Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry - Blog

Security Is a Mind Fixed on God

12/7/2021

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
12/7/21

Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 125"

Augustine considers the theme of Psalm 125 to be that of raising our minds to God rather than fixing them on human instability (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340456, par. 1). The people who trust in the Lord (v. 1), dwelling in Jerusalem (v. 2), have security. Augustine does not consider it possible that these are dwellers in the earthly Jerusalem, but that they look to their heavenly home (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340462, par. 3). This, in verse two, is the city with mountains around it, which Augustine identifies as "preachers of truth, whether Angels, or Apostles, or Prophets" (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340472, par. 4). These are the mountains which receive peace from the Lord. He, as Augustine had noted earlier in the Psalms, is the one who shines light on the mountains (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340481, par. 5). He is the one who guards his people forever.

Verse three speaks of the Lord's work of removing the rod of the ungodly from God's righteous people. Augustine takes this to be a work God accomplishes through His Church, which God uses in conflict to the works of the ungodly (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340510, par. 7). He goes on to describe people in their struggle as they work within their various vocations. While there remain conflicts between the godly and ungodly, in the last day, Christ will show his victory over the ungodly (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340539, par. 8). This is the prayer of the Psalmist in verse four. The Lord must lead his people (v. 5) in truth and joy (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340544, par. 10). Augustine sees the hope of the Christian to be bound up with the peace of Christ leading his people.

The Didache and Jesus

12/6/2021

12/6/21
Scholarly Reflections

Draper, Jonathan. "Chapter Ten: The Jesus Tradition in the Didache." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 269-287.

Draper briefly summarizes the scholarship on the Didache before concluding that it is most likely from the first century (Wenham [editor] 1984, 269). Identifying sources of its contents poses a scholarly problem, in large part due to its apparently early date. Much scholarship has considered the Epistle of Barnabas ch. 18-20 as a source of the "Two Ways" material in chapters 1-6 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 270). This would place the document in the second century, then open the door to its dependence on Synoptic materials. However, the discovery of the Manual of Discipline amongthe Dead Sea Scrolls has suggested that the Two Ways materials could have an earlier foundation. J.P. Audet's work suggests that most of the first ten chapters of the Didache were written about 50-70 AD, prior to the publication of any canonical Gospel (Wenham [editor] 1984, 270). Draper agrees that the work is composite in natuer and that it went through editorial changes before reaching its current form.

The "Jesus tradition" materials in the Didache are mostly contained in 1:3b-2:1; 8, and 15:3-4 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 271). Draper takes these portions to be from the last phase of the work's development . He also observes that the passages are not clearly tied to the Synoptics, but could well be making reference to an oral tradition. This idea is promoted by the Didache's apparent dependence on elements of Jewish tradition which are not given a specifically New Testament interpretation (Wenham [editor] 1984, 272). Draper takes the trinitarian formula for baptism in 7:1 to be a later insertion, in which he sees the formula and its precursor of being baptized "into the Lord's name" as the earlier tradition. The prayers around the eucharist may resenble a Jewish Berakoth more than John chapter six.

Draper repeatedly concludes that elements of the Didache which seem to reflect New Testament, and particularly Matthean, patterns are more likely to derive from other materials, possibly those which were source material for the Synoptic authors (Wenham [editor] 1984, 273). For convenience, Draper lays some of this material out side by side (Wenham [editor] 1984, 274-276). He then describes the language use as "often clumsier than that of the Synoptic Gospels" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 276), which indicates an earlier date. Word choice also tends to reflect Jewish culture, rather than Christian developments (Wenham [editor] 1984, 27). Most important, Draper does not find any of the sayings to demonstrate dependence on Matthew or Luke (Wenham [editor] 1984, 278).

Draper particularly discusses Didache 8, which cites a "gospel" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 279). However, he considers the chapter to be a later insertion, as it breaks up the natural flow in the catechetical manual from baptism to eucharist (Wenham [editor] 1984, 279). Yet even here, Draper sees it as largely independent of Matthew.

Draper continues by reviewing the apocalyptic material from Didache 16 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 280). Though there are similarities to Matthew 24, the language and order don't suggest dependence.

Draper's overall conclusion is that the Didache drew on material which was also used by Matthew and Luke but not by Mark except when also present in Matthew and Luke (Wenham [editor] 1984, 284).

Sayings of Jesus in the Apostolic Fathers

12/3/2021

12/3/21
Scholarly Reflections

Hagner, Donald A. "Chapter Nine: The Sayings of Jesus in the Apostolic Fathers and Justin Martyr." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 233-268.

Hagner, recognizing the space between the events of the Gospels and the written Gospels themselves, observes we would expect there to exist authoritative accounts of Jesus' actions and teachings. One would therefore expect to find some mentioned in early Christian writings even if they were not included in the canonical Gospel accounts (Wenham [editor] 1984, 233). Hagner notes that there are relatively few passages in the 1st and 2nd century FAthers which are clearly intended to be understood as quotes from or allusions to words of Jesus. He catalogs a number for us (Wenham [editor] 1984, 234ff). Of special interest is an oral marker in 1 Clement 13, where we are told to "remember." This suggests that Clement may know the sayings from an oral tradition rather than a written one, which could be consulted rather than being remembered (Wenham [editor] 1984, 235). Polycarp uses some of the same material in a different order, and with a slightly different wording. Though Hagner thinks Polycarp was familiar with 1 Clement, he doesn't seem to depend on it here (Wenham [editor] 1984, 236).

1 Clement 46:8 makes a reference to two sayings of Jesus which are not in proximity to each other in the Gospels. The ideas, though not all the wording, are used by some other Church Fathers, but without the focused structure and vocablyar which would point to a literal dependence (Wenham [editor] 1984, 231).

The seven letters of Ignatius have a few possible allusions to the Gospels, with one presented as a direct quote of Jesus (Smyrn. 3.2). The sayings are not identical in wording to anything in the Scriptures. Jerome and Origen attribute the statements to non-canonical sources (Wenham [editor] 1984, 239).

Polycarp makes a few statements which are at least allusive to Synoptic material. However, Hagner notes they are in relatively strongly liturgical statements which are brief and epigrammatic so the relationship is difficult to identify (Wenham [editor] 1984, 240).

Considering the Didache, Hagner finds a large amount of material which appears closely related to Synoptic material, but which is difficult to consider. 9:5 uses an introductory formula, then quotes Matthew 7:6 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 240). 8:1 makes associations between hypocrisy and fasting, similar to Matthew 6:16 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 241). The Lord's Prayer is then given in a form almost identical to that in Matthew 6:9ff. Here, it is "as the Lord commanded in his gospel," a clause Hagner takes to refer to a tradition other than Matthew's written work. The same idea occurs with the trinitarian formula in 7:1, compared with Matthew 28:19 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 241).

Didache 1:2 juxtaposes Deuteronomy 6:5 and Levitics 19:18b, very much like Matthew 22:37-39 and Mark 12:29-31 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 241). However, Hagner thinks this may be a reference to a common Jewish pattern, as is the similarity of the negative statement of the Golden Rule in 1:2.

I quote the following as it identifies passages which my research should evaluate specifically. "Other passages that deserve mention are 11.7 (Matt 12:31; cf Mark 3:28); 13.1-2 (Matt 10:10; cf Luke 10:7; 1 Tim 5:18); 16.1 (Matt 24:42, 44) and 16.3-5 (Matt 24:10-13). There is no convincing allusion to Ats (cf. 4.8 with Acts 4:32), and in only one instance does an OT allusion (Ps 37:11) occur also in one of the Gospels (Matt 5:5) and the Didache (3.7)." (Wenham [editor] 1984, 241). The case for dependence on the written Gospels is weak, while that for dependence on oral tradition is strong.

Hagner considers the Epistle of Barnabas to make little reference to the Ne wTestament, though there are a few possible connections when Old Testament ideas are used by Barnabas and by the Synoptic authors (Wenham [editor] 1984, 242).

