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Eucharist in Luke

2/21/2023

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2/21/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Six: Dining in the Kingdom of God: The Eucharist in Luke's Gospel." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 79-95.

LaVerdiere evaluates eucharistic themes in Luke's Gospel, which he assigns the relatively late time of about 85 A.D., similar to his estimate of the composition of Matthew (LaVerdiere 1996, 79). The account in Luke is intended to speak to a Gentile audience, unlike the account in Matthew.

LaVerdiere distinguishes between the Last Supper, as a formal communal meal, and the Eucharist, also a formal meal (LaVerdiere 1996, 79). While in the Last Supper Jesus acts as the host and nourishes his guests, in the eucharist, LaVerdiere says, "Jesus is present among us as a participant, but also as nourishment, sharing his person with us and inviting us to do the same" (LaVerdiere 1996, 80). The two meals, in LaVerdiere's view, were conflated by the New Testament authors, a phenomenon made apparent to him through the fact that when the authors of the Gospels tell about the Last Supper, they include a form of the institution narrative. LaVerdiere sees much more discontinuity between the meals than this reader does.

Luke's presentation of eucharistic elements reflects his "interest in history, in liturgical tradition, in the discourses of Jesus, and in the meaning of meals" (LaVerdiere 1996, 81) Luke's presentation is, in some elements, spread across the Gospel and Acts. For instance, there is only one miraculous feeding of a multitude in the Gospel, set in Galilee (LaVerdiere 1996, 82). In Acts, there are instances of breaking bread in Gentile contexts.

Luke's Gospel records ten meals of Jesus, as well as parables and other statements closely related to food (LaVerdiere 1996, 83). Each instance shows an aspect of Christian lfie and ministry.

LaVerdiere briefly describes the different Christian communities which he thinks led to the development of the different canonical Gospels. In the Lukan community he describes a setting in which the Gospel was proving to reach universally. This would spur them "to position themselves in relation to the entire world" (LaVerdiere 1996, 85). He describes challenges based on success as well as leaders who needed to be reminded to care for the poor.

LaVerdiere discusses the different meals with Jesus in Luke in order, showing in each one a different focus on a needed element within the Lukan community as he has envisioned it (LaVerdiere 1996, 86ff).

The Last Supper meal is presented in Luke as a Passover meal, but here the first Christian Passover (LaVerdiere 1996, 89). LaVerdiere presents a chart of the parallels between Mark, Luke, and 1 Corinthians, before describing the way Luke particularly points not only to a fellowshp meal, but to the Passover and its significance in redemption (LaVerdiere 1996, 89ff).

LaVerdiere further takes the meals with Jesus after the resurrection in Luke to have eucharistic significance. In both instances, Jesus blesses the people in light of his finished work as he breaks the bread for the people who are facing discouragement (LaVerdiere 1996, 92). The breaking of bread became the way Jesus' people entered into his passion and resurrection.

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Eucharist in Matthew

2/20/2023

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2/20/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Five: For the Forgiveness of Sins: The Eucharist in Matthew's Gospel." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 65-78.

LaVerdiere dates the composition of Matthew at about 85 A.D., and considers Mark to be a strong influence on it (LaVerdiere 1996, 65). An emphasis on forgiveness of sins, one of the historic hallmarks of Christianity, is closely related to the eucharist in Matthew's Gospel. LaVerdiere considers the forgiveness of sins to be central to Matthew's Gospel, not only in the account of the Last Supper, but in other places as well, such as the Sermon on the Mount and the Lord's Prayer, and in Matthew 18 which speaks of reconciliation (LaVerdiere 1996, 66).

At first glance, LaVerdiere finds Matthew's view of the eucharist to be similar to Mark's (LaVerdiere 1996, 68). The diferences are normally related to the mix in the community of those from a Jewish and those from a Gentile background. LaVerdiere sees this as a growing challenge after the destruction of the Temple in 70 A.D. At that time, it became more important to many that they maitain a distinctive Jewish identity (LaVerdiere 1996, 69).

The miraculous feeding of thousands in Matthew suggests the eucharist. While in Mark the events are placed in close relation to the mission of the disciples, in Matthew they are more closely related to the life of the community as a whole (LaVerdiere 1996, 70). Jesus is seen as the one who provides bread for his assembled people. Breaking of bread is also associated with healing the sick, a show of present forgiveness, in Matthew (LaVerdiere 1996, 71).

LaVerdiere observes that in Matthew's telling of the feeding of thousands, distribution of fish is absent. He takes this to indicate reference to a symbolic meal rather than a full meal, which would likely include bread and fish (LaVerdiere 1996, 72). This suggests to him a later date, by which time the meal and the eucharistic ritual were separated.

In the Last Supper narrative, LaVerdiere notes that Jesus is not only more explicit about the disicples taking the bread so as to eat it, but also that Jesus particularly sas the cup is for forgiveness (LaVerdiere 1996, 75). Forgiveness remains central to Matthew's message, and this is a eucharistic theme.

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Eucharist in Mark

2/17/2023

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2/17/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Four: In the Following of Christ: The Eucharist in Mark's Gospel." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 46-64.

LaVerdiere points out that the canonical Gospel accounts were written later than some of the New Testament epistles, and that they were retellings of material which was already traditional (LaVerdiere 1996, 47). LaVerdiere sees Mark's Gospel as focused on baptism and eucharist, with the imagery running throughout the narrative. This emphasis would have been natural to the evangelists, as after the resurrection Jesus appeared to and ate with his disciples. They would have naturally taken the eating as significant of Jesus' presence in the resurrection.

The eucharistic narrative, as was passed to and by the apostle Paul, was part of the practice as a matter of liturgy, before the time of composition of the Gospels (LaVerdiere 1996, 47-48). LaVerdiere asserts that, although the liturgical words had been present, Mark was the first person ever to write the account of the Last Supper. He takes this to be in the period of 66-73, during the first Jewish revolt against Rome (LaVerdiere 1996, 48). In a time of distress such as that, the Christians needed the hope of Jesus in powerful ways. Therefore, Mark focused on "the beginning" of the Gospel, rather than the end of days. The Gospel was intended to bring new hope (LaVerdiere 1996, 49).

Though the high point of eucharist in Mark is at the Last Supper in chapter 14, LaVerdiere sees the bulk of the body of the Gospel as emphasizing eucharistic themes (LaVerdiere 1996, 51). Since the liturgy was already known to Christians, those who read the Gospel account would be able to see the themes, such as breaking bread, bread in a desert, and the like. The first eight chapters of Mark focus on a mission which is universal in its scope. It is about gathering all nations together in Christ, and it does it frequently through breaking bread and feeding crowds (LaVerdiere 1996, 52). LaVerdiere explains at some length how details in the narrative point both to Old Testament examples of God's provision for all nations and also to elements of eucharistic liturgy (LaVerdiere 1996, 54ff).

After chapter 8, LaVerdiere sees Mark pursuing the importance of the cup and the theme of drinking (LaVerdiere 1996, 58ff). Again, he sees and examines points where a cup, wine, or drinking point to God's redemption and specific elements of eucharistic liturgy.

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A Proclamation of Death

2/16/2023

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2/16/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Three: Proclaiming the Death of the Lord: The Eucharist in the Letters of Paul." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 29-45.

The eucharist, as it is described in 1 Corinthians 11:23-25, is a tradition which is to be done in remembrance of Christ, hence we repeat the tradition to this day (LaVerdiere 1996, 29). LaVerdiere observes that the traditional practices can be distinguished from one another and traced to origins. He sees the descriptions from 1 Corinthians 11 and Luke 22 coming from traditions in Antioch, while Mark 14 and Matthew 26 came from Palestine. We observe that in LaVerdiere's view the biblical accounts came from external, previously established traditions (LaVerdiere 1996, 30).

As LaVerdiere interprets it, in Corinth, the ritual included a declaration at the time of a full meal that the bread was the body of Jesus, then a later celebration over a cup, after people had eaten (LaVerdiere 1996, 31). An important element of all this was the passing on of the ritual tradition. This would easily explain the adoption of a particular wording, which came from the Lord. The liturgy would then come to be written down, among other places, in Paul's 1st letter to the Corinthians (LaVerdiere 1996, 32). The surrounding context in 1 Corinthians suggests various areas of life which needed to be seen in light of the eucharistic fellowship. The meal was significant of a changed life (LaVerdiere 1996, 33). The rite was part of the way a distinctive Christian life was played out.

LaVerdiere considers the larger pagan society and its customs to be one of the substantial factors that the Corinthian Christians needed to bear in mind (LaVerdiere 1996, 34). The evidence he cites of this is the question raised of eating meat offered to idols. LaVerdiere rightly recognizes the underlying issue as that of not tempting orburdening anyone's conscience, a matter he also sees as easier to say than to do (LaVerdiere 1996, 36-37).

