Blog Posts - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

The Didache and Monasticism

5/23/2022

5/23/22
Scholarly Reflections

Davis, Cyprian. "The Didache and Early Monasticism in the East and West." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 352-367.

Davis asks whether there is evidence that the Didache influenced early Christian monasticism. There is some reason to believe that the Didache may have originated in Egypt, also the home of early monastic movements (Davis 1995, 352). Davis does find some citations from the Didache in monastic writings, though they are not common.

One possible indicator of contact is a version of the Two Ways material from the Didache found in the "Life of Shenoute" by his successor, Besa (Davis 1995, 354). Shenoute, a monk in Egypt beginning about 371, as far as we know from period accounts, was an unusual figure, demanding high levels of commitment and obedience from his followers. The Arabic version of the Life of Shenoute provides a slightly abbreviated translation of Didache 1-5. Davis provides an English version of each in parallel columns (Davis 1995, 356ff). Davis suggests there may have been a copy of the Two Ways or of the Didache in a library which was available to Shenoute or to Besa, though there is no clear evidence for the actual source.

Davis further questions whether the Rule of Benedict was influenced by the Didache. Chapter four speaks of precepts rooted in the Decalog, which Davis considers similar to some of the Two Ways material (Davis 1995, 359). He also identifies the source document for much of the Rule of Benedict, called the Rule of the Master as having a parallel in chapter 80 to Didache 14 (Davis 1995, 362).

Davis concludes that while there is no direct evidence of influence of the Didache on specific monastic writings, it was decidedly an important part of the thought world from which monasticism emerged (Davis 1995, 365)

Ignatius and Use of Sources

5/20/2022

5/20/22
Scholarly Reflections

Jefford, Clayton N. "Did Ignatius of Antioch Know the Didache?" in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 330-351.

Jefford immediately grants that chronological and geographical information are salient factors in an analysis of literary influence, and that we know relatively little of either in the case of the Didache (Jefford 1995, 331). Yet the evidence for the Didache being in existence prior to Ignatius' death about 120 C.E. is fairly persuasive, and Antioch, the home of Ignatius, is a strong contender for the place of composition of the Didache. Jefford then notes that there has been virtually no study of a relationship between Ignatius and the Didache, and that on the surface of Ignatius' wriitings there is no strong suggestion of one (Jefford 1995, 332). To proceed with his evaluation, Jefford considers how Ignatius used his sources of information (Jefford 1995, 332). When Ignatius draws from the Old T estament, he may provide a quotation of the Septuagint, which he normally introduces with "as it is written" (Jefford 1995, 333). He makes some clear allusions as well, without the introduction. Jefford concludes that Ignatius' use of Hebrew texts is not frequent or rigorous (Jefford 1995, 335).

Ignatius uses themes and occasional phrases from Luke's account of the post-resurrection apperance of Jesus, as well as numerous phrases and concepts preserved in John (Jefford 1995, 336-337). However, Ignatius uses ideas and language which connect with Matthew in a relatively systematic way (Jefford 1995, 338-339). His use of Matthew is not through quotations but mostly through allusions and the construction of arguments which work in the same way as those of Matthew. Jefford notes that Ignatius uses the same procedure in his references to Pauline ideas (Jefford 1995, 340).

Ignatius tends to use early Christian traditions in much the same way, through citing an idea, then drawing a conclusion from that idea. Jefford provides three examples of this process (Jefford 1995, 341).

