Paul writes forcefully to condemn examples of sexual immorality. In cases of conflict over food sacrificed to idols, however, there is a very gentle and permissive attitude, but also a focus on acting in such a way as to care for one's neighbor. In his writing, Paul regularly appeals to the person of Christ (Harrington 2008, 21). Matthew, because he is presenting his narrative through words and deeds of Jesus, uses Jesus' humility as the exemplar for our life in community. Avoiding scandal which would cause someone to stumble is at the heart of life in the community. Harrington notes that Matthew does present steps for conflict resoution in a level of detail which Paul does not have (Harrington 2008, 22). 

In his discussion of salvation and of eschatology, Paul sees a dualism. Either a person is dominated by sin and death or by righteousness and life (Harrington 2008, 22). Paul's writing often urges his readers to a living realization of their identity in Christ. This move urges an eschatological view of what we will be in eternity (Harrington 2008, 23). Matthew tends to look farther to the future than Paul. Harrington considers this emphasis to be related to the genre. While Paul is writing letters dealing with settings roughly 20 years after the resurrection, most of Matthew is set prior to the resurrection. Therefore, there is little said about the present Christian life. It is set for the future, as compared to the instance in which Jesus is acting or speaking (Harrington 2008, 23). 

Harrington concludes by considering whether Paul and Matthew would have known one another. That we do not know (Harrington 2008, 24). Matthew's Gospel was written after Paul's death, so Paul could not have known the document. It is possible that Matthew may have written partly to provide a more clearly Jewish context for Christianity, compared to Paul. Harrington observes that David Sim sees Matthew and Paul as in sharp opposition (Harrington 2008, 25). Harrington considers them to have much in common but to differ significantly in some nuances. This would make a discussion between the two fascinating (Harrington 2008, 26).

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Purity in Matthew, James, and the Didache

8/31/2023

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8/31/23
Scholarly Reflections
Repschinski, Boris. "Chapter Seventeen: Purity in Matthew, James, and the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 379-395.

Repschinski observes that purity codes have existed within Judaism and many other cultures, and that they tended to provide a good deal of social cohesion (Repschinski 2008, 379). Within Israel, purity codes related to Torah assist in defining a means by which we can be holy as God is holy (Repschinski 2008, 380).

Matthew's Gospel presents the idea of purity in terms of Jesus' work to bring forgiveness of sins (Repschinski 2008, 381). Jesus is presented as the one whose baptism and forgiveness actually takes away sins. He is the one who cleanses the unrighteous from the temple and who asserts the temple as the place of God's presence (Repschinski 2008, 383). For this reason, when Jesus leaves the temple, it signals the departure of God's presence. Jesus' presence, in Matthew's Gospel, remains in the Last Supper as the Passover is re-enacted (Repschinski 2008, 384). This, again, is a rite of purification. Jesus serves as the replacement of the temple. Repschinski notes that Matthew signals the extent of Jesus' replacement of a purity code by describing Jesus' interactions with Gentiles who would not be accepted in the temple culture (Repschinski 2008, 385). Matthew's orientation is that Jesus is held as the contrast to those who would violate the principles and spirit of Torah (Repschinski 2008, 386).

James, in contrast to Matthew, does not pursue issues of purity to a great extent (Repschinski 2008, 388). Ritual purity is absent from James' argument, though there are references to drawing near to God (Repschinski 2008, 389). There are multiple statements indicating a need to be in community with one another and with God. These are often made through descriptive metaphors (Repschinski 2008, 390).

The Didache teaches clearly that there is an expected code of purity. However, Repschinski observes a compromise. While all are expected to keep Torah, Gentiles are merely to do as well as they can (Repschinski 2008, 393). The purity in mind is not so much a ritual purity which guards worship, but a moral purity which breaks down barriers between people. Failure to pursue this moral purity can result in quarrels which, in turn, defile the ritual of the eucharist described in Didache 14 (Repschinski 2008, 394). ​
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Oaths and Vows in James, Matthew, and the Didache

8/30/2023

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8/30/23
Scholarly Reflections
Vahrenhorst, Martin. "Chapter Sixteen: The Presence and Absence of a Prohibition of Oath in James, Matthew, and the Didache and Its significance for Contextualization." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 361-377.