The Shepherd of Hermas makes numerous allusions to the Synoptics, but they are never introduced as quotations. It is not clear to Hagner in any instances whether the material is drawn from the New Testament or from other materials (Wenham [editor] 1984, 243).

2 Clement probably moves us into the second half of the second century. It contains many clear allusions to the Gospels and introduces them clearly (Wenham [editor] 1984, 244). Hagner reviews those which contain introductory formulas. Some of the statements appear to be direct quotations and some gradually diverge in their wording. Hagner acknowledges that this could be due to citation from memory or citation of a different source tradition (Wenham [editor] 1984, 245).

Justin Martyr provides more material for consideration than Hagner considers practicable. However, he does review some representative samples (Wenham [editor] 1984, 247ff). Justin is clearly using written sources, which he refers to as written works which are read in gatherings on Sundays (Wenham [editor] 1984, 248).

Hagner concludes that all these early Fathers were probably writing after the Synoptic Gospels had been written (Wenham [editor] 1984, 249). The lack of specific citation or quotation of these works on the same level as quotation of the Old Testament is not surprising, especially in the earlier period. The differences in wroding may easily be attributed to making reference to the material from memory (Wenham [editor] 1984, 250). However, Hagner considers it significant to consider that non-canonical sources could also be used for quotation or paraphrase. This could explain the very careful use of parallelism and euphony found in some of the syaings of Jesus. Oral tradition and catechesis regularly uses statements presented in a highly memorable manner. Hagner observes that this would sill be the case at the time of Justin, when the canonical sources were being recognized as prominent (Wenham [editor] 1984, 251).

Hagner cites the improtance f orality as evidenced by Eusemius' comments on both. Papias and Irenaeus, who considered the words of a witness or a tradent as bearing special authority (Wenham [editor] 1984, 251). The seat of authority only gradually moved from oral transmission to written transmission of truth (Wenham [editor] 1984, 252). This gradual move complicates the work of identification of the source of written statements. The authority was seen to rest in Jesus, not in the report of his words. The means of the report may not have been considered vey important (Wenham [editor] 1984, 253). The work of the Apostles was considered important primarily because they were transmitting the words of Jesus to the next generation (Wenham [editor] 1984, 255).

Hagner notes that transmission of authoritative truth was understood at the time of the New Testament to take place both throguh oral and written means (Wenham [editor] 1984, 255). The oral tradition could frequently be considered superior in terms of its authenticity and authority. The slight verbal adaptations of Jesus' teachings are very slight, though the narratives which introduce them show more variety (Wenham [editor] 1984, 256). The tradition was well guarded, particularly while the eyewitnesses still lived. It was after that period that the written texts were necessary to guard accuracy.

Apocryphal Gospels and Jesus' Teaching

12/2/2021

12/2/21
Scholarly Reflections

Wright, David F. "Chapter Eight: Apocryphal Gospels: The 'Unknown Gospel' (Pap. Egerton 2) and the Gospel of Peter." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 207-232.

Wright, observing that the apocryphal gospels have normally been seen as dependent on the Synoptics and as intent on drawing apologetic conlsuion, sees the Gospel of Thomas as strikingly different. Some of the content strikes many scholars as older than the Synoptic gospels, suggesting that Thomas may be of great importance in determining ocntent of old Jesus traditions (Wenham [editor] 1984, 207). Along with the "unkown gospel" found in the Egerton Papyrus, the Gospel of Peter, and a few other works, Wright thinks we may have helpful sources for evaluation of very early Chrsitian faith (Wenham [editor] 1984, 208). Writht further considers that we find little specific evidence from Christian writers in the first two centuries elevating canonical materials above those we would now consider non-canonical. He therefore suggests the writings were rightly consider as of similar value.

A challenge in studies of early documents is centered in the simple fact that we have relatively little information. A catalog of texts and fragments from the second and third centuries shows that the canonical gospels, particularly the Fourth Gospel, appear more than the apocryphal owrks (Wenham [editor] 1984, 208). When we consider use or apparent knowledge of other works, the picture is not so clear. Authors may well have known, or known of, documents which they would not consider authoritative (Wenham [editor] 1984, 209).

The "Unknown Gospel" is known to us in "three papyrus fragments first published in 1935" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 210). The material is possibly part of a compilation of ideas used in the canonical Gospels but not clearly related in a literary manner. Wright presents the first pericope and makes comments on it (Wenham [editor] 1984, 211ff). The ideas seem more similar to John, while the vocabulary and style seem more like the Synoptics. The second pericope, with a stronger similarity to ideas in John, follows (Wenham [editor] 1984, 215ff) with Wright's notes. The third pericope tells of a healing of a leper, bearing similarity to Matthew 8, Mark 1, and Luke 5 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 216).

Though the ideas are fairly similar the details diverge enough from any synoptic account of a healing that Wright doesn't consider the material to be derived from the Synoptics. The fourth pericope, which has some slight resemblance to John 3:2, follows (Wenham [editor] 1984, 217). The passage, which is quite scattered in its contents, also contains several ideas from the symoptics.

Wright takes the text to be likely from the early second century, possibly as a compilation of some Christian ideas, but not likely intended as an alternative to a canonical Gospel (Wenham [editor] 1984, 220-221).

The Gospel of Peter, much longer than our fragments of the Unknown Gospel, appears to be a secondary composition, drawing on material from the canonical gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 221). Wright observes that papyrological discoveries in the 1970s have indicated the presence of significant variations in the text. This makes assessment of its relationship to canonical material much more difficult (Wenham [editor] 1984, 223).

Wright's analysis suggests that it is difficult, if not impossible, to identify material which leads to Jesus traditions and which would antedate the canonical Gospels. The evidence is scanty, and what we have tends to contain significant problems in terms of coherence or consistency of manuscripts.

Narrative Parables

12/1/2021

12/1/21
Scholarly Reflections

Blomberg, Criag L. "Chapter Seven: Tradition and Redaction in the Parables of the Gospel of Thomas." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 177-205.

Blomberg considers the Gospel of Thomas to be of great interest because many of the statements attributed to Jesus are similar to statements in the Synoptic Gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 177). Eleven of the thirteen parables have New Testament parallels. Of particular interest is the view that Thomas may well not have used the Synoptics as a source, as suggested by the substantial differences in arrangement and style (Wenham [editor] 1984, 178). Blomberg reviews many of the arguments and, though many of them are plausible, they are not overwhelmingly compelling. He also notes that some arguments for dependence on the Synoptic Gospels are fairly strong (Wenham [editor] 1984, 181).

Counter to my expectation, Blomberg notes that narrative tends to grow shorter rather than longer over time. He sees this happening in the different Synoptic texts. The parables which appear in Thomas and which are parallelled in the Synoptics are, in fact, shorter versions. Blomberg walks through some of this evidence (Wenham [editor] 1984, 182).

Blomberg's evaluation of these parables does suggest to me that he is more hesitant to speak of heterodoxy and Gnosticism than I am. What he is able to accept and evaluate in friendly terms tends to provoke me to outright rejection on theological grounds. His conclusion, however, is related to his overal thesis. Thomas has numerous parables which combine tradition and redaction. Where there is redaction, Thomas typically brings in Gnostic ideas (Wenham [editor] 1984, 195). Due to the apparent redaction, Blomberg thinks it unlikely that we can identify any particular pre-Synoptic materials with relaibility (Wenham [editor] 1984, 196).

Resurrection Cannot Be Hindered

11/30/2021

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
11/30/21

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 124"

Psalm 124 is another Psalm of Ascent, which Augustine reminds us is intended to draw our hearts up to the heavenly realms (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340385, par. 1). It is in our heavenly home that we receive an incorruptible life in an incorruptible body. By saying this, Augustine confesses the centrality of the belief in the resurrection of the body.

Verses 1-2 speak of times when people rise against us. It comes as no surprise that those men would desire to crush us (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340395, par. 3). Yet the Lord prevents our being crushed or swallowed (v. 3). Augustine alleges that, in one way or another, we are crushed and swallowed, taken into the world or into the Church (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340405, par. 3). Whatever fury comes against us, even the fury of the world trying to engulf and drown us (v. 4), it cannot overcome us because the Lord has been raised up on our behalf. Verse five describes our soul as escaping, passing over the water.