Jefford, having concluded that Ignatius applied information known to him, often by allusions, proceeds to consider Ignatius' possible knowledge of the Didache. Ignatius did speak in terms of a dualistic world, with a way of life and a way of death, similar to the Didache's Two Ways material (Jefford 1995, 343). Ignatius urges reception and compliance to bishops, a theme applied to prophets in the Didache. In both instances the speaker of God's Word is to be received "as the Lord" and to be shown high levels of respect (Jefford 1995, 344). Both the Didachist and Ignatius refer to the shared Lord's table as bearing food of immortality. Jefford notes that the term used for immortality is rarely used, but is used in the same way by both authors (Jefford 1995, 345). Both authors view society as bearing heirarchies which parallel the positional levels of authority described of the Godhead. Jefford takes this to be significant, even though the human heirarchy referred to differs (Jefford 1995, 346). In both authors there is a clear need to evaluate the teachings which are brought to the community (Jefford 1995, 346). Both authors are clear that worship centers around the Lord's Day, and both use a specific and rarely used term (κυριακή) for it (Jefford 1995, 347). Finally, both authors make specific reference to appointing leaders "worthy of the Lord." Jefford finds they use the language in very similar ways. (Jefford 1995, 348).

Jefford concludes that while it is not possible to prove that Ignatius knew the Didache, it is certainly reasonable to expect that he knew some of the material for it or which was adapted for use in it (Jefford 1995, 350).

Wandering Leaders in the Church

5/19/2022

5/19/22
Scholarly Reflections

Patterson, Stephen J. "Didache 11-13: The Legacy of Radical Itinerancy in Early Christianity." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 313-329.

Patterson builds on Gerd Theissen's work (1973) which theorized a radical movement of itinerant Christian preachers in the earliest spread of Christianity (Patterson 1995, 313). Didache 11-13 describes a sort of itinerant movement, which Patterson explores. Of particular interest to him are the passages which may suggest a conflict between local leaders and the itinerant preachers, and signs of the growth of a local leadership structure which would replace itinerancy (Patterson 1995, 314).

In Didache 11, Patterson notes that apostles and prophets come and go, terminology suggesting their regular movement. Further, there are provisions for prophets who would like to stay, which suggests they may normally be expected to move on (Patterson 1995, 316). Patterson considers this same pattern and role to apply to teachers.

Patterson takes Didache 11-13 to have not been a unified text. The material in chapter 12 inserts ideas about "the traveler" without any preparation, but chapter 13 returns to the chapter 11 theme of prophets (Patterson 1995, 317). Patterson observes that the matter is further complicated by the fact that in chapter 11 the prophets may not ask for money but in chapter 13 they are given support. Finally, while apostles were present in chapter 11, they are absent from chapter 13.

Although we have only one complete text of the Didache, Patterson considers that the Coptic fragment may assist us in identifying some aspects of the history (Patterson 1995, 319). The fact that the Coptic manuscript ends at 12.2a suggests there may have been an actual version which ended there. Patterson reviews the layout and possible purposes of the Coptic fragment in some detail, before suggesting that 12.1-2a makes a summary closing statement which could have been the end of a version of the Didache (Patterson 1995, 323). Patterson therefore suggests that the text, with traditional material, may have originally ended at 12.2a, but that a later addition was made due to itinerant preachers who wanted to stay in the community (Patterson 1995, 324).

Patterson goes on to note that the passages about itinerant preachers always regard them as outsiders, and that the text is telling insiders what to do about them (Patterson 1995, 324). The teachings of the itinerant preachers were to be evaluated and governed in some way. The same would hold true for the teachings of apostles (Patterson 1995, 326).

In Didache 12.2B, Patterson finds the new challenge of dealing with refugees, rather than simply weighing teaching and sending the itinerant people to the next community (Patterson 1995, 326). He considers this to be a challenge which had arisen after the time of composition of chapter 11. Patterson further consides that the trajectory of development leads naturally to chapter 15, where there are local bishops and deacons who hold authority rather than the prophets and apostles (Patterson 1995, 327).

Patterson concludes that the roles of itinerant teachers were flourishing in the time of the Didache, and that, as far as we can tell, continued for some time. He leaves the door open for further substantive reserach in the field (Patterson 1995, 329).

Intersections of Authority and Structure

5/18/2022

5/18/22
Scholarly Reflections

Draper, Jonathan A. "Social Ambiguity and the Production of Text: Prophets, Teachers, Bishops, and Deacons and the Development of the Jesus Tradition in the Community of the Didache." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 284-312.