Vahrenhorst notes the scholarly opinions about Matthew shifting toward the writing coming from a community which is first Christian but with Jewish elements, rather than one which is first Jewish but with Christian elements (Vahrenhorst 2008, 362). Just the same, he sees in Matthew, especially 5:17-20, a solid allegiance to the Torah, with a typical rabbinic desire to apply the principles to everyday life.

The nature of oaths and vows in different Jewish contexts is a matter of substantial debate (Vahrenhorst 2008, 365). Because of this, Vahrenhorst considers a study of oaths in Matthew, James, and the Didache likely to be fruitful. The prohibition of swearing an oath using God's name serves to guard against asserting wrong values to God or claiming He is responsible for our failure to keep a promise (Vahrenhorst 2008, 365). Yet it is necessary to make firm promises. Therefore, Jewish writings tend to suggest promises, calling upon parents or other authorities (Vahrenhorst 2008, 366). Vahrenhorst notes that there was a distinction made between swearing an oath and making a vow, which would still express a commitment to an action but would avoid profaning God's name (Vahrenhorst 2008, 366-367).

Matthew has three significant passages regarding oaths. In 5:33-37, Matthew records Jesus as teaching that vows made to the Lord are binding (Vahrenhorst 2008, 368). To avoid breaking a vow, one should avoid making vows. In effect, the logical implication of involving God in a vow is that God will keep the promise if the promiser fails to do so. The same counsel appears in Matthew 23:16-22, where the Jewish leaders are identified as "blind" (Vahrenhorst 2008, 369). In the other, brief, passage, Peter denies knowing Jesus, using an oath. This is clearly seen as a negative response.

The Didache contains only one saying, in 2:2, about oaths, prohibiting those which are false (Vahrenhorst 2008, 371). However, the Torah is not mentioned specifically as an authority for the moral views of the Didache. Just the same, the moral authority seems to be drawn from Old Testament passages (Vahrenhorst 2008, 372). There are widely recognized halakhic elements in the Didache, which show a positive relationship with Jewish thought (Vahrenhorst 2008, 373).

James 5:12 makes a clear prohibition of oaths, but with no explanation (Vahrenhorst 2008, 375). This is consistent with the concern James shows with the ethics surrounding speech. One's life is to be consistent, including a confluence of speech and actions.

​
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Instruction and Baptism in Matthew, James, and the Didache

8/29/2023

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8/29/23
Scholarly Reflections
Stewart-Sykes, Alistair. "Chapter Fifteen: Ἀποκύησις λόγῳ ἀληθείας: Paraenesis and Baptism in Matthew, James, and the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 341-359.

Stewart-Sykes considers the paraenetic content of Matthew, James, and the Didache as regards baptism (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 341). He is particularly interested in the specific pre-baptismal instruction specified in the Didache. Following Pseudo-Isocrates (Ad Demonicum), Stewart-Sykes suggests a distinction between paraenesis, or ethical advice, and exhortation (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 342). There is certainly an element of exhortation, but the primary goal is giving advice. Stewart-Sykes goes on to cite a variety of scholarly opinions further identifying what would be meant by paraenesis (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 343-345).

The Two Ways material in the Didache, taken in context, is ethical instruction intended to prepare one for baptism (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 345). Matthew 5-7 is another example of paraenesis. Stewart- Sykes considers that, in light of the command to baptize and teach, from Matthew 28, that the instruction in chapters 5-7 should be viewed in light of pre-baptismal instruction (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 345-346). James, as a whole, can readily be understood as paraenetic in nature (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 346). It is marked by extensive ethical content. The context, however, is not that of prebaptismal instruction.