Augustine here compares the "water without substance" to our souls which have sins. "Sins have not substance: they have want, not substance" (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340425, par. 6). By this he means that forgiven sins bear no weight. They cannot drag us down under the water. The things which would drag us down are the earthly riches that we would hold to (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340430, par. 7).

In verse six, then, we rejoice in the ord, who has not left us as prey to be devoured by the worldly desires of this life (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340435, par. 8). We escape (v. 7) like a bird which slips away from a trap.

The help of the Christian, in verse eight, is in the Lord, maker of all (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340450, par. 10). The work of rescue is the work of God. He is our helper.

Thomas and Jesus

11/29/2021

11/29/21
Scholarly Reflections

Chilton, Bruce. "Chapter Six: The Gospel According to Thomas as a Source of Jesus' Teaching." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 155-175.

"The Gospel According to Thomas consists of some 114 sayings of Jesus, and has no narrative element which can compare with what we find in the canonical Gospels" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 155). There is a valid question as to whether the sayings are actually Jesus' teaching. Chilton observes that the codices containing Thomas are from the fourth century and that some fragmentary parts may be dated to the third century. However, Chilton does consider it within the realm of possibility hat the tradition represents material as old as that in the canonical Gospels. Helmut Koester is a proponent of a view that Thomas is identified as the twin of Jesus and speaks in much the same way, reporting Jesus' statements accurately (Wenham [editor] 1984, 156).

Chilton evaluates some of the syaings attributed to Jesus in Thomas, noting that similar ideas may appear in the New Testament, but that some are contrary in spirit to the message of the New Testament (Wenham [editor] 1984, 157). He concludes that Thomas is not really comparable to Q, assuming Q is a source of the Synoptic Gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 159).

Chilton observes that there is a relationship between Thomas nd the Diatessaron, which Quispel considers to stem from mutual dependence on "a tradition he calls 'the Gospel of the Hebrews'" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 159). A substantial difficulty with this view is the fact that Tatian's Diatessaron is not available to us, though some harmonies of it do exist. Chilton further notes that Thomas is really a work of the second century, though it shows some signs of contact with earlier sources (Wenham [editor] 1984, 160). The work reached its current form some time in the fourth century. The structure of Thomas is a series of questions from an interlocutor, answered by sayings of Jesus. This creats a topical collection of sayings (Wenham [editor] 1984, 161).

Chilton considers the reliability of Thomas (Wenham [editor] 1984, 162). This is a challenging issue. The work has a central focus on God's kingdom, as does Matthew. Thomas is easily and often understood as showing a great deal of Gnostic ualism. However, Chilton asserts, "It is no more hterodox, say, than Clement of Alexandria, and is far removed from the elaborate cosmology of The Gospel of Truth" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 163). There is, therefore, some credible reason to consider the work relatively orthodox. The text largely posits an internal kingdom as opposed to one extra nos, but this emphasis can be found throughout the canonical Scripture as well (Wenham [editor] 1984, 164). Chilton also understands the references to "the kingdom" to be a taboo deformation, as they serve as references to God. He illusrates this idea at length.

Chilton concludes that while Thomas has some sayings which seem to be genuinely sayings of Jesus, other parts are inconsistent. The ideas sometimes tend toward those of the Gnostics. "In practice, Thomas can only be trusted as a witness to the sayings of Jesus to a limited extent," he concludes (Wenham [editor] 1984, 171). He advocates careful historical judgment and a sound grasp of tradition to guard our interpretation.

Daniel in Revelation 4-5

11/26/2021

11/26/21
Scholarly Reflections

Beale, G.K. "Chapter Five: The Use of Daniel in the Synoptic Eschatological Discourse and in the Book of Revelation." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 129-153.

Beale sets out to demonstrate that the eschatological developments found in Revelation are related to the midrashinc views originating in Daniel, rather than being build on Synoptic material, particularly that used in Mark 13 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 129). While Mark 13, Matthew 24, and Luke 21 appear to be derived from Daniel 7-9 and 11-12, Beale notes the similarity in content with Revelation, but considers the Synoptics to represent Jesus' interpretation of Daniel, but Revelation to represent John's interpretation of Daniel without reference to the way it is expressed in the Synoptics (Wenham [editor] 1984, 130).

Revelation chapters 4-5 have a connection to Daniel. However, Beale observes that "the few works dedicated only to studying the use of the OT in Revelation fail to give proper attention to chapters 4-5, much less to the use of Daniel therein" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 131). Because of this lack of research, Beale attempts to establish his idea that the whole of Revelation 4-5 has a strong influence from Daniel chapter seven. He therefore begins with a list of the elements of each vision, in order, providing verse references for each step of the description (Wenham [editor] 1984, 131-132). In this evaluation, Beale finds both passages have the same fourteen elements of content, with only a slight variation in their order, which he takes to be due to Revelation's expansion of some of the images (Wenham [editor] 1984, 132).

Beale does observe that Revelation 4:1-5:1 bears a very close resemblance to Ezekiel chapters 1-2. However, the order is more significantly different, and five of the elements common to Daniel and Revelation are lacking in Ezekiel (Wenham [editor] 1984, 132).

Beale further considers allusions to Daniel found in Revelation. He dos note a forthcoming book which he authored, discussing the allusions in more detail, but here he provides a compact list (Wenham [editor] 1984, 133).

Beale's conclusion is that the structure of Revelation 4-5 is directly influenced by Daniel chapte seven (Wenham [editor] 1984, 133). Counter to this opinion, Ezekiel chapter one, though it bears some similarity, is probably not a source for structure in Revelation (Wenham [editor] 1984, 134). Beale further observes that other portions have elements suggesting they serve largely as Midrash on portions of Daniel. The connections of Daniel and the overall content of the New Testament are relatively strong (Wenham [editor] 1984, 136).

Beale next provides some evidence that Revelation 1 and 13 may also beclosely related to Daniel 7 and 10. There are a number of clear allusions and the overall structure is similar (Wenham [editor] 1984, 137). Again, there has been some scholarship which points to symoptic source material. However, Beale finds the similarity to Daniel to be more persuasive (Wenham [editor] 1984, 139).

Beale's overall conclusion is that Revelation and the Synoptics tend to draw on the same body of teaching, which includes material from Daniel (Wenham [editor] 1984, 143). This is particularly true of the eschatological portions of the New Testament. Beale does not find these materials used to any significant degree in the non-eschatological portions (Wenham [editor] 1984, 144). Again, when Beale reviews allusions to the Synoptics and to Daniel in Revelation, he concludes that Revelation and the Synoptics are drawing on a common source and not on one another (Wenham [editor] 1984, 147).

1 Peter and Jesus' Teaching

11/25/2021

11/25/21
Scholarly Reflections

Maier, Gerhard. "Chapter Four: Jesustradition im 1 Petrusbrief?" in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 85-128.

Maier notes that 1 Peter has garnered a great deal of attention not only due to the possible disputes over authorship but also as scholars have attempted to identify the extent of the Jesus traditions appearing in the text (Wenham [editor] 1984, 85-86). A notable debate concerns the role of the words of Jesus as reported in 1 Peter. Maier observes the sides of the debate are represented by Ernest Best and Robert Gundry (Wenham [editor] 1984, 86). Maier proceeds to summarize the elements of both arguments. Best considers 1 Peter to draw on Jesus traditions outside of canonical sources, while Gundry looks for canonical sources (Wenham [editor] 1984, 87).

Analysis of possible parallel texts may shed light on the challenge. Best and Gundry recognize that there are strong similarities between 1 Peter 1:10-12 and Luke 24:25-27 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 88). This recognition leads to an analysis of the similarities. In fact, Best and Gundry examined multiple passages. While there are many parallel ideas, the wording doesn't match very precisely. The debate, then, remaidqns largely unresolved. However, some passages do strongly suggest an influence from material outside the canonical Gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 95).