Draper observes the warning of Didache 16.3-4 speaks of deceivers coming from within the community. The concern is surprising because one would expect those within the community to be safe and dedicated (Draper 1995, 285). Yet the enemy seems to be ever present.

The phenomenon Draper analyzes corresponds to a hich could be described for a witch-believing society (Draper 1995, 283). As described by Mary Douglas, characteristics such as the level of formal structure, which she calls "grid," and the degree or exclusivity in the community, which she calls "group," may be used to profile communities (Draper 1995, 86). Draper sees the Didache community as having a high level of group identity but a relatively low level of structural grid (Draper 1995, 286-287). Draper sees a very strong set of group boundaries, as the distinction between members of the community and outsiders is made plain. This is particularly the case when the Two Ways are cosnidered as the instructional requirement for each community member (Draper 1995, 286). Draper illustrates numerous ways in which the gorup identity is of great importance.

In Douglas' model which Draper is utilizing the roles within the community are less well defined, resulting in what we would see as a weak "grid" (Draper 1995, 290). Various types of leaders are mentioned, but their roles are not described well. Draper describes the leadership, beginning with the bishops and deacons, who come from within the community (Draper 1995, 291). Of note to Draper is that the bishops and deacons are tested by the community and are volunteers, without any means of remuneration (Draper 1995, 292). Draper suggests this would indicate the bishops and deacons serve as patrons in the cultural schema. The prophets and teachers, in contrast, ask for and receive money. They are assumed to have the Holy Spirit, so are not tested, as are the bishops and deacons (Draper 1995, 293). While apostles, also from outside the community, are to be received freely, they visit with a number of limitations (Draper 1995, 294). The true apostle is always assumed to be on his way somewhere, so he will not stay in a community very long.

Draper observes that the prophetic office is one in which the prophet would be evaluated frequently and rigoously. It was expected that at any time it was possible that the prophet would become a deceiver (Draper 1995, 296). Further, the roles of all these ministers are poorly defined. We have little information about an expected role of the prophet (Draper 1995, 299).

Finally, Draper observes that teachers are sometimes grouped with apostles and sometimes with prophets. Their specific role is not clear, though they are accepted as special messengers from God (Draper 1995, 301).

As he returns to the original suggestion, that the Didache community fits Douglas' description of a "witch-believing" society, Draper cosniders what this identity may imply (Draper 1995, 303). When there is conflict, as Draper assumes to have been the case, those members of the community who can be portrayed as dissident receive the blame for the conflict (Draper 1995, 303). Draper considers it quite possible that the division was between the prophetic and priestly leaders in the commnity. Evaluating the message of a prophet was a difficult matter, especially as the prophet's main characteristic was to have the τρόπος τοῦ κυρίου, the "character of the Lord," which is only vaguely defined (Draper 1995, 305-306).

Draper suggests that the true prophets may have served as keepers of the authentic Jesus traditions which were not included in canonical writings. Thus, their authority would be high but it would not be practical to test them (Draper 1995, 308-309). The community depicted in the Didache would have been substantial, if multiple prophets could be expected to want to stay there and receive support. It is largely Torah observant. This suggests Antioch to Draper (Draper 1995, 310). The prophets may have been displaced in one way or another, resulting in their migration. Draper suggests this could be explained by a date for the Didache subsequent to the fall of Jerusalem (Draper 1995, 311).

An Ordered Creation Praises God

5/17/2022

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
5/17/22

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 148"

Augustine reflects that our prayer is akin to our endurance of times of tribulation and that it corresponds to Lent, while our praise is akin to our heavenly hope, corresponding with Easter (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343135, par. 1). Our "Hallelujah," then, is to be sung with our entire life, not merely with our voice. Augustine expects it to show in our daily activiites, not only in the church service (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343150, par. 2).

Verse one calls for praise to come even from heaven, the place Augustine confesses is always praising God (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343160, par. 3). He goes on to observe that in one way or another all nature praises God. Verses two through five then go on to list a number of the parts of creation, all of which praise God (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343170, par. 5). This they do simply because God is their creator. Augustine further notes that in verse six the creation praises God because he has made it as a lasting thing. This can bring us hope as well, when we see the orderly nature of creation (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343180, par. 6).