Stewart-Sykes begins an analysis of the meaning of baptism with James, who views baptism as the point of rebirth, a gift of God (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 348). This is accompanied by a "word of truth," which would likely be either words spoken at the baptism or as teaching beforehand. Matthew's Gospel ties baptism to an eschatological hope. The baptized person has an immediate hope in Christ as well as a hope at the end of the world (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 349).

Stewart-Sykes discusses the understanding of baptism as either in the name of the Trinity (Matthew and Didache) or in the name of Jesus (James) (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 350ff). By the early third century we have more extensive baptismal rites, though without a specific formula spoken. There are some assumptions that a development in thought occurred, resulting in a clear Trinitarian confession and act, but this is nowhere clearly stated in antiquity (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 351).

Stewart-Sykes returns to the question of pre-baptismal instruction in James. The concept is not stated clearly in James, but there may be allusions to it (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 353). He finds this to be the case in James 1:19-21, where there is exhortation, apparently repeated for those who have already been taught, to pursue life consistent with that in Matthew 5:21-23 and in the Didache's Way of Life (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 354). Stewart-Sykes goes on to identify a number of instances where James calls readers to a life consistent with the Didache's Way of Life.

In conclusion, Stewart-Sykes finds the three documents all speak to the reality of pre-baptismal instruction, and that those instructions guide the candidate for baptism into a particular mode of life which also includes an eschatological hope (Stewart-Sykes 2008, 356-357).

​
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Law and Ethics in Matthew and James

8/28/2023

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8/28/23
Scholarly Reflections
Van de Sandt, Huub. "Chapter Fourteen: Law and Ethics in Matthew's Antitheses and James's Letter: A Reorientation of Halakhah in Line with the Jewish Two Ways 3:1-6." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 315-338.

Van de Sandt observes the common opinion that Matthew 5:17-48 bears a strong similarity to the thought world of James (Van de Sandt 2008, 315). Their view of the Mosaic law, the goal of righteousness, and the concept of righteousness based on careful observance of the law are quite similar. Rather than posit a dependence between Matthew and James, Van de Sandt proposes that both texts are strongly oriented toward the Jewish Two Ways material found, among other witnesses, in Didache 3.1-6 (Van de Sandt 2008, 136). This material probably antedated the Didache, as evidenced by its inclusion in different variations in other early documents (Van de Sandt 2008, 317).

Van de Sandt breaks the text of Didache 3:1-6 into its component clauses, analyzing the overall structure. He observes that the bulk is divided into parallel couplets of a sin we would consider less serious leading to one we would see as more serious (Van de Sandt 2008, 319). The pattern, as Van de Sandt illustrates, is relatively common in rabbinic thought.

Though Matthew 5:17-48, and the surrounding passages, bear a resemblance to Luke 6:20-49, leading to much consensus that both authors relied on a Q source, Van de Sandt finds significant connections of Matthew 5 to the passage in Didache 3 (Van de Sandt 2008, 324). The underlying structure, with the "minor" offense followed by the "major" offense is alike, though in Matthew there is further elaboration. Both texts roundly affirm the necessity of the Law (Van de Sandt 2008, 327). Both the least and the greatest commands are valid. Matthew and the Didache both build the argument on precepts from the Decalogue (Van de Sandt 2008, 329). The topical arrangement is also significant, as the lighter command comes first and the heavier second (Van de Sandt 2008, 330).

Van de Sandt also compares James with Didache 3:1-6. In particular, he finds James 1:13-15 and 1:19-21 to correspond to the Didache's ethical material (Van de Sandt 2008, 331). In James, the desire leads to sin, which leads to death. The minor offense leads to the more serious one. Both documents describe the progression in terms of giving birth. As with Matthew and the Didache, James advocates a careful obedience to God's law (Van de Sandt 2008, 332). All of life is to be an expression of the command of God to love one another (Van de Sandt 2008, 333).