Maier continues by seeking out similarities between 1 Peter and other works, now not as they were considered by Best and Gundry (Wenham [editor] 1984, 96). Again, he finds a good deal of similarity in ideas. However, it is rare to find identity in wording which would clearly point to a specific literary dependence.

Maier's conclusions based on his review thus far suggest that 1 Peter may show more influence from Jesus traditions themselves than from writings which have proven canonical (Wenham [editor] 1984, 102ff).

A number of passages in 1 Peter may be considered as brief catechism.s Though Maier admits of controversy in identifying them, he suggests they are 1:18-21, 2:21-25, and 3:18-22 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 105). He evaluates these passages particularly looking for influences on the readings. In these passages, the pre-existence of Christ, the value of his passion, and the power of his word emerge as essential concepts. In the context of these possibly catechetical passages, Maier also considers possible influence from the Pauline epistles and, to a lesser debree, the Old Testament. As before, while there are many similarities of concept and thought, Maier finds little specific parallel wording.

Maier further considers relationships between the catechetical passages of 1 Peter and material in Acts, particularly chaptesr two, three, and ten (Wenham [editor] 1984, 111). These are significant passages particularly because they describe Peter's preaching and teaching. As we might expect, the concepts are very similar. However, again, the specific wording, though possibly more similar than other passages reviewed thus far, does not compel us to think in terms of depencence.

Maier concludes that there is some literary distance between 1 Peter and the influences thus leading to similarity of ideas but not specifc language (Wenham [editor] 1984, 115). Maier further notes that by the time of composition of 1 Peter, the canonical Gospels would havebeen becoming available. The differences in wording would be more likely a factor of not yet adopting the speech patterns in the canonical materials, but considerin the ideas in the context of materials which could be a source for both 1 Peter and the canonical Gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 117). This can also explain, in Maier's opinion, the fact that the ideas in 1 Peter are found in the Synoptics and in John. The traditions underlying both would have been known to Peter (Wenham [editor] 1984, 118).

A brief observation - while Maier provides arather a lot of documentation of the verses he analyzes, he does so consistently in German, rather than in Greek. Perusal of his arguments with a Greek text could be of value.

James and the Teaching of Jesus

11/24/2021

11/24/21
Scholarly Reflections

Davids, Peter H. "Chapter Three: James and Jesus." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 63-84.

Davids observes that there has been ongoing discussion of the means of transmitting the traditions of Jesus in early Christianity, particularly focused on preaching as the means to pass the message from teacher to student (Wenham [editor] 1984, 63). The relative absence of evidence for transmission prior to the written Gospels does raise questions. The statements of Paul which can be recognized as references to Jesus traditions suggest to many that Paul was familiar with multiple blocks of teaching, some of which we might not have any longer (Wenham [editor] 1984, 65).

Davids continues with an analysis of James, geared toward identifying statements which assume readers know particular pieces of the Jesus traditions (Wenham [editor] 1984, 65). This evaluation tests the situation apart from the work of Paul. There are also numerous allusions to the Synoptic material in James. Davids catalogs these on pp. 66-67. He observes that the references largely focus on ethical teaching from the Sermon on the Mount/Plain (Wenham [editor] 1984, 67). James does not appear to depend on the Synoptic Gospels. Davids observes that his content is more similar to Matthew and his language is more like Luke (Wenham [editor] 1984, 68).

It is significant to Davids that James does not "cite Jesus as the source of [his] teaching" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 68). He assumes some familiarity with the teaching. This is a common pattern of the period. Davids does mention as an example, "the Didache, which is filled with exact quotations of or allusions to gospel material, [but] only cites Jesus by name twice, both times in liturgical contexts" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 68). It was more common to make reference by indirect allusion (Wenham [editor] 1984, 69).

Davids considers that the allusions in James are spread fairly evenly through the letter (Wenham [editor] 1984, 69). This suggests that James deliberately intended to build his message on the Jesus material. This also suggests a basic cohesiveness in the letter. It is consistent throughout, indicating a unified plan (Wenham [editor] 1984, 70). Davids describes the main thrust of the various segments of James, showing their allusive quality and recognition of material which can be traced to the Jesus traditions.

Through Davids' analysis it becomes clear that not only the ideas of Jesus, but even the wording that was later recorded had an influence on the way James expressed himself (Wenham [editor] 1984, 74). His work, then, is not to teach the Jesus tradition itself, but to show his readers how that tradition mattered in their lives (Wenham [editor] 1984, 75).

What Happens When We Look to Heaven?

11/23/2021

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
11/23/21

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 123"

Psalm 123:1 speaks in the singular. "I lift up my eyes." Augustine urges this same personalization on his readers, not a corporate looking to the Lord, but a personal and individual action (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340290, par. 1). When our hearts are heavy, we turn to the Lord and ascend to Him. However, Augustine acknowledges that the distance to heaven is great. If we are to ascend, we want to find a ladder (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340301, par. 2). He finds this ladder of ascent in the humble heart.

Augustine asks, though, what we would understand heaven to be. It is not a place we could discern with our physical eyes (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340306, par. 3). Rather, he takes it to be the dwelling place of the soul, where we can go by faith.

Our act of looking to God, in verse two, is both as a servant looks to a master and as a maid looks to a mistress. Augustine is truck by this, that the God of all corresponds both to master and mistress (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340326, par. 4).

Verse three reflects on the contempt and scorn which is heaped upon the Psalmist, and all Christians (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340335, par. 5). This scorn comes upon us because we have a hope in something which cannot be seen. It is not in the temporal things such as houses and wealth. Augustine reflects that a life "hidden with Christ in God" is incomprehensible to our culture at large (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340345, par. 5). The riches which we have in spirit bring mockery upon us. Augustine observes that it is our spiritual satisfaction which sets us apart from our world and ultimately provokes them (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340350, par. 6). Those who suffer in the temporal world also may mock us. Augustine takes this to be a sign of their dissatisfaction with God, who they perceive as letting them down (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340360, par. 7).

In Augustine's view, though the Christian has the riches of heaven, he should consider himself poor (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340370, par. 8). Our righteousness he compares to dew drops, while the righteousness given by God is a great torrent. We find in ourselves weakness and fatigue, but in God strength and life.

Jesus in 1 Corinthians

11/22/2021

11/22/21
Scholarly Reflections

Richardson, Peter & Gooch, Peter. "Chapter Two: Logia of Jesus in 1 Corinthians." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 39-62.

Richardson and Gooch freely acknowledge that Paul cites the words and actions of Jesus relatively seldom. However, scholarly opinion generally suggests that he was aware of much that he never stated, due to the actual purposes of his writing (Wenham [editor] 1984, 39). On the other side of the coin, there are arguments that Paul did not know much of the words and actions of Jesus, thus said little. Both sides in the discussion depend on arguments from silence. To make progress in this discussion, Richardson and Gooch suggest not only reviewing Paul's use of material about Jesus, but also evaluating his use of Jesus' words as a ground for his argument, and considering whether he considers it important to use his writings to pass the tradition on to future generations (Wenham [editor] 1984, 40).

This chapter analyzes Paul's use of Jesus' teaching in 1 Corinthians. Paul is clearly considering Jesus' passion as fundamental to his teaching. In 1 Corinthians he never mentions "Jesus' healing, exorcising, preaching, or miracles" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 41). However, he does make specific reference to Jesus' teaching which is reflected in the Synoptic Gospels. This sets 1 Corinthians apart from Paul's other letters (Wenham [editor] 1984, 42).

Paul's specific references to traditions about Jesus are found in 1 Corinthians 15:3-8, 11:23-26, 7:10, and 9:14 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 42). In chapter seven, Richardson and Gooch observe Paul's teaching on marriage and divorce is consistent with the general view expressed in the Synoptic Gospels. He makes a clear distinction between what he understands as the Lord's commands and his own conclusions (Wenham [editor] 1984, 43).