Another issue of distinction in 1 Corinthians was that of head coverings for women and long hair for men. LaVerdiere observes that women praying or engaged in prophecy was not a controversy (LaVerdiere 1996, 37). The issue apparently had more to do with engaging in what was recognized as masculine or feminine behavior. The overall situation is related to eucharist in that the eucharist asserts a radical unity but does not negate differences in roles (LaVerdiere 1996, 38). Ideally, rich and poor, slave and free, Jew and Gentile would eat and drink together. This was apparently not the case in some instances, as evidenced by 1 Corinthians 11:21 (LaVerdiere 1996, 41). Paul's call, then, was that they hold to the pattern of what Jesus did, in the supper and by his death and resurrection (LaVerdiere 1996, 42). 

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The Narrative at The Meal

2/15/2023

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2/15/2023
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter Two: Telling What Happened: The Genesis of a Liturgical Narrative." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 12-28.

LaVerdiere evaluates eucharist as a "liturgical narrative." In this part of the liturgy, we tell the story of what Jesus said and did on the night he was betrayed (LaVerdiere 1996, 12). In the use of a particular narrative, we treat the eucharist differently from other Christian practices. There is no expected narrative to accompany baptism, for instance (LaVerdiere 1996, 13.

It isn't clear when the Christians began retelling the institution at the eucharist. LaVerdiere says it was not immediate, though he gives no evidence. However, by the time Paul wrote 1 Corinthians 11:23-25, they did so, and had done it long enough to pass it on to Paul (LaVerdiere 1996, 14). It seems then that over time, the institution narrative was surrounded by other prayers. LaVerdiere observes in his Roman tradition the prayers are in the second person but the institution, in the middle, is third person (LaVerdiere 1996, 16).

Liturgy differs from literature in that there is less desire to create artistic cohesion and more desire to remember and consider something. This is what happens in the eucharist and its prayers. LaVerdiere sees the remembering as a route to thanksgiving. What remains an issue to him is why the eucharist specifically remember the institution in the same way each time (LaVerdiere 1996, 17). 

To explore the liturgical use of the re-telling of the institution, LaVerdiere distinguishes between a literary and a liturgical narrative. The liturgy is expected by all to be accompanied by prayer, as well as to draw attention to elements of the Christian life which should not be passed over (LaVerdiere 1996, 20). The liturgical purpose of the narrative is intended to recall Jesus' betrayal, his passion and resurrection, and its purpose, that of bringing life (LaVerdiere 1996, 21-22).

LaVerdiere distringuishes between the historic Last Supper of Jesus with his disciples and what we know as the Lord's Supper, the eucharist. In his opinion, early Christian tradition (re)created the Last Supper accounts with their eucharistic practice in mind (LaVerdiere 1996, 23). He therefore narrates the Lord's Supper as an action in liturgical context (LaVerdiere 1996, 23-24). The LaVerdiere continues by evaluating the Last Supper as a construction of early Christians based on early fellowship meals. LaVerdiere has no explanation for why the Last Supper narrative owuld be considered part of the liturgical setting for the eucharist (LaVerdiere 1996, 25). 

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Breaking Bread Together

2/14/2023

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2/14/23
Scholarly Reflections

LaVerdiere, Eugene. "Chapter One: Before Ever There Was a Name: Our Daily Bread." The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press (Pueblo), 1996, 1-11.

LaVerdiere observes that in the institution narratives of the New Testament we have an apparent point of origin for the Eucharist, and that the first clear point of arrival is in the Eucharistic traditions of Antioch (LaVerdiere 1996, 1). Filling the gap between the two is a challenge to our understanding. The blessings in Didache 9 may help in our discernment. It is significant to him that the term "eucharist" is used there and seems to refer to the meal (LaVerdiere 1996, 2). In the Corinthian community it was known as "the Lord's Supper" by the early fifties. LaVerdiere suggests that before it was known by that name, it may have been referred to in the term translated from the Lord's Prayer as "daily bread," "epiousios," which doesn't really translate to "daily" very well (LaVerdiere 1996, 3).

In the Eucharist, LaVerdiere observes, we recognize that Jesus gave his life into death, so we could all live. It is inseparable from Jesus' death and resurrection (LaVerdiere 1996, 3). Central to the idea of the resurrection is Jesus' appearing to His disciples. LaVerdiere observes the idea as expressed in the New Testament and passed along before the composition of the New Testament is that Jesus causes himself to be seen (ophthe) (LaVerdiere 1996, 4). In the eucharistic meal, Jesus also causes himself to be seen. Eucharist is inextricable from resurrection.

In Jesus' resurrection appearances, eating bread was a typical occurence. LaVerdiere notes that "breaking bread" could easily be recognized as the normal term for eating, and that bread was the basic food of the culture (LaVerdiere 1996, 6). The breaking of bread in the earliest Christian community would no doubt evoke memories of the meal Jesus and his disciples shared on the night he was betrayed.

Because of the communal nature of eating within the culture, it would be very unusual for someone to eat alone. People break bread together. Hence, the concept of breaking bread is not merely that of receiving nourishment but of sharing in a sort of community (LaVerdiere 1996, 7). LaVerdiere sees this as easily applied within the Christian community to the particular meal in which Jesus causes himself to be seen. For this reason, when there is reference to "epiousios" bread, it can well be seen as a coinage referring to the particular breaking of bread which came to be known as the eucharist (LaVerdiere 1996, 8-9). The word does not appear in secular Greek literature. It is only used in regard to the Lord's Prayer. The term "daily" comes from a Latin transation, "quotidianus," which does mean "daily" (LaVerdiere 1996, 9). LaVerdiere takes it to refer tirectly to the Eucharistic meal, not to any other usage (LaVerdiere 1996, 10). 

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Early Christian Authors Mostly Used Matthew

2/13/2023

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2/13/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Conclusion." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 144-182.

Massaux sums up his survey of early Christian authors and their use, particularly, of Matthew's Gospel. He has observed that the authors tend to prefer Matthew over the other Gospels, and that they particularly tend to refer to the Sermon on the Mount (Massaux 1993, 183). He has even observed that Clement of Rome nad Polycarp had catechetical materials which seem to be based on the Sermon on the Mount.

Massaux provides a list of the particular references which he considers to bear a literal dependence on Matthew. This list consumes the second half of page 184 and all of page 185, and totals 16 entries, half of which are in Justin Martyr.

The intention of the authors is significant. The authors Massaux surveyed did not make an attempt at commentary on the text. Rather, they used the ideas, and sometimes the words, in their work of describing or prescribing a life based on the Gospel (Massaux 1993, 186). Massaux further notes that Matthew was the Gospel text of choice for these authors. They would even refer to "the" gospel, then quote Matthew, rather than any other evangelist (Massaux 1993, 187). Occasionally the early Christian authors would use Paul, especially for moral theology (Massaux 1993, 188). Mark, surprisingly enough, has virtually no influence on early Christian authors. Massaux comments on this, particularly in terms of the widespread scholarly opinion of Markan primacy (Massaux 1993, 188). He considers that Papias' comment of Mark not necessarily recording events in order was reflective of an attitude that Matthew was more accurate.

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Matthew and the Didache

2/10/2023

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2/10/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter Seven: The Didache." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 144-182.

Though Massaux admits freely that dating of the Didache is unclear, he classes it with the later second century works. As he has done elsewhere, he begins with an evaluation of passages that show a strong relationship to Matthew's Gospel (Massaux 1993, 144). The opening line seems, in many ways, to continue directly from the command of Jesus i nMatthew 28:18-20, constituting what the apostles taught the nations. Though the Didache seems to come from an early time, Massaux notes tha at four points it refers  to "the gospel" and that it is at least tempting to understand that as reference to a written document. Massaux contends that there is a clear literary contact between the Didache and Matthew (Massaux 1993, 145).

Massaux begins his analysis with litearry contact between the Didache and Matthew's Sermon on the Mount (Massaux 1993, 145). The command to love God and the neighbor (1.2) is a clear echo of a biblical command. While Massaux finds the wording equally close to Matthew and Mark, he thinks it is drawn from Matthew, since elsewhere the author does not borrow from Mark (Massaux 1993, 146). This command is followed immediately by a negative statement of the Golden Rule, from Matthew 7:12. The wording is more similar to that of Matthew than to Luke (Massaux 1993, 147). Further, Massaux notes that, like Jesus in Matthew, the Didache ties the rule to two different ways, one of life and one of death. In Didache 1.3, then, the author speaks of blessing and praying for your opponents. Massaux finds parallels in Matthew and Luke, but not identity of wording (Massaux 1993, 147-148). This is the normal process for the Didache. Massaux observes, "whenever the author refers to the text of Mt, he does not cite it literally, except for the Lord's Prayer" (Massaux 1993, 149). A paraphrase is par for the course.

Didache 1.4 and 5a presents a number of slightly discrete commands. Massaux compares these with statements foudn in the Sermon on the Mount (Massaux 1993, 150-151). Based on similarity of vocabulary Massaux sees strong evidence of literary contact. As to the remainder of Didache 1.5, there is a strong similarity to Jesus' warning of Matthew 5:25-26.