Having previously called for praise from the heavens, Psalm 148:7 turns to call forth the praises of the earth (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343180, par. 7). This is the realm of moisture, clouds, and all that is changeable. Interstingly, Augustine speaks of dragons as a present reality which can be observed flying from caves (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343200, par. 7). In verse eight, all the fire and weather phenomena also obey God's word. From the larges to the smallest, Augustine understands nature's creatures to fulfill God's Word (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343214, par. 8). All works in an orderly manner, as Augustine illustartes at some length.

Verses 9-14 conclude that all things in their turn and their way are to praise the Lord (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343249, par 10). This calls us also to observe the world arouind us and see how it sings the praise of God.

A Model of Communion as a Means of Oppression (shaking my head)

5/16/2022

5/16/22
Scholarly Reflections

Riggs, John W. "The Sacred Food of Didache 9-10 and Second-Century Ecclesiologies." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 256-283.

Riggs sets out to use the prayers of Didache 9-10 as a means by which to understand the trajectory he finds from a table-sharing meal at the time of Jesus to a symbolic sacramental act which he can identify near the end of the second century (Riggs 1995, 256). He begins his argument with a denail, which he considers common in current scholarship, of any "last supper of Jesus such as that which is portrayed in Paul's letter to Corinth or in the gospels" (Riggs 1995, 257). Affirming the work of the Jesus Seminar, he sees the last supper accounts as later ecclesial compositions. The significant element of the narrative, as Riggs suggests is proven by numerous scholars, is that the communal meal as an "occasion for social formation" would certainly be central (Riggs 1995, 259). Riggs and the sources he relies on act with an assumption that all the biblical passages referenced have been heavily redacted so as to create meanings which are often absent from our intuitive understanding of the passages as they stand in their present context.

At some point, but early in its history, Riggs considers there to be a shift from what he would describe as a "pre-Pauline" and "Palestinian" understanding of table fellowship to a more "Markan" and "Hellenistic" view, where the elements themselves become more important than remembering and sharing. After that shift, "divine presence can only be understood as somehting which is present materially, that is, the literal bread and wine themselves" (Riggs 1995, 262, emphasis Riggs'). Riggs considers this to be aview clearly expressed in Ignatius (Riggs 1995, 263). Drawing on 20th century anthropological research, Riggs concludes that accounts of food serve functions, normally to distinguish among various stratas in a society (Riggs 1995, 264).

Riggs finds that the prayer of Didache 9-10 "reveals a transition from table-sharing towards divine food" (Riggs 1995, 265). He theorizes that the lessspecific prayer of chapter 10 was composed earlier, then the more specific elements in chapter nine were inserted so as to remind participants of a meal custom which had been lost but was now re-interpreted as a Christian celebration of the elements (Riggs 1995, 265-266). This coincided with what Riggs would characterize as a decline in Christian missionary activity and a growth in Christian population as the exclusive claims of Christianity were made more plain (Riggs 1995, 267). He takes this shift in the view of eating and drinking to be complete by the close of the second century, and to be evidenced in progress by the Didache, which he places in the middle of the second century (Riggs 1995, 270).

Riggs continues by discussing a distinction of boundaries within the Didache by considering the matter of itinerant prophets and table-sharing (Riggs 1995, 276). He sees this as a development in "patriarchalization" by which the leaders of the Christian community take on the authority of God so as to marginalize others, specifically women (Riggs 1995, 276-277). This is foreshadowed in Ignatius but Riggs sees it more fully developed in the Didache. The table is fenced in Didache 9.5 so as to keep those who are unworthy from eating (Riggs 1995, 278). Riggs takes this to be the work of the bishops and elders, who are permanent officers from within the community, an ideaa he considers akin to the Roman custom of patronage. In Riggs' estimation, this power structure reversed the model in Luke/Acts by which all were welcome (Riggs 1995, 281). It eventually resulted in only the bishop having control over the food supply, and being able to separate the laity from the table (Riggs 1995, 282).