Van de Sandt observes a possible development of thought between that of Didache 3 and Matthew 5. In Matthew 5, the existing commands are intensified, while in Didache 3 existing commands are simply serialized (Van de Sandt 2008, 335). The same may be said of James, where a "small" sin becomes equated with murder, war, or adultery (Van de Sandt 2008, 336). ​
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Ethics in James, Matthew, and the Didache

8/25/2023

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8/25/23
Scholarly Reflections
Hartin, Patrick J. "Chapter Thirteen: Ethics in the letter of James, the Gospel of Matthew, and the Didache: Their Place in Early Christian literature." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 289-314.

Hartin considers the relationship of the ethical world of Israel and of Christianity, as addressed in James, the Didache, and Matthew, taking them in that order, which he thinks is the order of composition (Hartin 2008, 289). The ethical world is important as it largely provides a means to identify a particular group (Hartin 2008, 290).

James, addressing people of Israel who are dispersed, roots their identity in belonging to Israel (Hartin 2008, 291). There is an eschatological hope of restoration. They are pictured as rooted in the Torah, God's law (Hartin 2008, 292). The Law creates the identity of the people by describing how God has dealt with His people (Hartin 2008, 292). This socializes them in a particular way.

Matthew's Gospel is also rooted in the historical people of Israel (Hartin 2008, 293). Jesus' ministry and that of his disciples primarily focuses on Israel, not the Gentiles. Jesus specifically denies coming to do away with Torah, but affirms it and fulfills it (Hartin 2008, 294).

Hartin further finds the Didache to be rooted in Israelite identity (Hartin 2008, 295). However, unlike Matthew and James, it clearly has a concern for Gentiles. The ethic of the Torah is applied to the Gentile community as well as those from a Jewish background. This, again, is a means of socializing the people and creating one recognizable community.

In James, Hartin finds perfection as an important ethical marker (Hartin 2008, 297). The intention is that the people should be blameless, as the lamb offered to God was without blemish. Matthew also has a concept of perfection, which occurs as we imitate God in His concern for both good and bad (Hartin 2008, 299). Perfection in the Didache is also based on keeping Torah, and especially the Way of Life (Hartin 2008, 300). The people are to maintain purity above all. This creates their identity as people in a living relationship with God (Hartin 2008, 301). Hartin concludes that James, Matthew, and the Didache are alike in their call to perfection. However, while Matthew roots perfection in imitation of God, James focuses on the just works of care for others (Hartin 2008, 302). The Didache prescribes actions, but does not elaborate on them (Hartin 2008, 303). However, the actions are similar to the actions of God. This, says Hartin, is the standard for all three documents. The Christian is to be consistent, of a single mind (Hartin 2008, 305).

The twofold love command is also an important element in all three texts (Hartin 2008, 305). However, Hartin notes it is used in a different way in each. In James, the relationship of faith and works requires a conclusion that love for others must be practiced diligently. This is the predominant law of God's kingdom. In Matthew's Gospel, loving God and the neighbor is the means of fulfilling the Law and the prophets (Hartin 2008, 307). This embodies perfection, but based on the Scripture, as opposed to the more abstract concept of "kingdom" from James. In contrast, the Didache describes loving God and the neighbor in terms of remaining on the path of life (Hartin 2008, 307). The path of death, conversely, involves the lack of mercy.

Hartin next considers how the three documents fit into the context of the growing body of Christian literature. James works mostly with the conceptual world of the Septuagint and sayings of Jesus (Hartin 2008, 309). He takes them as harmonious and complementary. Matthew, though he uses sayings of Jesus extensively, uses them differently than James. "He preserves the character of the saying and transforms it only slightly to accord with other traditional material at his disposal and his theological vision" (Hartin 2008, 309). The Didache uses Jesus traditions less frequently, and, in Hartin's opinion, tends not to adjust the sayings (Hartin 2008, 310). Hartin notes that the Letter of Barnabas has a two ways section which likely derives from the same source used for the Didache (Hartin 2008, 310-311). Paul's conceptual framework may be contrasted to that of James. While Paul is more concerned with Jesus' work to complete salvation, James is more concerned that the Christian should actively live out the faith (Hartin 2008, 311). Counter to Paul, Matthew does not speak of slavery to sin or why we would not carry out God's law (Hartin 2008, 311-312). Matthew tends to focus on actions. Hartin observes that John gives few ethical instructions other than the need to love (Hartin 2008, 312).