Massaux observes that the Didache does not borrow woodenly from sources. The material leading up to Didache 3.7 follows a pattern of Hellenistic Jewish moralistic teaching with a list of vices, then contextualizes the list with an almost direct quote of Matthew 5:5, "the meek shall inherit the land" (Massaux 1993, 152-153). This demonstrates comfort on the part of the author. Massaux continues with 6.2 which artfully draws on Matthew 11:29-30; 19:21; and 5:48.

The Didache makes connections which are similar to those in Matthew. In chatper 8, where the Lord's Prayer is presented, it is placed in a very similar context and nearly identical form to that used in Matthew, as opposed to the usage in Luke (Massaux 1993, 154). 

In Didache 9.5 the author claims a quotation directly from the Lord. This specific statement is only in Matthew 7:6, "Do not give that which is holy to dogs" (Massaux 1993, 156). The context shows creativity, as the Didache speaks about teaching around the Eucharist which must be preserved. However, the quotation clearly shows dependence on Matthew. Another passage only found in Matthew speaks to the importance of reconciliation. It must be completed or the sacrifice/offering we bring is defiled (Massaux 1993, 156). Finally, Massaux observes that "prayers and alms" in Didache 15.4 strongly recalls Matthew chapter 6. Of importance is the reference to doing everything in accord with the "Gospel of our Lord." Because of the other references to passages in Matthew, Massaux takes the statement as a reference to a written Gospel account (Massaux 1993, 157).

Massaux next reviews passages from the Didache which are related to Matthew's Gospel but not the Sermon on the Mount. Didache 5.1-2 has a substantial catalogue of sins. Massaux provides a side-by-side chart of this passage, of Barnabas 20.1-2, and of statements from Matthew 15:19 and Mark 7:21 (Massaux 1993, 158-159). While there is some apparent contact with Matthew, the real similarities are between the Didache and Barnabas (Massaux 1993, 160). The same holds true for a catalogue of sinners which follows.

Didache 10.5-6 has multiple points of contact with Matthew. The arrangement suggests to Massaux a liturgical segment. The citations of Matthew are scattered broadly (Massaux 1993, 162).

Didache 11.3-9 again shows contact with various passages in Matthew. The instruction is to act toward apostles "according to the doctrine of the Gospel" (Massaux 1993, 163). While Massaux doesn't find any word for word quotation in the material, he finds many possible allusions. He reviews the five statements which follow individually (Massaux 1993, 164-166). Each shows some sign of literary contact with Matthew.

Didache 13.1-2 refers verbatim to Matthew 10:10, where the worker is worthy of his food (Massaux 1993, 166). Finally, in Didache 15.3 resolution of conflicts is very similar to Matthew 5:22 and especially Matthew 18:15-17 (Massaux 1993, 167). Massaux again sees evidence of the author of the Didache being familiar with, but not always quoting Matthew.

Massaux deals with Didache 16 verse by verse, identifying parallels in columns (Massaux 1993, 168ff). Because this chapter is less directly connected to my research interests I will not provide much detail of his investigation. The various statements show considerable relation the thought processes in Matthew.

Massaux finally moves briefly to texts which, while they may show a relationship to Matthew, he finds it doubtful (Massaux 1993, 174). Didache 2.1-3 speaks of a "second command" but it is not so much related to a first command of loving God and a second of love for neighbor. Didache 7.1 and 7.3 present a baptismal formula. The trinitarian formula, found in Matthew 28:19, is present. However, Massaux thinks the passage may have simply picked up the typical wording from common baptismal ritual (Massaux 1993, 175). Massaux concludes, then, that the author of the Didache was familiar with and even dependent on Matthew, though he did not reliably choose to make direct quotations (Massaux 1993, 175-176).

Massaux briefly reviews passages in which the Didache shows evidence of contact with other New Testament writings. An exception he notes is that the Didache does not seem influenced at all by Mark's Gospel (Massaux 1993, 177). Contact with Luke and John is minimal. Massaux does find a number of passages which may have some similarity in ideas to Acts, the Pauline epistles, the Petrine writings, and the general epistles, as well as Revelation. however, the passages are not lengthy, and are generally common ideas.

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Matthew and Theophilus

2/9/2023

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2/9/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter Six: Theophilus of Antioch." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 134-143.

Theophilus, who became a Christian as an adult, then became bishop of Antioch, is known to have written a number of lost works. However, we do have three books of To Autolycus, dating sometime after 180 (Massaux 1993, 134). Massaux evaluates references he thinks are to Matthew, then those which refer to other parts of the new Testament. In 2.34, he states the Golden Rule, adopting some of Matthew's language (Massaux 1993, 135). In 3.13, he speaks of adultery based on looking lustfully at a woman. This takes Massaux to Matthew 5:28, 32; 19:9. Theophilus goes so far as to say it is "the voice of the Gospel" (Massaux 1993, 136). 13.14 then makes a clear reference to Matthew 5:44-46, again identifying the source as "the Gospel" (Massaux 1993, 137). This is followed by another statement which clearly comes from Mattthew 6:3 (Massaux 1993, 138).

Massaux does not find any influence of Mark on Theophilus (Massaux 1993, 138). He does reference Luke very briefly in 2.43 and 1.4, but the allusion is quite short. Massaux finds clear references to John 1:1, 3 in 2.22. He borrows John 20:27 to explain his coming to faith in 1.4. And in 2.23 he describes God bringing people to himself in terms of John 16:21 (Massaux 1993, 139).

Theophilus shows a knowledge of 1 Corinthians as well, speaking of resurrection and of God's work of appointing his members with different duties. Massaux takes the passage in 1.14 to use material both from Romans 2:6-9 and 1 Corinthians 2:2 and 6:9-10 (Massaux 1993, 140). In 3.14 he makes an apparent reference to 1 Timothy 2:1-2, then Romans 13:7-8. Massaux reports a number of other possible references to Paul (Massaux 1993, 141). 

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Matthew and Athenagoras

2/8/2023

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2/8/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter Five: Athenagoras." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 120-133.

Athenagoras of Athens is author of two works which survive. First, about 177, he addressed A Plea on Behalf of the Christians, addressed to Marcus Aurelius, then, somewhat later, On the Resurrection of the Dead (Massaux 1993, 120). Massaux treats the works in order, and, according to his normal pattern, first evaluates passages which he thinks have ties to Matthew.

In his Plea (11.1), Athenagoras makes a relatively clear quotation of Matthew 5:44-45, mostly word for word (Massaux 1993, 121). Of the other three passages Massaux evaluates, one of them, from Plea 32.1-2 quotes Matthew 5:28, a clear reference to Matthew. The other passages re-work the ideas found in Matthew but don't show identity of language use (Massaux 1993, 122-124). Massaux concludes that in these passages Athenagoras shows he is familiar with the thought world of Matthew and Luke, adopting some of their ideas but using his own wording. At times he also tends to pick up a word which is peculiar either to Matthew or Luke and use it in the same context, suggesting solid knowledge of their accounts (Massaux 1993, 124).

Massaux continues by evaluating Plea 3.2, which shows familiarity with Mark 10:11, but which uses the same pattern of argument as Mark, based on Genesis 1:27. This suggests an understanding of Mark and his arguments (Massaux 1993, 125).

In Plea 4.2, 10.1-2, 30.4, 12.2, 24.4, and 31.3, Athenagoras makes reference to the Son of God as the divine logos and the light. Massaux finds these to be ideas strongly reminiscent of John's Gospel (Massaux 1993, 126).

A number of passages in Plea reflect particular ideas found in Paul's epistles. Massaux notes a reference to "poor and weak elements" as in alatians 4:9, a mention of praying for those in authority, and a reference to either Isaiah 22:13 or 1 Corinthians 15:32 (Massaux 1993, 127). Athenagoras also distances himself from pagan morality and sacrifice. This recalls Romans 12:1 and the second half of Romans 1 (Massaux 1993, 128). Again, however, Massaux observes that Athenagoras rarely makes a direct quotation, but rather prefers to re-work ideas in his own words (Massaux 1993, 129).

The work On the Resurrection of the Dead is similar, in that it does not show a clear instance of literary dependence on Matthew, though some ideas may provide evidence of familiarity with the text (Massaux 1993, 129). Most of the ideas used in Resurrection actually derive from the Pauline epistles. Massaux notes that in these passages, again, Athenagoras uses the ideas and works them out with his own vocabulary and useage (Massaux 1993, 130). 

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Matthew and Apollinaris

2/7/2023

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2/7/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter Four: Apollinaris of Hierapolis." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 116-119.

Massaux lists a number of books by Apollinaris of Hierapolis, who wrote at the time of Marucs Aurelius (161-180 A.D.) (Massaux 1993, 116). Though all his works are lost, several fragmentary quotes have been collected. Of these, Massaux catalogs those which appear to make reference to Matthew's Gospel. The five fragments Massaux collects are relatively brief, a sentence or less. Massaux does note that one refers specifically to Matthew by name. Three narrate instances found both in Matthew and Mark, without enough detail to identify dependence (Massaux 1993, 117), and one, of only four words, refers to the "jduge of the living and the dead," a common theme. Of most interest to Massaux is the statement naming Matthew as a means of claiming authority. Presumably by the time of Apollinaris, Matthew's name would assert credibility (Massaux 1993, 118).