The argument in chapter nine is about God's servants making their living the Gospel. As with chapter seven, Paul couches the Lord's command among his own statements. He does distinguish between his words and Jesus' words, but he uses Jesus to support his argument (Wenham [editor] 1984, 44).

The statement from 1 Corinthians 14:37, that Jesus taught that women should be silent in Church, is difficult. It doesn't line up with any Synoptic tradition. Richardson and Gooch suggest it could be a recollection of a post-resurrection saying (Wenham [editor] 1984, 45).

Richardson and Gooch consider the issue of allusions. One of the primary challenges we face in dealing with allusions is that of defining the criteria by which a statement can be recognized as an allusion (Wenham [editor] 1984, 45). They choose to pursue as allusions those passages in which Paul uses an image for the same purpose that it is used in the Synoptic gospels, then places where Paul uses ideas which agree with those in the Synoptics (Wenham [editor] 1984, 46). Richardson and Gooch pursue these in turn. While we find relatively few passages which make clear quotations, the allusive ideas are fairly frequent.

Richardson and Gooch concllude that Paul seems familiar with and consciously informed by the traditions about Jesus. However, many of the ideas remain below the surface, so we would have no idea of their source if we didn't have the Synoptic Gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 50). The references generally seem related to material used by Mark, though Richardson and Gooch consider some of the ideas to be Q materials (Wenham [editor] 1984, 51).

Paul does not seem to use specific claims of Jesus as a foundation for his teaching. While he does use them, it seems more focused on the imagery and to function as a supporting idea to document what Paul intends to teach (Wenham [editor] 1984, 52). While it is clear that in some instances Paul particularly means to pass on information about the Jesus traditions, in general he does not seem to intend a wholesale passing on of the accounts of Jesus 'life and teaching (Wenham [editor] 1984, 54). He is, rather, focused on the facts of the death and resurrection of Christ.

Paul's Use of Jesus' Teaching

11/19/2021

11/19/21
Scholarly Reflections

Wenham, David. "Chapter One: Paul's Use of the Jesus Tradition: Three Samples." in Wenham, David (editor), The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984, 7-37.

Wenham has previously concluded that Paul was familiar with teachings of Jesus, including those which do not appear in the Synoptic Gospels (Wenham [editor] 1984, 7). In this chapter he consders three passages which were not part of his previous study.

In 1 Corinthians 7:10-11, speaking of divorce, Paul cites the Lord's teaching, but the teaching he states is nowhere in the canonical Gospels. Wenham considers it clear that Paul's language indicates a direct and purposeful quotation (Wenham [editor] 1984, 8). There are clear similarities between 1 Corinthians 7:10 and Mark 10:9, 11 and Matthew 19:6, 9. Because of these similarities, Wenham concludes that Paul was familiar with this material.

Wenham next broadens his survey to a larger part of Matthew 19 and Mark 10. He does find some similarity in content. For instance, both Paul and the evangelists speak in terms of marriage being a "one flesh" relationship which is broken by separation. Singleness as a gift of God in 1 Corinthians 7:7 is similar to Matthew 19:11 where some receive Jesus' teaching about singleness (Wenham [editor] 1984, 9). This suggests to Wenham that the tradition put to use here is earlier than many scholars have suggested.

The four important symoptic texts about divorce are Matthew 5:32, Matthew 19:6, 9, Luke 16:18, and Mark 10:9-12. Wenham compares these texts and catalogs the grammatical and content similarities and differences (Wenham [editor] 1984, 10-11). He does find that the construction in part of Matthew 5:32 is similar to Luke, while the other part is similar to Mark, suggesting some element of influence. Wenham goes on to catalog a number of less obvious inconsistencies, then he observes that Paul's text in 1 Corinthians 7:10-15 has points of agreement in his grammar with Matthew and Luke but not Mark.

Wenham proposes a partial solution to the challenge of the origin of the text, that there were two basic narratives and that they were used differently by the various authors (Wenham [editor] 1984, 13).

The last portion of Romans contains many possible references to Jesus traditions. Wenham chooses to analyze Romans 12:14-21, which has strong echoes of the material from Jesus' "Sermon on the Mount/Plain" (Wenham [editor] 1984, 15). Particularly Romans 12:14 has parallelism which is very like Luke 6:28. When comparing the overall ideas expressed in these passages, Wenham observes that there are clear parallels between Luke 6:27-28, 32-33, and Matthew 5:43, 46-47 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 16). Wenham considers that Paul may have used a tradition which was also used in part by Matthew and Luke.

Romans 12:17-20 likewise shows a connection with Matthew 5:38-48 and, similarly Luke 6:27-36 (Wenham [editor] 1984, 17). The ethic described is that of doing good in return for evil. What Wenham finds significant is the similarity of the sequence of ideas (Wenham [editor] 1984, 18). The sequence of ideas is, in Wenham's estimation, quite possibly pre-synoptic, and was used both by the evangelists and by Paul (Wenham [editor] 1984, 19). After displaying the Greek text for both the Matthew and the Luke passages side by side Wenham observes that the differences have been a matter of scholarly debate, and that one or the other is assumed to be more similar to the underlying tradition. He then reconstructs what he thinks to be a likely reading of the traditional material (Wenham [editor] 1984, 21-22).

Wenham again finds that the Pauline material is very similar to the texts he can hypothesize as an early tradition underlying the Synoptic texts (Wenham [editor] 1984, 23).

In Galatians 1-2, Paul knows and tells some things of Peter which we might wonder at, particularly Peter's role as the apostle to the Jews (Wenham [editor] 1984, 24). The portrayal of Peter's apostolic work from Matthew 16 would not have been known to Paul at the time he wrote Galatians. Yet Paul speaks of the differences of his commission and Peter's commission (Wenham [editor] 1984, 25). Wenham concludes that Paul appeared to know about the traditions underlying Matthew's account, and that he knew it independently of the account in Matthew's Gospel itself (Wenham [editor] 1984, 28).

Overall, Wenham concludes that Paul knew quite a lot of the Jesus traditions even though he did not actually have the Synoptic Gospels. This suggests strongly that Paul had a storehouse of information about Jesus, his actions, and his values (Wenham [editor] 1984, 29).

Tabernacles and the Church

11/18/2021

11/18/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Twenty: The Feast of Tabernacles." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 333-347.

Daniélou notes that while the paschal feast and pentecost were taken into Christianity with a change of focus, the third major feast, that of Tabernacles, was not brought so directly into Christianity (Daniélou 1956, 333). The feast featured dwelling in shelters, reminiscent of God's protection of His people in the desert. It was also interpreted as looking forward toa place of rest in God's eternal kingdom (Daniélou 1956, 334). Since Tabernacles comes at the end of the year's farm work, the Fathers took it as significant of the final gathering in of Christians in God's kingdom (Daniélou 1956, 335).

Judaism had already attached a Messianic significance to Tabernacles, as a time of being gathered together around the harvest, significant of the last days (Daniélou 1956, 337). The early Christians simply attached a more specific and clear interpretation, that the feast would be a foretaste of the heavenly gathering and feast with Christ as his resurrected people (Daniélou 1956, 337). The tabernacle served as a sign of our temporary, earthly, dwelling.

Many of the events of Jesus' life are clearly tied to the paschal and pentecost events. The connection to Tabernacles is not quite as obvious. However, not only Jesus' presentation as the source of living water, but also the Transfiguration, is related in time (Daniélou 1956, 339). The Transfiguration happened six or eight days after Tabernacles. Additionally, the apostles initially responded by an offer to build tabernacles (Daniélou 1956, 340). If the apostolic interpretation of the event was correct, Jesus in his transfiguration was allowing the apostles to look forward to theirs as well.

Daniélou also suggests that the waving of palm branches during Jesus' entry to Jerusalem is signified by a procession which would happen on the last day of Tabernacles (Daniélou 1956, 341). More of the liturgy from Tabernacles is adopted by John in Revelation to describe events around the altar of God.