Hartin concludes that Matthew, James, and the Didache each provides an ethical framework but that they differ in nature due to the time and context of their composition. He places James first, writing to communities which are essentially Israelite (Hartin 2008, 313). Matthew he sees next, in a context which welcomes and incorporates gentiles into the community (Hartin 2008, 314). Finally, the Didache, a few decades later, but from the same community as Matthew, reflects a more robust gentile Christian community.
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"Love" in Matthew, James, and the Didache

8/24/2023

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8/24/23
Scholarly Reflections
Konradt, Matthias. "Chapter Twelve: The Love Command in Matthew, James, and the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 271-288.

Konradt notes that the command to love is such a common trait of Christianity that an evaluation of it in Matthew, James, and the Didache would seem unlikely to yield any useful results (Konradt 2008, 271). Yet he proceeds to highlight some of the similarities before showing the marks which make the three documents fit the same milieu (Konradt 2008, 272).

Matthew uses the command to love the neighbor specifically three times (Konradt 2008, 272). Loving the neighbor, or, for that matter, loving the enemy, sets people up to be sons of God (Konradt 2008, 273). Love for the neighbor, in Matthew 19:20-21, involves giving to the poor (Konradt 2008, 275). Love for the neighbor is seen as the means of fulfilling the Law (Konradt 2008, 278). 

James makes it clear that the love command is highly important. However, Konradt observes the function of that command is a matter of dispute (Konradt 2008, 278). He takes it to be intended as the command which sums up everything else and holds an ethical life together. Love is not held in the abstract in James. In 2:13 love results in showing mercy to the poor, particularly orphans and widows. Konradt notes this is not merely giving alms, but also showing respect (Konradt 2008, 279). The law does not consist of love. In fact, it goes much farther because that love is to be worked out in our various interactions with others (Konradt 2008, 281).

The Didache opens the "Way of Life" with the love command and a negative version of the Golden Rule (Konradt 2008, 282). Konradt notes that the two elements also seem to summarize the law in Matthew (Konradt 2008, 283). The similarities of James and the Didache are less clear. Perfection in the Didache is related to a love for the neighbor, but also the enemy, and to turning the other cheek (Konradt 2008, 285). It may also be tied to keeping the whole Torah, though that may not be as clearly discerned (Konradt 2008, 285-286).

Konradt finally asks whether the three documents represent the same branch of Christianity. The use of the love command is a common element which regularly shows continuity with an interpretation of the Torah (Konradt 2008, 286). The love command is seen in all as central to the law, but not as a reduction of the law. Rather, it motivates ethical behavior and attitudes which are consonant with the law.

​
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Pluralism in Matthew, James, and the Didache

8/23/2023

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8/23/23
Scholarly Reflections
Overman, J. Andrew. "Chapter Eleven: Problems with Pluralism in Second Temple Judaism: Matthew, James, and the Didache in their Jewish-Roman Milieu." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 259-270.

Overman observes a growing awareness in scholarly discussion that the Jewish and Christian traditions in ante-Nicene Roman contexts are difficult to separate. It took several hundred years for them to become clearly distinguished from one another (Overman 2008, 259). This may well have been related to the rather significant tolerance of the Roman administration, which allowed an extensive collection of fragmentary groups to exist, all being tolerated as varieties of Judaism (Overman 2008, 260). In fact, in Overman's opinion, these groups would have been indistinguishable to a Roman. Overman describes, using Matthew, the Didache, and James, the distinctions which set three groups apart from one another.

Matthew holds that the orthodox Christian community is centered around Jesus' teachings of a right view of Torah (Overman 2008, 261). Other teachers have brought trouble on the people (Overman 2008, 262). Several of the parables of Jesus illustrate the damage caused to the society by unjust client and lordship relations and abuse of tax and charitable policies.