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Matthew and Tatian

2/6/2023

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2/6/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter Three: Tatian." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 110-115.

Tatian's Address to the Greeks is a strong polemic against Greek culture, likely composed prior to about 172. Massaux finds only slight evidence for literary dependence on New Testament writings in this work (Massaux 1993, 110). Massaux does find more evidence of connections to Luke, John, and Paul than he does for Matthew (Massaux 1993, 111). The passages tend to have only very slight similarity in wording. The exceptions are in 13.1 and 13.2, where Tatian's wording is very similar to John 1:5 and 1:9, and where in 19.4 Tatian's wording nearly matches John 1:3 (Massaux 1993, 113). These partial sentences, though they do strongly suggest an awareness of a biblical text, are hardly able to require a conclusion of dependence. The few connections Massaux finds of Tatian and Paul show Tatian referencing Paul's ideas, but not his specific language.

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Matthew and Justin Martyr

2/3/2023

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2/3/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter Two: Saint Justin." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 10-109.

Justin Martyr, active about the middle of the second century, wrote two Apologies and a dialogue with Trypho the Jew, which survive. Massaux walks through these works in detail, identifying influence from Matthew's Gospel (Massaux 1993, 10). Because Justin's use of sources is different when addressing a pagan emperor in the Apologies than when addressing a Jewish audience, Massaux considers the Apologies first, then the Dialog.

In Apology #1, Justin condenses the teachings of Christ in chapters 15, 16, and 17. This material consists of brief maxims of Jeus, excerpted from the Sermon on the Mount (Massaux 1993, 11), though as Massaux walks through the chapter he finds brief maxims from elsewhere in the Synoptic traditions, as well. Massaux presents the statements from Justin in parallel columns with the materials he considers as likely sources. In various instances, Massaux compares the readings of a variety of New Testament manuscripts, but is normally not able to identify a articular tradition which Justin definitely used, e.g., pp. 15-16. Massaux eventually concedes that there is literary contact between Justin and Matthew, as well as, probably, other New Testament writings. However, the contact does not normally take the form of extended word for word quotations (Massaux 1993, 22).

Justin makes contact with Matthew in other parts of the First Apology as well. Massaux evaluates these contacts in turn (Massaux 1993, 34ff). Again, Massaux finds that Justin shows familiarity with the New Testament, but does not make extended word for word quotations.

Massaux reports a number of passages in Justin's 1 Apology which refer to biblical ideas but for which dependence on Matthew is doubtful (Massaux 1993, 41ff). The passages clearly refer to biblical accounts of events, but there is no evidence for actual literary dependence. Justin occasionally makes direct quotations in all his writing, but he more often retells the passage with a rather free adaptation of the original text (Massaux 1993, 44). He continues with a number of passages in Justin where reference or allusion seems to be to Luke, then to other New Testament writings, but where he can't discern a reference to Matthew (Massaux 1993, 45ff). On the whole, Justin is influenced far more by Matthew than by other New Testament authors (Massaux 1993, 48).

Massaux follows the same procedure as he goes on to consider Justin's Dialogue with Trypho (Massaux 1993, 49ff). He first reviews passages in which he discerns a clear contact with Matthew. As before, Massaux finds Justin uses sources freely, asserting Matthew as Scripture, using and adapting texts freely for his own purposes (Massaux 1993, 82).

Massaux goes on to texts from the Dialogue where the influence of Matthew is doubtfun or should be rejected (Massaux 1993, 82ff). Again, the pattern Massau observes is that Justin uses the ideas from the Gospels but his specific wording is a compositve of the words of the different evangelists and Justin's own words.

In the next portion of the chapter, Massaux follows the same procedure, comparing statements from the Dialogue with passages in non-Matthean parts of the NewTestament (Massaux 1993, 90ff). 

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Matthew and Aristides

2/2/2023

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2/2/23
Scholarly Reflections

Massaux, Éduard. "Chapter One: Aristides of Athens." The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus: Book 3: The Apologists and the Didache. (Translated by Norman J. Belval and Suzanne Hecht. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1993, 5-9.

Aristides of Athens wrote an apologetic work to Hadrian, which was found in a Syriac version in 1889 (Massaux 1993, 5). The work would seem to have been quoted, even possibly in full, in other sources. Massaux observes that Aristides suggests Hadrian can verify what he says relatively easily, by consulting existing Christian writings, which would apparently be readily available to him (Massaux 1993, 6). Though many themes in the work are in common with themes in Matthew, Massaux finds no actual direct evidence of dependence.

While Massaux finds no clear evidence of Aristides' use of any of the Gospels (not just Matthew), he does find an apparent familiarity with Paul. This is evident through an apparent allusion to Romans 1:23, another to Romans 1:22, and a reference to 1 Timothy 6:16 (Massaux 1993, 7). There is a further similarity of thought to 1 Thessalonians 3:13, though with different wording (Massaux 1993, 8).

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February 2023 Newsletter

2/1/2023

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Our February 2023 newsletter is now available!
February 2023 Newsletter
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Literary Connections and Didache

2/1/2023

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2/1/23
Scholarly Reflections

Jefford, Clayton. "Chapter Three: Related Investigations." The Sayings of Jesus in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. Leiden: Brill, 1989, 93-145.

Jefford here asks whether Didache chaper six is more connected to chapters 1-5 or to chapters 7-15 (Jefford 1989, 93). He finds strong evidence for an influence of a source other than that of chapters 1-5, and particularly a source related to Paul. He takes from this a level of redaction which, unlike for chapters 1-5, had Paul's epistles as a source.

An important element to Jefford is the reference in Didache 6.2 to "the yoke of the Lord" (Jefford 1989, 95). While the word is used in Matthew 11:28-30, the context doesn't seem to point the same direction. In the Didache, the Christian is assumed to take on the yoke of the Lord in whatever way he is able. Didache 6.3 goes on to speak of food sacrificed to idols, a concept which first comes up in Paul (Rom. 14, 1 Cor. 8, 1 Cor. 10) (Jefford 1989, 96). The Didache speaks of this matter only briefly, while it is addressed at greater length in the biblical texts.

Jefford moves on to an exploration of Didache 6.2-3 and Acts 15:23-29 (Jefford 1989, 96ff). Paul's involvement in the council of Acts 15, and his interactions with the concept of the decree, suggests a connection between his thought and Didache 6 (Jefford 1989, 97).

Considering the connections between Paul's thought and that of the assumed redactor of Didache 6, Jefford speaks of the importance of world view in analysis of writings. Chaptesr 1-5 of the Didache can express an understanding of the community as part of established Judaism, while chapers 7-15 may see the community in terms of Hellenistic Christianity (Jefford 1989, 98). With this feature in mind, Jefford moves on to analyze the major sections of the Didache and probe the redactional worldviews.

In chapters 1-5, Jefford finds a rigid dualism, which he considers to be characteristic of much of Judaism and early Christianity (Jefford 1989, 100). The presence of the decalogue, but with significant alterations, refins the picture. In this, Jefford finds the cultural isolationism of Judaism when faced with opposition. The rpesece of some elements from early traditions about Jesus moves us to understand the community in terms of nascent Christianity which still considers Torah as its foundational code (Jefford 1989, 101).

In chapters 7-10 Jefford finds a shift from a concern of the creedal nature of the decalogue to a concern with correct ritual observance (Jefford 1989, 103). This shift is consistent with the early Christian move toward liturgical traditions, a pattern which Jefford finds in Paul (Jefford 1989, 104). Interestingly, Jefford applies the teaching requirement and the trinitarian formula of Didache 7 to this concept, understanding the liturgical element to be more important than what it represents (Jefford 1989, 104). Likewise, the prayers surrounding the eucharistic meal are treated as bearing importance, whihe the content of the meal and its underlying significance seems less important (Jefford 1989, 105). In this, Jefford says, "I disagree with the observation of Peters (Harvest, 492), who teands to see this eucharistic liturgy in the Didache as already 'fairly sophisticated.' Indeed, the perspective of the Didache is quite divergent from the 'Christ cult' idea of eucharist that is found both in the Pauline and in the Synoptic traditions" (Jefford 1989, 105, footnote, cf. Peters, Francis E. The Harvest of Hellenism: A History of the Near East from Alexander the Great to the Triumph of Christianity. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1970). The liturgical concern is accompanied by a lack of specific Christology, which moves Jefford to assign an early date to the Didache (Jefford 1989, 106). He further takes the material in chapters 7-10 as representing a ritual manner in which the precepts for chapters 1-5 could be applied.

Jefford identifies yet another change in worldview in Didache chapters 11-15 (Jefford 1989, 108). Here, the bishops, deacons, and resident prophets are discussed in their relationship to wandering apostles and prophets. Jefford sees here the development of a local identity and governing structure which, without direct reference to Torah, would be able to deal with external societal pressures (Jefford 1989, 109). The heart of dealing with these pressures is seen as holding to orthodox teaching. True prophets are to be recognized and false prophets are not. Overall, the chapters focus on a coherent social order within the community (Jefford 1989, 112). This is similar to chapters 1-5.