Because of the chronological difficulty in linking specific events to Tabernacles, some Christians, such as Didymus the Blind, considered Tabernacles as a preview of the entirety of the liturgical year (Daniélou 1956, 343). Daniélou describes how various elements of the celebration of Tabernacles would suggest different events in the year. While some of the connections seem tenuous, there is reason to think that there are many points of connection between Tabernacles and the Church year.

History of Pentecost Celebrations

11/17/2021

11/17/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Nineteen: Pentecost." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 319-332.

Rather early in Christian thought the feast of Pentecost, at the end of the seven weeks of the Paschal season, was considered an integral part of the entire package. Theologically the incarnation, passion, resurrection, ascension, and the coming of the Holy Spirit belong together. Daniélou observes that the chronology, rather than the theology, took over in the fourth century, dividing the celebration into distinct portions (Daniélou 1956, 319). While originally Pentecost was seen as the period of seven weeks following Easter, it later began to be observed starting on the last day of the period (Daniélou 1956, 320). Philo's observation was that the period of Pentecost (meaning fifty) began the day after Passover and concluded fifty days later. The feast was seen by Philo as one of thanksgiving and complete dependence on God who provides all we need (Daniélou 1956, 322).

Though there is evidence of a recognition of the Jewish feasts by Christians at an early time, the specific Christian liturgical interpretation of the Feast of Weeks is not strongly developed until Cyril of Jerusalem (Daniélou 1956, 322). He considered the feast as a culmination of the seven week period. The Paschal feast shows Christ in the lamb. The Pentecost feast shows him in the offering of first fruits (Daniélou 1956, 324).

Daniélou observes that early Christians were quick to note the symbolic significance of a week of weeks, 49 days, plus one. They tied it quickly to the Old Testament pattern of remission of debts and manumission of slaves every fiftieth year (Daniélou 1956, 324). From this concept, Clement of Alexandria and then Origen understood the number fifty to be symbolic of forgiveness (Daniélou 1956, 325). While Jewish authors took the one day added to the seven weeks as a symbol of the unity of God, Christians tended to view it in terms of an eighth day, the day of resurrection. This was the case as early as Basil and Athanasius (Daniélou 1956, 328).

Again, Daniélou recalls that the focus of Pentecost shifted in the fourth century to Pentecost Sunday, rather than the seven weeks preceding it (Daniélou 1956, 320). In the thought of Gregory Nazienzen it was the fiftieth day which was the special marker of hope, due to the coming of the Holy Spirit. The celebration would take place particularly at the third hour of the morning, remembering the time when the Holy Spirit came. This observance led to a commemoration of Moses' reception of the Law on Mount Sinai (Daniélou 1956, 331).

Going Up to Home

11/16/2021

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
11/16/21

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 122"

Augustine begins his comments on Psalm 122 with a brief but eloquent reflection on the fact that different loves compel us in different directions (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340178, par. 1). The Psalm, as a song of ascent, calls the reader to ascend toward a heavenly home. For this reason, verses 1 and 2 speak of being glad at the opportunity to go to Jerusalem, to God's house (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340188, par. 3). Augustine refers to Jesus' words of Jerusalem which kills the prophets. He urges that we should not look fondly on the earthly city, but on the heavenly Jerusalem. Verse three identifies it as a city which is being built. Augustine allegorizes this verse, saying the building has to do with God building up his people in faith (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340199, par. 4). As an earthly building tends to settle towards its foundation, a heavenly building should tend toward the heavenly realms.

The heavenly place, built as a city, calls for a "partaking" "in the same" (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340214, par. 5). This "same" Augustine takes to be Jesus, the one who is the same forever. Augustine further notes that there is stability to be found in Jesus, as he never changes (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340219, par. 6).

Verse four describes "the tribes" going up to this heavenly city (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340224, par. 7). Augustine notes that Israel, with its twelve tribes, just like any place with population divisions, would have good and bad tribes, and within the tribes good and bad people (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340230, par. 8). Those who are good go up to Jerusalem confessing God's name. Augustine considers these to be the true Israelites.

In verse five there are judgment seats (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340240, par. 9). Augustine considers the implications of the seats. They seem to be in God's presence, but they are seats from which some who go up will sit, issuing the judgment of God himself (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340245, par. 9).

The seats, or those seated on the seats, in verse six, are called to pray about the peace of Israel (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340255, par. 10). Augustine understands the essence f the things for peace to be in their doing charitable acts. These deeds lead to a condition of plenty (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340260, par. 11). The greatest plenty is eternal life, what God gives to make a man rich.

Verse seven speaks directly of peace as the characteristic of Jerusalem's strength (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340270, par. 12). Peace, like love, my be very strong, even impossible to overcome. This is how God accomplishes his plans. Therefore, in verse 9, the Psalmist seeks good things, but because of God's house, not because of his own desires (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340285, par. 14). We go up to the heavenly Jerusalem because God is good.

Who Is This King of Glory?

11/15/2021

11/15/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Eighteen: The Ascension." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 303-318.

The ascension, like the other celebrations of Christianity, was readily seen as both a recognition of something old and a prefiguring of something yet to come (Daniélou 1956, 303). Here the Psalms were frequently used, particularly three, which Daniélou treats in order.

Psalm 23 speaks of welcome to the King of Glory (Daniélou 1956, 304). The ascension of Christ and his reception back into the heavenly realms in glory was recognized by the earliest of the Fathers as a central sign of Christ's kingship. Irenaeus took the question of the Psalm, "Who is this king?" to be an angelic question, as they had known God the Son prior to his incarnation but wondered at his coming as a resurrected human (Daniélou 1956, 306). Numerous other Fathers carry on this theme of Christ appearing in a form unexpected by the angels.

Psalm 109 and its statements about the Messiah not being abandoned or suffering decay is anotehr passage frequently used in the context of the ascension (Daniélou 1956, 308). In particular the picture of Christ sitting at the right hand of the Father received attention from the Church Fathers. Daniélou particularly notes that the Fathers made significant connections between Psalm 109, 1 Corinthians 15, and many passages in Hebrews (Daniélou 1956, 310). A further important outworking of the ascension and the session of Christ is the sending of the Holy Spirit. Daniélou notes that this was, in the mind of the Fathers, directly related to world evangelism, as Jesus used this means to make witnesses to all nations (Daniélou 1956, 311).

Psalm 67 is also used in association with the Ascension. Applied to Jesus by Paul in Ephesians 4:7-11, it speaks of God's work of ascending and giving gifts (Daniélou 1956, 312). The theme of Christ conquering death and the devil, then ascending to give gifts to his followers became very common in partristic thought. Ideas of proper orientation in prayer and posture of looking for Christ's return were also linked to Psalm 67 (Daniélou 1956, 314).

Daniélou raises an important question, whether these interpretations of the Psalms are appropriate, since they diverge rather clearly from Judaic thought (Daniélou 1956, 315). He observes that the Christian tradition in antiquity always considered all the Psalms to be messianic in nature. For this reason, the liturgical use of those Psalms, though differing from Jewish understanding, was entirely consistent with Christian understanding. It also accords with the strongly typological interpretive processes of the time period (Daniélou 1956, 317). While more discussion is warranted, Daniélou considers the Fathers' work sound in this regard.

Easter, Central to Christianity

11/12/2021

11/12/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Seventeen: Easter." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 287-302.

Daniélou considers the paschal events to be at the center of Christian thought and practice. In this respect, the liturgy surrounding Easter should be expected to have elements of the entirety of Christianity (Daniélou 1956, 287). At the same time, the feast of Exodus 12 is very specific to its own context, the commemoration of the departure of the Jews from Egypt.

Jewish thought had already made serious consideration of the fact that the exodus came at springtime (Daniélou 1956, 288). Ths concept was adopted by the Christian Fathers, taking spring not to be "the memorial of creation, but thefigure of the Resurrection" (Daniélou 1956, 289). Eusebius makes the step of connecting the creation, the paschal feast, and the resurrection to one another as a full exposition of creation and redemption (Daniélou 1956, 290). In his work, all the figures of spring, including those of paganism, are seen as pointing to the reality in Christ. The line of interpretation is continued after Eusebius as well. Daniélou particularly describes Gregory Nazianzen drawing spring as a time showing God's glory, though not so much as the symbol of resurrection (Daniélou 1956, 291). Daniélou continues with notes on numerous authors, some of whom tie spring to resurrection, and some who do not.