The Didache has a different way of identifying the Christian community. Overman takes it possibly to distinguish between ὁ κύριος and Jesus, with Jesus being mentioned only rarely (Overman 2008, 264). The church, which is seen as larger than a local organization, is loyal to "the Lord." Structure and order of the community is an important element. The ethic articulated is similar to that of Matthew, creating a kinship between the documents (Overman 2008, 265). This, rather than a Christology, would define the group.

James, by contrast to Matthew and the Didache, shows considerable influence of thought rooted in both Hellenism and an allegiance to Jesus (Overman 2008, 266). Overman finds it philosophically sophisticated, with elements of Stoic philosophy present (Overman 2008, 267). The tension over economic diversity is present both in the Didache and James. The community is to embrace humility, which will move them to correct this tension.

Overman estimates that of the three types of Christianity represented by Matthew, the Didache, and James, it is the vision of James that would be able to engage the Roman culture in a long-lasting manner (Overman 2008, 269).
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Jesus Traditions in Matthew, James, and the Didache

8/22/2023

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8/22/23
Scholarly Reflections
Schröter, Jens. "Chapter Ten: Jesus Tradition in Matthew, James, and the Didache: Searching for Characteristic Emphases." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 233-255.

Schröter, while acknowledging Matthew, James, and the Didache as arising from and speaking initially to particular contexts, also finds "sound evidence that they are not, or at least not exclusively, addressed to a specific community, but to 'all Christians'" (Schröter 2008, 2334). They also show distinct concepts of divergence from Judaism.

In Matthew, while Jesus clearly affirms the law, he is critical of the defects in the righteousness of the Pharisees (Schröter 2008, 234-235). The Jewish identity as evidenced in synagogue life is therefore less important. The ideal community is centered on Jesus' interpretation of the law and contains both Jews and Gentiles.

In the Didache, Schröter considers that Christianity was distancing itself from both Jewish and Gentile identities (Schröter 2008, 235). Analysis of this trend is made more difficult due to the composite nature of the document. Schröter finds that some passages show a separation from Judaism more clearly than others (Schröter 2008, 236).

In regard to the relationship with Judaism, James is more complex. James creates a view of the perfect life in relation to God's gift (Jas 1:17) (Schröter 2008, 236). There is a strong element of Jewish wisdom tradition, but simultaneously an ethic which is distinct from an actual Jewish identity.

Schröter's discussion of "Jesus tradition" begins with an attempt at definition of the term. He does not consider much of what we would identify as Jesus tradition as actually coming from Jesus himself, but as concepts which were ascribed to him by others (Schröter 2008, 237). Further, it may have been quite common for ideas to be articulated by authors, taking them as those of Jesus, but with no attribution (Schröter 2008, 238). Schröter's assumption that the author of James was not present with Jesus draws him to conclude that "it is by no means self-evident that James had access to traditions that originated with Jesus himself" (Schröter 2008, 238).

The Didache makes several references to "the Lord" or to "the Gospel" as an authority (Schröter 2008, 238). Schröter details a number of passages, assigning them to a redactor who did not seem to be referencing a written Gospel (Schröter 2008, 239). 

Schröter concludes that the only way we can clearly discern traditions in James or the Didache as Jesus traditions is through our knowledge of the Synoptic Gospels (Schröter 2008, 240). Matthew singularly assigned the teachings in his Gospel to Jesus, describing them as what we would call "Jesus traditions."

The three documents do all have a clearly discernible call for "perfection" (Schröter 2008, 241). Additionally, the three documents share significant elements in their ethic.

In James, gaining wisdom is a means of approaching perfection (Schröter 2008, 242). Enduring trials is seen as a catalyst for gaining wisdom. The trials produce endurance, which leads to wisdom. Schröter relates James to 1 Peter and the Pauline epistles, as they also tend to speak of trials as leading to growth in divine wisdom (Schröter 2008, 243-244). The concept is related to a Synoptic tradition in which one is given rewards from God in conjunction with humility (Schröter 2008, 244-245).