Jefford's next investigation deals with chapter 16 and 1.3b-2.1. Some commentators suggest the two passages belong to the same redactional layer, while others are less certain (Jefford 1989, 113). The passages contain relatively densely packed phrases and concepts which are clearly tied to New Testament material.

The question of a heirarchy within the community is significant. Jefford observes that Matthew makes some assumptions of heirarchy in ecclesiastical leadership (Jefford 1989, 118). Jefford sees Peter's role as a lead apostle to be a creation which emphasizes heirarchy and a departure from the Judaism which recognizes the educated elite (Jefford 1989, 119). Yet the Christian community stll has a heirarchy, with apostles, prophets, regular discioples, and others.

One of the puzzles in our attempts to harmonize the progress of early Christian development is the fact that the Didache identifies bishops and deacons, but not presbyters (Jefford 1989, 123). The role of a bishop could possibly be the same as that of a presbyter, with a distinction arising at a later date. Yet the term for presbyter, rooted in Judaism, would seem the most intuitive to use in a document with such clear Judaic roots (Jefford 1989, 124). A challenge which Jefford notes in all of the possible explanations of the heirarchy is that the instruction in the Didache is for the community, not the leaders, to baptize and appoint bishops and deacons (Jefford 1989, 125). The leaders are discussed in functional terms - what they do, rather than in terms of character. This is also a challenge, as one would assume the function of baptizing and appointing officials would belong to the officials (Jefford 1989, 127). This all contributes to a rather complex view of the community.

In his attempt to identify a community, Jefford suggests a set of Jewish-Gentile interactions around Antioch prior to 70 AD, as Christianity was growing and becoming distinct from Judaism (Jefford 1989, 128). Jefford then reviews salient issues in reconstructing the community. These include a tradition of the Decalog and Jewish wisdom and sayings traditions (Jefford 1989, 129). There are influences from a Matthean source, though not necessarily the Gospel (Jefford 1989, 130). There are certainly common elements in the thought of the Didache and of Matthew's Gospel. Jefford compares some specifically, in terms of review. Jewish and Gentile Christianity are not entirely in agreement (Jefford 1989, 133). Language and terminology usage are also similar. Jefford finds this to be the case particularly in regard to ritual and traditional elements, suggesting a strong affinity between the wo traditions (Jefford 1989, 135). Jefford particularly describes the similar views on baptism (Jefford 1989, 13), fasting, prayer (Jefford 1989, 137), and table fellowshiop (Jefford 1989, 138). As those have all been discussed earlier in this book, he presents them only in a brief summary here.

Jefford's overall conclusion is that the Didache uses sayings from a Jesus tradition and other early Judeo-Christian sources extensively (Jefford 1989, 142). He sees the work developed in several stages, gradually showing more sophisticated Christian theology.

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Source and Purpose of Two Ways Texts

1/31/2023

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1/31/23
Scholarly Reflections

Jefford, Clayton. "Chapter Two: Review of Texts." The Sayings of Jesus in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. Leiden: Brill, 1989, 22-92.

Jefford observes that the opening of the Didache, asserting two differing ways, one of life and one of death, leads scholars to assume a source of information about the ways, one on which the first five chapters of the Didache would be predicated (Jefford 1989, 22). This has further led scholars to assume chapters 1-5 and possibly 16 are built on this source, and that the other chapters were created separately and later. Jefford notes that chapters 6-15 seem unrelated to chapters 1-5 and 16 (Jefford 1989, 23). The model of a source for the Two Ways material is made more clear by recognition of Two Ways material in  Barnabas which appears related but more likely in the manner of having a common source.

Jefford notes that dualism of a positive and negative way of life is common in both the Old Testament and the Apocrypha (Jefford 1989, 24). He further notes statements in Matthew 7:13-14 (Luke 13:23-24) which present the same idea. He finds it generally absent in Luke, which suggests to him a source in "the Matthean version of the Q saying" (Jefford 1989, 25). However, Jefford is not certain that in and of itself the Two Ways material is dualistic to the extent we might assume from the Synoptic Gospels. He takes it to be better informed by Old Testament wisdom passages (Jefford 1989, 26).

The fact that the baptismal materials in the Didache follows on the heels of the Two Ways suggests to many that the Two Ways serve as a dualistic catechesis (Jefford 1989, 26). Once one subscribes to the way of life he would be baptized. This seems reasonably consistent with Jewish patterns of catechesis, particularly as recorded in 1QS 3.13-4:26 (Jefford 1989, 27). However, Jefford takes the material to be more akin to an ethical gathering of community rules which may or may not be associated with baptism.

Jefford moves on to a comparison of Didache 1.2a-b with Matthew 22:37-39, Mark 12:30-31, and Luke 10:27, then Didache 1.20 with Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31, presenting Greek text in parallel columns (Jefford 1989, 29-30). His subsequent analysis is couched in terms of redactional choices of one word over another, possibly signaling a source for a reading. The investigation hopes to find a definitive source for the Didache's language of loving God and loving the neighbor (Jefford 1989, 31). The Gold Rule in Didache 1.2c is found in a negative form, common in Jewish and Hellenistic thought (Jefford 1989, 33). Jefford notes that the positive form, from Matthew and Luke, is the exception. Jefford suggests that the Didache normally depended on the Sayings Gospel Q, but that here the author consciously departs. Jefford further suggests at least three sources for the redactor (Jefford 1989, 34). The conclusion is that the Didachist must have borrowed consciously from some tradition other than Q, and that Matthew may have been a source for the double love command but not for the Golden Rule (Jefford 1989, 38).

Didache 1.3b-2.1 is a passage which sparks debate, as it is more distinctively Christian in nature and doesn't appear to be the result of a long strand of tradition (Jefford 1989, 39). Jefford considers each saying individually, attempting to trace a source and a role in the Didache as a whole, after his parallel comparison (Jefford 1989, 39-42). Again, it is not clear that specific language has been borrowed consistently from Matthew, Luke, or the hypothetical Q source (Jefford 1989, 43). Jefford does identify an association of ideas of praise, of prayer, and of fasting. This can be identified in veraious sources, on the level of ideas, if not in specific language usage (Jefford 1989, 44). Though the wording cannot be identified, Jefford continues to seek out scenarios by which it could have been derived. Jefford's analysis of giving from Didache 1.5 follows the same pattern (Jefford 1989, 48ff). The saying of 1.6 follows (Jefford 1989, 51ff), likewise yielding an opinion that the saying was probably common within early Christianity but that a source can't be positively identified for the exact wording.

Jefford continues with an analysis of Didache 2.2-7, which he considers an older level of the text (Jefford 1989, 53). He evaluates the possibility of the material being drawn from an Old Testament text or possibly some later source, modified to serve Christian purposes (Jefford 1989, 54). As before, Jefford presents chunks of parallel text and analyzes them. The material is generally tied to the Decalog, however, it shows expansion and rearrangement (Jefford 1989, 56). Again, while Jefford finds conceptual parallels in various places, he doesn't find sources for exact wording, and assigns the work to a redactor who drew from numerous sources, adjusting them all (Jefford 1989, 61-62).

As Jefford movs into Didache chapter three he finds the material to serve as protection for the principles in chapter two (Jefford 1989, 63). A significant feature is the presence of two separate lists of admonitions, one of which has a parallel in Banabas 19.7. Didache 3.2-6 has no parallel in Barnabas and is arranged in a "strophic pattern that is not revealed elsewhere in the Didache" (Jefford 1989, 64). The concepts are generally assumed to be drawn from Exodus 20, Deuteronomy 5, and Matthew 5. Jefford observes that this emphasis on the Mosaic Law as a given suggests a time period before the rise of substantial Gentile Christianity (Jefford 1989, 68). Verses 8-10, with a strong parallel in Barnabas 19.3-6, suggest use of a source common to the Didache and Barnabas (Jefford 1989, 69). Jefford evaluates the statements which are prallel in the two documents. The statement of 3.7 "be meek…" has a clear parallel in Psalm 37 and Matthew 5 (Jefford 1989, 73). Jefford sees the realization that poor people should be cared for as a relatively late concept. The statement in Matthew 5 has an alteration in structure, which Jefford thinks disconnects it from Didache 3.7 (Jefford 1989, 75-76). In the end, Jefford concludes that the concept was meaningful within the community and that the Didachist sought the passage out in Psalm 37 or in whatever text served as a source for Matthew 5.5 (Jefford 1989, 80-81).

As Didache 3 served as a protective fence around the Decalog, Jefford finds chapters 4-5 to serve as another fence (Jefford 1989, 81). In chapters 4-5, the catechumen is presented with positive attitudes and behaviors which will keep him from entering into sin (Jefford 1989, 82). Jefford finds extensive parallels with Barnabas 19-20, but not with Matthew. Much of the ordering is similar to that of  Barnabas, but the Didache contains a number of elements which are not present in Barnabas (Jefford 1989, 83-84).