The significance of the paschal lamb appears in many authors. Daniélou particularly notes the commentary based on the choosing of the sacrificial lamb five days before the sacrifice itself (Daniélou 1956, 293ff). Here the Fathers found the foreknowledge and choice of God, who prepared that Christ should be sacrificed at the appointed time. Further teaching relates the appointed time, or even, as the time symbolic of the end of the world (Daniélou 1956, 296).

The date of 14 Nisan was also significant to the Fathers. Not only is it the date of the equinox, but also of a full moon which rises as the sun sets, thus remaining light (Daniélou 1956, 297). It is therefore an appropriate time to reflect on the light of Christ and the separation of light from darkness (Daniélou 1956, 298). In later thought, as the moon was considered the queen of darkness and the dead, the fact that the moon phase waned after 14 Nisan was considered symbolic of Christ's victory over death (Daniélou 1956, 301). Daniélou concludes that the overarching pattern is that of the cycles of the natural world proving to be signs of the biblical realities (Daniélou 1956, 302).

The Eighth Day of the Week

11/11/2021

11/11/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Sixteen: The Eighth Day." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 262-286.

The imagery of the Lord's Day and its relationship to the first day of creation and the image of the eighth day became so prominent in early Christian observances that Daniélou devotes an entire chapter to it. Among the Fathers, he considers the Cappadocians, and particularly Basil the Great to be the pre-eminent commentators. Essential to their argument is the identity of the coming age as a day, rather than a long period of time in which something develops (Daniélou 1956, 263). In fact, Basil observed that periods of time, such as days, t ended to be referred to as static and singular events.

The ages, as Basil refers to them, are not closely tied to chronology. They differ in their character, but not necessarily in their time. In Daniélou's view, "history could not be more completely emptied of all significance: we are here in the midst of Hellenistic thought" (Daniélou 1956, 265). Basil ties the concept to the liturgy through association with the Lord's Day, i.e., the day of resurrection, and the Day of the Lord, i.e., the ushering in of eternity. The commemoration including the Eucharist looks to the eschatological age to come (Daniélou 1956, 266). This concept easily overcomes any attraction of the Hellenistic views hinted at by Origen. Daniélou continues by detailing the implications of the chronological symbiosis of the different ages and their emphases. Of great importance to these analyses is the distinction between a temporal and an eternal realm (Daniélou 1956, 273). In effect, the eighth day ushers us out of a world bound by time and chronology, into a world which is timeless (Daniélou 1956, 274).

In contrast to the East, Daniélou notes that the Western church "sought to find in the week a key to the succession of the ages (Daniélou 1956, 275). The seven day week then became a key to understanding seven millennia of earthly experience. This point of view is particularly found in Justin, Hippolytus, and Irenaeus. Augustine thus found it natural to consider a seventh millennium as a time of rest (Daniélou 1956, 276). Daniélou particularly illustrates the concept through analysis of sermons from Augustine. Augustine not only clearly understood the end of the world to be ushered in by around the year 1000, but he also saw patterns of seven or eight in the Scripture to be indicative of the complete work of God.

Augustine eventually rejected the literal form of millenarianism which looked for a visible thousand year reign of Chrsit on earth (Daniélou 1956, 282). He did, however, consider that he was in the sixth millennium, which would serve to usher in the endless day of rest of all God's people (Daniélou 1956, 283).

The Lord's Day, Not the Sabbath

11/10/2021

11/10/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Fifteen: The Lord's Day." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 242-261.

In contrast to a Sabbath observance, "as early in the second century, Ignatius of Antioch defined the Christian by the celebration of the kyriake" (Lord's Day) (Daniélou 1956, 242). Daniélou also observes that Pliny, in his letter to Trajan, knew that Christians gathered on a fixed day. The day of celebration, commemorating the day of resurrection, can be dated as early as the week after the resurrection. It quickly became the commemoration of the day (Daniélou 1956, 243).

Daniélou notes that a day of rest was perfectly common even in the pagan religions (Daniélou 1956, 243). In this way, the Jewish Sabbath, the pagan rest days, and the Christian Lord's Day were somewhat similar. However, the Christians quickly separated the day of rest from the day of worship, fixing Christian worship on Sunday (Daniélou 1956, 244). For a day of rest they joined with the calendar and customs of the surrounding culture. This did become easier within Roman territory when Constantine made the day of the sun, a time observed by pagans, a holiday. This rather naturally made the situation easier both for Christians and pagans (Daniélou 1956, 245).

At this point, Daniélou reminds us that the Christians saw the Sabbath as fulfilled in Christ. The Lord's Day, though it came to include rest, was not the Sabbath (Daniélou 1956, 246). The Fathers did not equate the two. The idea of a transfer of the Sabbath to the Lord's Day does appear in Origen (Contra Celsum), but the context is that the Jews, having failed to hold to the Sabbath command, are now presented with a day for worship and rest on the Lord's Day rather than the Sabbath (Daniélou 1956, 247). The fact that the Day of Resurrection was also the first day of the week, also the day of creation, was not at all lost on the Fathers. The symbolism informed a good deal of teaching (Daniélou 1956, 249). The first day of the week was recognized as the day when the work of God is taken up. It was seen as the beginning, rather than a Sabbath end of creation and work (Daniélou 1956, 251).

In addition to a day of resurrection, Daniélou observes that some of the Fathers understood the first day of creation as the time of generation of the Word (Daniélou 1956, 252). He does acknowledge the dangers of falling into a subordinationist position.

A concept of a planetary week was coming to Western thought from the East around the time of the start of Chrsitianity (Daniélou 1956, 253). In this model, the first day of the week was Sunday, the dies solis. The resemblance does not in itself seem purposeful, but by the fourth century the themes were often taken to coincide and to bear symbolic importance. Sunday was the first day of creation and the occasion for the creation of light.

From an early time, as evidenced by Barnabas and Justin, the day of the Lord was also seen as the "eighth" day (Daniélou 1956, 255). The eighth day concept appears in 2 Enoch 33:7, where it is symbolic of new creation (Daniélou 1956, 256). However, Daniélou notes the idea was never well developed in Judaism, but only in Christian thought. Christians did see this as a difference which set Christianity apart from Judaism (Daniélou 1956, 257).

Not to be outdone by orthodoxy, Daniélou notes that Gnostic thought created elaborate systems of typology for the number eight and the eighth day (Daniélou 1956, 258). He illustrates several in brief terms.

Jesus, the Light on the Hills

11/9/2021

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
11/9/21

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 121"

Commenting on Psalm 121:1, Augustine urges his readers to recognize that when they look to the hills, Christ, the Sun of Righteousness, has risen and thus enlightened the world (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340107, par. 1). The help does not come from the hills, but from Christ.

The Psalm continues with an exhortation not to let your feet be moved. Augustine takes this to be informed by the fact that Satan, as an angel of light, allowed his feet to be moved by pride, thus falling (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340111, par. 2). The exhortation then is to walk as humble people before God. The prayer continues that God would show himself as the one who never sleeps. Trusting in him will allow us to rest (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340123, par. 3). Verse five describes God on the right hand of the believer. Augustine ties this to the Gospel statement of not allowing your left hand to know what your right hand does. God, who made both hands, knows all. But the left, which Augustine sees as the temporal, does not recognize the right, or spiritual (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340440, par. 5).

In verse five, Augustine takes the right hand to indicate power. Here the Lord defends us on the right side (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340140, par. 6). In verse six, the protection of God continues to shield his people on the right side.

Here Augustine seems to digress, allegorically relating God to the sun and the Church to the moon. He speaks of Arians as heretics who must face God and be "scorched by the sun" (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340153, par. 7). All doctrinal errors result in a burning judgment. However, those who are faithful before God are protected from all evil (Augustine Psalms, loc. 340170, par. 8). Even persecution will not destroy them.