Matthew describes perfection in terms of the perfect nature of God the Father (Schröter 2008, 246). Schröter considers Matthew to describe this perfection as being achieved through a fulfilling of God's law. Counter to James' view of perfection through wisdom, Matthew emphasizes obedience. This is done through association with Jesus (Schröter 2008, 247).

On the three occasions that perfection is mentioned in the Didache, Schröter notes it is tied to holding to the teaching presented (Schröter 2008, 249). The teaching leads to a lifestyle of obedience, in which people participate in the liturgy of baptism, prayer, and Eucharist. These all have elements of mercy, forgiveness, and humility. The prayer and fasting rituals have a close affinity to Jewish customs, as part of the liturgy of life (Schröter 2008, 252).

Schröter concludes that in Matthew, James, and the Didache, there is considerable continuity with Judaism, but a subtle shift in the locus of authority (Matthew), the emphasis on ethic rather than ritual (James), and an introduction of Chrsitian liturgy (Didache) shows a distinct Christian point of view (Schröter 2008, 254).
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Poverty and Piety in Early Christianity

8/21/2023

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8/21/23
Scholarly Reflections
Kloppenborg, John S. "Chapter Nine: Poverty and Piety in Matthew, James, and the Didache." in Van de Sandt, Huub & Zangenberg, Jürgen K. (editors). Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in their Jewish and Christian Settings." Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008, 201-232.

Kloppenborg observes that poverty and piety were often associated with each other prior to the first century, and that in a way the poor were considered recipients of God's special favor, which supported them in their trials (Kloppenborg 2008,201). They, after all, were the humble before God. By that token, all who humbled themselves before God could be considered as the poor, and thus be recognized as among the pious (Kloppenborg 2008,202). This has often been recognized as a correlation in James. The value expressed in James is not necessarily that of becoming economically impoverished, but of adopting the humility characteristic of poor people (Kloppenborg 2008, 204).

Just treatment, and generous care for the poor is a common theme in biblical and other ancient Near Eastern writings (Kloppenborg 2008, 205). Care for the poor is a positive value, which sets wisdom apart from foolishness. Poverty itself is not a mark of wisdom, though it does place one into a position of receiving God's care (Kloppenborg 2008, 206). Kloppenborg notes that while poverty was not considered a virtue, the piety which was often found to accompany poverty was considered exemplary (Kloppenborg 2008, 208). The actual definition of "poor" is challenging, as Kloppenborg illustrates. Scholarly opinion is uncertain what financial criteria may have been in mind when "the poor" are discussed in biblical texts. Piety, however, was normally viewed in internal terms, not related to income or assets (Kloppenborg 2008, 211). 

The relationship of poverty and piety continues in later Jewish literature. Kloppenborg illustrates the relationship with citations from the Qumran literature (Kloppenborg 2008, 214ff).

Kloppenborg notes the difficulty in distinguishing among words for poverty, as a variety of words appear in Matthew, James, and the Didache (Kloppenborg 2008, 216-217). Kloppenborg approaches the issue by considering that the words are essentially synonymous but that in general there are more and less severe levels of poverty indicated (Kloppenborg 2008, 218). He does not find a clear connection between poverty and piety in the Didache, except that charity to the poor is considered an act of piety. The poor become pious as they receive Christian instruction, not as a result of their poverty (Kloppenborg 2008, 222).

As with the Didache, Kloppenborg finds Matthew's concern for the poor to indicate they should receive charitable care (Kloppenborg 2008, 222). This charity is a means by which God's favor may be passed on to the poor (Kloppenborg 2008, 223).

Likewise, James is concerned with the poor, but Kloppenborg does not find his description to suggest an inherent piety. Rather, it suggests a humility which would dispose them to receive teaching (Kloppenborg 2008, 225-226). The pious could be rich or poor, but must be of a humble spirit (Kloppenborg 2008, 228).

​
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