Jefford finally visits Didache 16, the apocalyptic passage (Jefford 1989, 85ff). He finds the task of tracing Old Testament or other Jewish foundations unclear, but finds numerous parallels for the ideas within the Synoptic traditions. Jefford's parallel comparison of texts underlines the difficulty of finding parallel wording among these passages (Jefford 1989, 85-87). This leads Jefford to suggest a dependence on a source which would have been available both to the Didachist and the Synoptic redactors (Jefford 1989, 88). Jefford briefly tips his hat to the presence of oral tradition, but his effort as a whole is focused on a literary model (Jefford 1989, 90). In conclusion, Jefford finds thematic and structural similarity with other texts but cannot identify a specific source for the material in Didache 1-6 and 16. He assumes it to be a source which was also used for other materials. 

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Where Did the Didache Come From?

1/30/2023

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1/30/23
Scholarly Reflections

Jefford, Clayton. "Chapter One: Introduction." The Sayings of Jesus in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. Leiden: Brill, 1989, 1-21.

Jefford describes the time of the discovery of the Didache as a time when biblical scholarship was moving into new and exciting fields of inquiry (Jefford 1989, 1). The Didache represented a document which tied the inquiries into biblical texts and patristic history together. In the rush of studies, Jefford observes that dating and origin of the text has not been resolved adequately, leaving students to build further theories about the Didache on a foundation which is not stable (Jefford 1989, 2).

Assumptions of date and origin have centered around the sayings found in Didache chapters 1-5 and 16 (Jefford 1989, 3). The content of the sayings is normally assumed to be found in Didache 7-15, which may represent the last stage of the composition process. Jefford says of the methodology, "Rarely are the sayings examined and then dated according to their own merits, and rarely is the nature of that community which produced the Didache judged according to the traditio-historical and sociological parameters under which these sayings materials appeared" (Jefford 1989, 4). In other words, the sayings are not considered as important in their own right.

Jefford goes on to discuss the three main schools of thought about the text of the Didache. In the French school, Sabatier (1885) took it to be a church manual which shows extensive signs of early Judaic Christianity and which antedated Paul's epistles (Jefford 1989, 4). Massaux (1950) suggested an influence of Matthew upon the Didache. Audet (1958), on the other hand, rejected an influence of the Synoptic Gospels and argued for an earlier date, while identifying three stages of redaction (Jefford 1989, 5). Since that time, Stanislas Giet, Willy Rordorf, and André Tuilier have further emphasized an early date and a Syrian origin, possibly in Antioch (Jefford 1989, 6).

The German school, represented first by Harnack (1884), sees the text as influenced by four sources, including "the Old Testament; . . . the Gospel of the Egyptians; the Epistle of Barnabas; and, the Shepherd of Hermas" (Jefford 1989, 7). Harnack placed the text after 120, originating in Egypt. Others substituted other sources of "gospel" information. Some have suggested a knowledge of various New Testament texts (Jefford 1989, 8). The sources postulated have led German scholars to a date in the second century, though in 1957 Helmut Köster made a persuasive argument for dependence on oral, rather than written, tradition. This could push the date somewhat earlier as the emergence of written sources would not be necessary (Jefford 1989, 10).

British and American scholarship has been mixed as regards date and origin of the Didache (Jefford 1989, 11). They have largely agreed that there is a strong Jewish element and, for the most part, have suggested a relationship with Barnabas, Hermas, and Matthew (Jefford 1989, 12). Many have taken the work to be early second century and to have drawn on some sort of a Gospel harmony. The polity which could lead to the community described seems archaic in nature, particularly the view of the episcopacy (Jefford 1989, 13). Dating was a matter of discussion through the first half of the 20th century, with scholars searching out possible influences which could be dated. This has resulted in suggestions ranging from the late first century to the fourth century (Jefford 1989, 15).

Jefford notes that recent studies of newly discovered manuscript traditions, such as the the Nag Hammadi and Qumran materials, have urged investigation into the interaction of ideas in the world of the first century. The Didache may belong among this material, but scholars have made assumptions about date and provenance without adequate background information (Jefford 1989, 18). He suggests that a number of the assumptions deserve careful questioning and clarification. Specifically, Jefford intends to survey the different "sayings" material so as to attempt to understand a source and how these materials fit into the Didache and the early church.

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Origins of Eucharistic Prayers

1/27/2023

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1/27/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 2: On the Rite of the Eucharist." "Chapter Five: Prehistory of the Eucharistic Prayers." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 159-171.

Voöbus closes his book with an attempt to trace the origins of the eucharistic prayers, which strike him as being "very archaic" in some elements (Voöbus 1968, 159). Terms such as "the vine of David," the reference to "the Name," and the idea of God "tabernacling" with His people are among these. The elements seem to indicate Jewish thought, including that of the earliest Christian groups. Voöbus takes this to be the case especially in the designation "Servant" for Jesus (Voöbus 1968, 160).

Though it is tempting to take the prayers as adapted Jewish table prayers for an agape meal, this is not acceptable to Voöbus. He is not sure we could prove that Christian liturgical needs could be supplied by Hellenistic Judaism, a proposition which has not been well demonstrated (Voöbus 1968, 161). Moreover, the entire proposition is based on drawing material from different sources bit by bit rather than the more natural composition of new material inspired by older material.

Rather than follow this pathway, Voöbus looks for actual conceptual background elements. The prayer over the cup follows the pattern of a traditional Jewish thanksgiving over a cup. However, in the Didache it has been thoroughly re-purposed to reflect on the gift of salvation in Christ (Voöbus 1968, 163). Likewise, the prayer over the bread takes its start from a Jewish thanksgiving. However, here it is so repurposed the bread is not important. Rather, the invisible gifts of God are at the center (Voöbus 1968, 164). The significance of God's dwelling among his people is similarly present in Jewish thought but it has been amplified in Christian thought to the point of God not only dwelling in the temple but in the blievers (Voöbus 1968, 164). Again, the work of God to draw people into unity is clearly a Jewish idea. However, it now takes on a spiritual significance, with the unity being on the spiritual plane rather than the physical (Voöbus 1968, 165).

The prayer of Didache 10.5 has been compared with the Jewish Birkat hamazon, but Voöbus observes in the Didache there is an introductory fomula which is not found in conjunction with the Jewish prayer (Voöbus 1968, 166). He concludes that the prayer is not borrowed, though the schema is familiar from Jewish thought. It bears a resemblance to a zekor from the Hebrew Psalter (Voöbus 1968, 167). The pattern, which would have been a well knwon form, was adapted, but adapted thoroughly to Christian use (Voöbus 1968, 168).

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Eucharist as a Gathering

1/26/2023

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1/26/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 2: On the Rite of the Eucharist." "Chapter Four: The Source of Didache IX.4." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 137-157.

The history of the liturgical prayer in Didache 9.4 has been a matter of some debate. Voöbus discusses a presumption that there is a relationship between John's Gospel and the Didache, which might help understand the context of the prayer (Voöbus 1968, 137). However, as Voöbus describes, if the concept of gathering the scattered grain in the Didache comes from Jesus' gathering of he bread fragments from feeding the multitude, the entire message is changed. It ecomes no longer a sign of unity but a sign of multiplied provision (Voöbus 1968, 138). To evaluate the passage, Voöbus takes the elements one at a time.

The grain, in Didache 9.4, is viewed as "scattered." The critical argument which associates this with John says that in John 11:52 the people are described as scattered (Voöbus 1968, 139). The word is not in doubt, but its meaning might be. In Matthew 25:24, the same word is used in a sense of "sowing" or "planting." This is a sharply different metaphor, as planting is a purposeful placement of seed. Taking it solely as a destructive dispersal is unwarranted (Voöbus 1968, 140).

Didache 9.4 further says the grain is "gathered" in the bread. Because the term can be used of many stages of the progress from standing grain to having bread, Voöbus is hesitant to declare a clear equivalent with the use in John (Voöbus 1968, 141). In a wide variety of early Christian writings, the gathering into one is not used for picking up fragments to put them in a basket (Voöbus 1968, 142).

Didache 9.4 speaks of the grain scattered "in the mountains." The scholarship which attempts to find parallels with John looks to John 6:3, where the setting is on a mountain (Voöbus 1968, 144). Voöbus observes that the mention of mountains in the two passages serves a completely different function. The image does not create any sort of parallel, a fact which forcefully undermines the argument for dependence (Voöbus 1968, 145).

The word "fragment" used in Didache 9.4 is used to suggest dependence on John. The Didache uses it in the singular, while John describes multiple fragments. Of greater importance to Voöbus is the fact that the parallel in Apostolic Constitutions uses ἄρτος (bread) rather thank κλάσμα (fragment) (Voöbus 1968, 147). This move suggests that any influence of John didn't seem strong over time. In fact, "bread" is typically used rather than "fragment." Voöbus concludes that the Didache reading is the secondary use, rather than a primary (Voöbus 1968, 148).

In conclusion, Voöbus finds that the gathering in John is looked at from a completely different orientation than that in Didache 9. He does not think there is adequate evidence for dependence (Voöbus 1968, 149). The subjects are not the same.