What to Do with the Sabbath?

11/8/2021

11/8/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Fourteen: The Mystery of the Sabbath." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 222-241.

Daniélou observes that as the biblical records inform the sacramental acts of the Church, they can also be expected to inform the other occasions of the Church, specifically the weekly and annual calendar of worship (Daniélou 1956, 222). He therefore begins with comments on weekly worship, then moves in subsequent chapters to the prominent feasts on the calendar.

The weekly worship gathering has some roots in the Old Testament Sabbath, which serves as a day of rest and a foreshadowing of the person and work of Christ (Daniélou 1956, 223). In the New Testament it is made clear that Jesus is the day of rest for the Christian. Particularly, in the Fathers, "the true Sabbath, the true anapausis, is not to cease from physical work, but to cease from sinning" (Daniélou 1956, 224). Daniélou illustrates the concept of Christ both freeing people from sin and being greater than the Sabbath commands through his purposeful violations of the Sabbath as interpreted by the Jews (Daniélou 1956, 225). The Fathers continued to interpret these events as evidence that Chrsit himself was the true Sabbath. Daniélou illustrates biblical statements of Christ as the fulfillment of the Sabbath in some detail, without significant reference to the Fathers.

A problematic issue, then, is how Christians would view a Sabbath. It was fulfilled in Christ, yet its observance was based on texts recognized as the authoritative word of God (Daniélou 1956, 230). Daniélou briefly discusses solutions including maintaining the Sabbath and denying that it bore any significance. Justin Martyr, however, pioneered a stream of interpretation which was followed later. The Sabbath commands allowed for exceptions, such as circumcision, which ultimately pointed to God's grace revealed in Christ (Daniélou 1956, 231). Further, God never takes a day off from his work of governing the world (Daniélou 1956, 232). It is therefore not a requirement that is inescapably binding to all people in all times. Rather, it is a sign to Israel of their need to trust God and submit to his merciful provision for them (Daniélou 1956, 233). The coming of Christ marked the end of this provisional economy and ushered in a new era of grace (Daniélou 1956, 234). The true rest becomes a rest from sin. This is accomplished as we trust in Christ (Daniélou 1956, 235).

By this line of argumentation, the observance of the Sabbath as a day of rest can be seen both as a necessary practice for those who look forward to Christ and as something fulfilled in Christ and no longer binding upon the Christian as a necessary practice (Daniélou 1956, 238). It looks forward to our rest from sin, both in this temporal life and in eternity.

New Testament Fulfillments and Types

11/5/2021

11/5/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Thirteen: New Testament Types." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 208-221.

The Gospels, in Daniélou's view, are written on two different levels. "The realities of the life of Christ in His earthly existence become also figures of His glorious life in the Church, particularly as this is expressed in her sacramental life" (Daniélou 1956, 208). The New Testament is full of allusions to the Sacraments. In this chapter Daniélou examines two such events - the pool of Bethesda and the wedding at Cana (Daniélou 1956, 209).

The healing at Bethesda is easily seen as a type of baptism, and even becomes an aspect of some prayers to consecrate baptismal water (Daniélou 1956, 209). Daniélou takes the significance of the miracle to be a demonstration that Jesus provides forgiveness of sins, and that he does it through baptism (Daniélou 1956, 210). In contrast to baptism, the pool only brings healing to one person at a time, and that, unpredictably. In baptism all who are washed are cleansed from sin, no matter when they pass through the water (Daniélou 1956, 211). In the case of the pool of Bethesda, an angel prepares the water. In baptism, God or his servants prepare others for baptism.

The wedding feast at Cana of Galilee certainly suggests the eucharist as part of "the theme of the eschatological wedding" (Daniélou 1956, 215). Daniélou first considers the imagery of the wedding guests from Matthew 22:3, in which, though the feast is open to all, the one person who refuses to dress appropriately is thrown out (Daniélou 1956, 216). Again, there are connections to Psalm 22 and to the Canticle of Canticles. The concept of the eschatological feast is very strong. The procession to baptism, then the reception of the eucharist after baptism, is seen to be related to a marriage procession and feast, as well as to the procession of the elect to their heavenly home in the last day (Daniélou 1956, 219).

The wedding at Cana of Galilee, where Jesus turned water into wine, is full of symbolism of the eschaton. Not only is there a mention of a third day, parallel to Christ's time in the tomb, but there is water of purification and the wine which easily makes for a sacramental picture (Daniélou 1956, 220).

The Canticle, Baptism, and Marriage

11/4/2021

11/4/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Twelve: The Canticle of Canticles." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 191-207.

Daniélou recognizes that the relationship of God and his people in Exodus serves as a figurative description of marriage. However, that relationship and earthly marriage relationships are in themselves a picture of the relationship of God and his people in His eternal kingdom. This draws Daniélou's discussion to the Canticle of Canticles, which may depict the future marriage of eternity (Daniélou 1956, 191). Tertullian sees baptism as the entry into this eternal marriage, while Cyril of Jerusalem sees the Eucharist as the operative element (Daniélou 1956, 192).

Daniélou walks through the order of baptism, describing each element in order as interpreted by the Fathers in terms of the Canticle (Daniélou 1956, 193ff). Entrance into the place of baptism is compared to entry into the marital bed changer. The baptism itself may be related to the numerous mentions of washing found in the Canticle, also frequently associated with a flock of sheep, taken to represent Christians (Daniélou 1956, 196). The clothing of the newly baptized witha white garment is taken to be foreshadowed in the statements of the Canticle describing putting on special clothes (Daniélou 1956, 198). This can be understood both as being clothed with Christ to live a Christian life on earth and as being dressed in everlasting glory as an eschatological hope. The eucharist is thought to be a temporal fulfillment of the eternal heavenly feast, which in turn is prefigured by the Canticle's mention of a banquet (Daniélou 1956, 203).

Psalm 23 and Eucharist

11/3/2021

11/3/21
Scholarly Reflections

Daniélou, Jean, S.J. "Chapter Eleven: Psalm XXII." The Bible and the Liturgy." Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956, pp. 177-190.

Daniélou notes that Psalm 22 is alluded to a great deal in ancient catechesis (Daniélou 1956, 177). I observe that the references he then uses to illustrate are drawn from Psalm 23 ("The Lord is my shepherd") rather than 22 ("My God, My God, Why have you forsaken me"). The statements refer to a table set before us and an anointing with oil. Cyril of Jerusalem considers the Psalm to be related to Christian initiation. Of some interest is the fact that Cyril seems to assume the catechumen would be familiar with the text already, so would only need it to be explained. Ambrose and others made the same assumption (Daniélou 1956, 178). The texts appear to have been sung as part of the liturgy, and would be well known. However, in Daniélou's view, the meaning of the Psalm and other passages would not be explained until the time of baptism (Daniélou 1956, 179).

Not only did the Fathers see the Psalm as a narrative of the events of baptism and eucharist, but they also made a typological interpretation of the Psalm (Daniélou 1956, 180). For instance, the green pastures would represent feeding on the Word of God. Danielou reviews the allegorical typological interpetations in some detail. A recurring theme is reference to the chalice as "inebriating." Daniélou notes that "the inebriation given by the Euchrastic wine is a 'sober inebriation,' and we know that this is a traditional expression for denoting mystical states, found for the first time in Philo" (Daniélou 1956, 184). The Fathers suggest a spiritual satisfaction and wisdom received in the wine of the chalice.

Daniélou observes that the image of the green pastures is closely related to "the baptized as being sheep branded with the mark of Christ" (Daniélou 1956, 186). As early as Origen we have imagery of shepherds, pastors, people who are faithfully kept, and those who are the prey of the bad shepherds. The good shepherd thus becomes the subject of much artwork from early Christianity (Daniélou 1956, 187).

Daniélou concludes that the material in Psalm 22 provides a fitting and meaningful summary of the Christian life in Word and Sacraments.