Voöbus concedes that there are significant "affinities" between the Didache ajd John's Gospel (Voöbus 1968, 152). There are many characteristic terms in common. Yet Voöbus maintains the terms and even metaphors which are used to describe early Christianity will rather naturally appear in multiple works (Voöbus 1968, 153). Their roots likely exist throughout the underlying concepts of Christianity which antedate all these documents. Voöbus takes the concepts of the Lord's Supper to be among these early liturgical drivers of metaphor and vocabulary (Voöbus 1968, 156). 

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Images in the Eucharist

1/25/2023

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1/25/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 2: On the Rite of the Eucharist." "Chapter Three: Eucharistic Imagery." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 113-135.

Voöbus finds a number of interesting themes within the eucharistic portions of the Didache. In this chapter he explores seven of them. First, 10.1 speaks of God's name tabernacled in our hearts. Voöbus takes the concept to already be archaic, based on the way it is referred to (Voöbus 1968, 113). Voöbus understands reference to the "Name" as a claim of Christ, who here is the world's creator (Voöbus 1968, 114). Interestingly, Voöbus does not connect the concept of "Name" with the Trinitarian formula, as many have done in an analysis of baptism. On the contrary, he urges caution in interpretation. It may be an instance of eisegesis to read additional concepts into the prayer (Voöbus 1968, 116). Rather, we may need to be content with a simple understanding of the Name o God as His self revelation. We are not told what aspect of His self-revelation is to be our focus, but we know He is present (Voöbus 1968, 117). Voöbus further concludes that God's presence is in us, as well as in the rest of creation (Voöbus 1968, 119). In practical terms, then, God's presence in His people draws them to unity in their hope of eternal life.

In addition to the gift of life, the thanksgiving over the loaf acknowledges knowledge as a gift (Voöbus 1968, 120). This is a concept fraught with problems, as Voöbus acknowledges. While we embrace the value of knowledge, the term became a catchword which described the Gnostic heresies (Voöbus 1968, 121). Yet in the Didache there is no hint of Gnosticism. The knowledge is mediated by the presence of the Messiah, not by our special enlightenment.

A third concept is that of life, also acknowledged in the first thanksgiving over bread as a gift from the Father (Voöbus 1968, 122). Life here is eternal, bringing us immortality. Voöbus notes that eternal life is not a concept found in Jewish prayers. However, it is clearly associated with the eucharist. Voöbus even associates it "as a catchword for all that the Christian religion embodies" (Voöbus 1968, 123). Of importance is that the life is not pictured as future, but as already present.

Fourth, Voöbus discusses the concept of "the vine of David," which he considers "very archaic" (Voöbus 1968, 124). The term, which is relatively obscure, may refer to the Messianic role of Jesus, the son of David. Yet, Voöbus does not take it to refer to Jesus (Voöbus 1968, 125). It rather seems to be a gift brought or manifested by Him, but distinct from Him. The vine typically served as an image of Israel or the process of the history of salvation. Voöbus finds this as a common symbol in Judaism (Voöbus 1968, 125). The imagery in early Christianity was of the Christian community replacing Judaism (Voöbus 1968, 126). This is applied to the eucharist in the passage.

A fifth concept is that of perfection, as the prayer is that God would perfect His people in His love (Voöbus 1968, 126). Voöbus considers this text to require us to consider "perfection" in biblical and Semitic terms rather than through Greek philosophy. "[I]t is a purely religious term for total devotion to the way of God" (Voöbus 1968, 127). As God purifies His people, they grow as a community which is obedient to Him. The concepts of holiness, perfection, and God's love are clearly linked not only in the Didache but also in the Fourth Gospel, which is of interest to Voöbus (Voöbus 1968, 128).

Sixth, Voöbus notes the centrality of unity in the eucharist. Within the whole prayer, the unity of the church is a recurring theme (Voöbus 1968, 129). Gathering people as the grain of many hills is gathered in bread is a striking image. Voöbus sees this not in the Gnostic view of scattered souls being enlightened but rather in the view of the remnant of Israel dispersed and then gathered (Voöbus 1968, 130). The whole community of the church is gathered as God's remnant.

Voöbus finally directs us to consider the overall profile of the eucharistic passages (Voöbus 1968, 132). Of note, the rite seems to have no focus on the body and blood of Jesus, but rather on the unity of His people. The sacrifice of Jesus is absent (Voöbus 1968, 133). As eucharistic liturgy developed, this apparent oversight was quickly brought in. At the time of the Didache, the thanksgiving was for being together in Christ, receiving His gifs (Voöbus 1968, 134). 

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Eucharistic Celebration in the Didache

1/24/2023

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1/24/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 2: On the Rite of the Eucharist." "Chapter Two: Celebration of the Eucharist." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 85-112.

In this chapter Voöbus reviews the Didache's description of the eucharist in detail. He considers the document "priceless" because it "is unique in granting us a more complete idea of the celebration of the Lord's Supper than any of the most ancient documents at our disposal" (Voöbus 1968, 85).

The material opens with a thanksgiving for the cup. While Voöbus would like to trace any materials from which this grew, he cannot identify any means to do so (Voöbus 1968, 86). He then moves on to a rubric and prayer pertaining to the loaf. The themes of "life and knowledge" may have been substituted for one theme, "resurrection." "Knowledge" is absent from the Apostolic Constitutions and may have been added to the Didache text later. While "resurrection" may have been present where "life" now appears is a matter of speculation, as "life" is represented both in the Didache and Apostolic Constitutions (Voöbus 1968, 86) The third prayer asks that God's people would be gathered together as the scatterd κλάσμα was gathered from fields (Voöbus 1968, 87). The term is surprising as it was not the typical description of bread, but rather as a fragment of a consecrated wafer used in liturgy (Voöbus 1968, 88). Further, it is rare in antiquity to refer to a gathering "into the kingdom" using the term βασιλεία. Voöbus considers this a challenging problem (Voöbus 1968, 89).

After the actual meal the liturgy concludes witha  threefold prayer, each part ending with a doxology (Voöbus 1968, 90). Voöbus notes that a thanksgiving for knowledge may be an insertion, as it is not present in Apostolic Constitutions. There is some question whether the concept in the second petition should be that of God giving food to "man" or to "men" (Voöbus 1968, 91). This usage may reflect an Aramaic background. It is not plural in the Coptic fragment. The third petition is not strongly parallel with the first two. Voöbus finds a similarity to Greek liturgies but does not htink they influenced this prayer. He thinks, rather, the idea is of an older origin (Voöbus 1968, 92). The extent of an explanation he gives is a reference to Peterson, Probleme der Didache-überlieferung, p. 172.

Again, Voöbus notes a distinction between use of the word βασιλεία as opposed to ἐκκλησία in prayers for the church (Voöbus 1968, 93). He considers it a matter of later adjustment to the text.

The eucharistic liturgy in the Didache has a number of details which Voöbus considers important. First is the absence of any Words of Institution (Voöbus 1968, 94). He considers this an indicator of a very early form of liturgy. A second feature Voöbus notes is the centrality of the bread in the liturgy (Voöbus 1968, 95). Third, the ritual begins with the cup. This is not the pattern normally found in antiquity, which begins with the bread. The order in the Didache suggests a period during which there may have been variation in the order. Fourth, the lack of a consecration formula is noteworthy (Voöbus 1968, 96). Voöbus does not necessarily consider this a problem. In his evaluation, the prayers of the epiclesis indicate something central to the eucharist - the presence of Jesus (Voöbus 1968, 97-99). This may be an answer to the practice he sees prevalent of reading significance of a later liturgical development back into an earlier period.

The eucharistic celebration can be identified through the text of the Didache. Voöbus finds in the text a prayer of invocation, one over the cup, and a larger prayer over the loaf (Voöbus 1968, 100). Voöbus observes that in some Jewish meal traditions the bread is mostly distributed but some is set aside for later. This would allow for a scenario in which the bread comes before the cup. The meal is described as satisfying. Voöbus maintains that we can easily conceive of a eucharistic celebration within the confines of a fellowship meal (Voöbus 1968, 101).

There may be evidence in the prayers of a liturgy including congregational response. The three prayers contain doxologies which Voöbus considers may represent a congregational respons (Voöbus 1968, 102). Based on practices which are later described we can expect the prayers and responses may well be rather a thumbnail sketch of what actually happened, includign the possibility of hymnody, chanted Psalms, etc. (Voöbus 1968, 103). The variation of wording among the Greek and Coptic record, as well as variations in the Latin of Apostolic Constitutions suggests some latitude in the understood practice (Voöbus 1968, 104). 

Voöbus finds the requirement of holiness for participation to be striking (Voöbus 1968, 106). If one should depart from holiness, that holiness is restored through repentance. Voöbus takes this to be a factor of the unified nature of the church. The people have been called into unity. If that unity is broken it is a problem for the entire community (Voöbus 1968, 107). Within an understanding of a unified Christian community, the concept of "sacrifice" is applied to both the eucharist and to the overall sacrifice for sins. Damaging the purity which is present in the sacrificial life is tantamount to harming the whole body (Voöbus 1968, 108). Confession and purification restores the unity of the community. This explains the concept of holiness being placed parallel to confession of sins, also a prerequisite for participation in the eucharist (Voöbus 1968, 109).

We are given little information abotu the actual administration of the Eucharist. The most clear rule is that prophets could pray however they wanted (Voöbus 1968, 110). Bishops, however, were togoven the liturgy, though Voöbus considers this to still have an element of congregational preference (Voöbus 1968, 111). The eucharist is on the Lord's day, but possibly on other occasions as well. All in all, the directions are not terribly specific.

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Source of Eucharist in the Didache

1/23/2023

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1/23/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 2: On the Rite of the Eucharist." "Chapter One: The Character of the Source." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 63-83.

Voöbus questions what is actually represented in the Didache's eucharistic passages. It is clearly a ritual meal. Is it the eucharist proper or rather an agape meal (Voöbus 1968, 63)? Some analysis which has been done has reached conclusions without adequate evidence. Voöbus therefore attempts to evaluate the actual material evidence in the text.

In Voöbus' analysis, both of the Didache's eucharistic prayers are constructed the same and have extensive parallelism. He takes them to be essentially identical (Voöbus 1968, 65). If they have to do with an agape meal, then, the question must be raised. Why is there no teaching about the rite of communion (Voöbus 1968, 66)? For this reason, Voöbus concludes they must be related to communion.

The language describes something which is clearly to be considered sacred. The imagery of the bread of life suggests the eucharist rather clearly (Voöbus 1968, 67). Voöbus further sees the placement of this material after baptism to reflect not only the logical place in the life of the Christian, but also the typical liturgical order. The second prayer specifically speaks of food and drink leading to eternal life (Voöbus 1968, 68). It is a holy meal of great importance.

Voöbus observes that the importance extends to the point of the exclusion of outsiders, including catechumens. Those who are not baptized are not a part of this meal (Voöbus 1968, 69). This further suggests the communion, rather than a fellowship meal. Though there are elements of what is apparently a physically satisfying meal, Voöbus sees no reason to insist that the meal proper and the sacramental rite of communion were necessarily separated muych earlier than the mid second century (Voöbus 1968, 70). To do so is arbitrary and unnecessary based on the data.

Voöbus observes that some scholars impose later practice upon Didache 10.6, and relocate it to be prior to 10.5, as an instruction for the congregation to approach the altar and receive communion (Voöbus 1968, 71). Of importance is our understanding of "let him come." Voöbus sees the move to treat it as a direction for reception as an unnecessary confusion (Voöbus 1968, 72). He takes it to refer rather to a coming together around the whole eucharistic act. Those who come are called to be repentant. It is a matter of preparation to receive the sacrament (Voöbus 1968, 73).

Didache XIV may make reference to the eucharist, in that it mentions a breaking of bread (Voöbus 1968, 75). In chapter 14 it is clear that a confession of sins must be present. The participant is to be holy. This does not differ from the materials in chapters 9-10 in essence, but it is spelled out differently. Here the event is called a sacrifice (θυσία), while it is not so called earlier (Voöbus 1968, 76). Yet it is common for prayers or observance of a holy life to be considered a sacrifice. This term does not necessarily set chapter 14 apart.

Voöbus concludes, then, that the language in chapters 9-10 and 14 refer to a rite of commnion, and that there is no compelling reason to drive a possibly arbitrary distinction between the different descriptions (Voöbus 1968, 77). The existence of chapter 14 and its position in the work remains a significant question, but not a quest for a different ritual. Voöbus finds a possible reason for the location of the chapter 14 material to be the author's tendency to touch on a theme, depart to a seemingly tangential theme, then return to the original one (Voöbus 1968, 78). This could well explain the structure of this material also.

The redaction history of the Didache prayers may also shed light on the purpose. Voöbus notes that the apparent later insertion of the prayer concernying myron is significant. Its location with these prayers of thanksgiving and its content indicates an understanding of a ritual eucharist as opposed to a fellowship meal (Voöbus 1968, 79). This understanding in the Apostolic Constitutions signals continuity with the earlier understanding. The liturgical tradition also ties the prayers to the eucharist, as they appear in the consecration in Serapion's anaphora (Voöbus 1968, 80). Voöbus finds additional eucharistic prayers which maintain the same structure. Amid this evidence there is one instance in Pseudo-Athanasius where the structure is used for a table prayer (Voöbus 1968, 81). However, Voöbus considers it possible that a eucharistic prayer could be modified for this use.

While liturgy tends to resist change, Voöbus does observe that changes occur. A eucharistic prayer could certainly become a table prayer. Yet, in general, the prayers from Didache 9, 10, and 14 retain their force as eucharistic prayers in use over time (Voöbus 1968, 82). This is further consistent with a view that eucharist and an agape meal were once together and gradually became distinct from one another.

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Baptismal Anointing Prayer

1/20/2023

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1/20/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 1: On the Rite of Baptism." "Chapter Four: Prehistory of the Ointment Prayer." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 51-60.

In this chapter Voöbus asks whether it is possible to trace an older form of the ointment prayer in the Coptic fragment of the Didache. E. Peterson proposed a reconstruction, strongly influenced by the Apostolic Constitutions. Voöbus considers the dependence  proposed by Peterson to be too great Voöbus51). The Coptic papyrus itself is deserving of consideration. Voöbus thinks the recension of the Apostolic Constitutions represents an explication of the Coptic prayer (Voöbus 1968, 52). Yet this does not necessarily confirm that the Coptic version is the original. Nor does it confirm that the prayer was originally part of the Didache.

If the ointment prayer is an original part of the Didache, Voöbus considers how it would fit in (Voöbus 1968, 54). The form is very like a eucharistic prayer. Omission itself seems surprising. Some have suggested it was antiquated and no longer served a liturgical purpose. This could result in its suppression (Voöbus 1968, 55). Yet it would have made more sense for a redactor to simply edit the prayer to be in harmony with current practice.

Voöbus notesthat the prayer is introduced with, "thus as we say" (Voöbus 1968, 56). This suggests the prayer, already in existence, was inserted here. The wording of the prayer is relatively awkward. Yet in its words it clearly states the availability of a number of sacramental gifts. These gifts are given to the people of early Christianity as something precious (Voöbus 1968, 57). The prayer is located in a group of topically related prayers identified as eucharistia (Voöbus 1968, 58). This, to Voöbus, does not seem entirely consistent with the pattern of the rest of the Didache. He considers it may not have been original, or that it could have been moved for some reason in the editorial process. This process is largely invisible to us. However, Voöbus considers the various statements about baptism, from chapter seven, to be evidence of layers of editorial work (Voöbus 1968, 59). In Voöbus' view, as the rituals grew and changed, statements which acknowledged those practices were added. He sees this as following different patterns in different locations (Voöbus 1968, 60). 

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Prayer for Baptismal Anointing

1/19/2023

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1/19/23
Scholarly Reflections

Voöbus, Arthur. "Part 1: On the Rite of Baptism." "Chapter Three: The Ointment Prayer." Liturgical Traditions in the Didache. Stockholm: ETSE, 1968, 41-50.

Voöbus observes that, in conjunction with the baptismal ritual, an anointing with oil appears in the Apostolic Constitutions (Voöbus 1968, 41). This is also reflected in a Coptic papyrus fragment of the Didache, where a prayer for anointing appears appended to chapters 9-10. In both instances the prayer is associated with allowing prophets to pray as they wish.

The prayer is associated with an aromatic ointment or a perfume (Voöbus 1968, 42). The interpretation is not clear, according to Voöbus, expect that the text of the Apostolic Constitutions identifies it as a prayer associated with the aroma. The question of what specific use of ointment is meant is more difficult (Voöbus 1968, 43). Voöbus discusses the common use of anointing and praying for the sick. This would not intuitively be connected with the Eucharist, where the passage appears. However, ointment was also associated with baptism. Voöbus finds such an association in Jewish baptismal practice, as well as in Jewish ceremonial meal practices (Voöbus 1968, 44). Unfortunately, this fails to create clarity in the view.

A search for the function of the anointing is not immediately rewarding. Voöbus finds that the Apostolic Constitutions makes mention of "the immortal eon" (Voöbus 1968, 45). This does suggest the dichotomy between the present, fallen age and that of immortality. From this foundation, Voöbus is able to move to the concept of baptism, where one moves from the former to the latter (Voöbus 1968, 46). When asking about a reason for the choice of a word related to fragrance, Voöbus finds more associations. A Syriac version of Acts describes a fragrance along with the coming of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost (Voöbus 1968, 46). Paradise is regularly described in terms of aromatic plants. Voöbus thus finds good smells as related to moving into the heavenly realms as one does in baptism (Voöbus 1968, 47). Fragrance therefore can be well seen as a concomitant with baptism. Voöbus notes that the ointment prayer was grouped with various prayers of thanksgiving, the meaning of εὐχαριστία (Voöbus 1968, 49). When used in later documents, "oil of the eucharistia" is descriptive of anointing at baptism. 

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