Riggs concludes that the Didache serves as a valuable testament to the development of boundaries regarding food, and thus to exclusion of certain people from power and food (Riggs 1995, 282). He closes with an expression which suggests surprise that Chrsitianity continued to advance in this apparently oppressive atmosphere (Riggs 1995, 283).

Baptism Reimagined in Early Christianity

5/13/2022

5/13/22
Scholarly Reflections

Mitchell, Nathan. "Baptism in the Didache." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 226-255.

Mitchell notes that the description of baptism in Didache 7 is noteworthy for what it does not mention. A constellation of features we normally associate with baptism is absent (Mitchell 1995, 226). In his article, Mitchell makes several of his presuppositions clear, particularly his view of the multi-stage redaction process of the Didache (Mitchell 1995, 227ff).

The presuppositions Mitchell makes about the redactional history of the Didache lead him to particular moves in his attempt to identify the community where it may have originated (Mitchell 1995, 231ff). He finds that chapters 1-5, which he assigns to the earliest stage of composition, reflects a type of Christianity to be found among Hellenized Jews who have converted. The Torah is assumed as an important presupposition (Mitchell 1995, 231). Mitchell theorizes that because the Didache community understood itself primarily as Hellenized Jews, there would not be many Christological statements (Mitchell 1995, 232). Their view may well have been that Jesus' activity was more that of a personal agent of God, rather than that of a divine person. This view would have an impact on the way one might have described a Christian. Mitchell considers Draper's view (1991) that Matthew and the Didache emerged from the same community about the same time to be helpful here. If in fact they were part of a dialectical relationship rather than one having a literary dependence on the other, we could see the Didache explaining how a community can follow Jesus, rather than explaining the doctrines about Jesus (Mitchell 1995, 234-235). Draper's thought is that the gospel genre played the role of authoritative teaching while works like the Didache served as a community rule, describing how we conduct affairs in light of the gospel. This could explain the fact that the Didache seems more inclined to exclude those who turn away from the community (Mitchell 1995, 236). It is a practical, not a theological work. Christians are those who have clearly turned from sin into the works of righteousness.

Mitchell continues by seeking out the origins of Christian baptism as described in the Didache He takes the community most likely to be in or near Antioch (Mitchell 1995, 238). and to have endured a number of conflicts regarding the nature of Christian fellowship. Table fellowship even around non-ceremonial meals was a matter of significant controversy in some communities. This may have led to the presence of statements about ritual purity and foods in Didache 6.3, immediately before the discussion of baptism (Mitchell 1995, 239). Purity in foods could be a requirement for baptism, which in turn could be the start of requirements for further table fellowship, culminating in eucharistic fellowship (Mitchell 1995, 240). The stage is thus set, in Mitchell's opinion, for a consideration of the source of Christian baptism and its relation to Didache 7, as well as the description of the eucharistic meals in Didache 9-10 (Mitchell 1995, 242).

Jesus' baptism as described in Matthew may be seen as an association with sinful humans and a commitment to Torah (Mitchell 1995, 243). Jesus' baptism would thus open the door to a life in the path of righteousness. Mitchell describes theories which then root Jesus' ministry in John's teaching, later changed when Jesus, in Galilee, begins to alter the traditional understanding of baptism as entry to a lifestyle prescribed by Torah (Mitchell 1995, 244ff). After Jesus' death, while some, such as Paul, interpreted baptism Christologically, we still see instances of Christians who understood baptism in terms of the work of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-10, Acts 18:24-28) (Mitchell 1995, 246). Baptism may be associated not with the bodily resurrection of Jesus, but rather with a hope of a personal resurrection. This creates a continuity of thought between Matthew 24:30-31 and Didache 16.6 (Mitchell 1995, 247). John's baptism thus takes on Christian significance.

Mitchell continues by presenting a text of Didache 7, followed by his translation and commentary on the text (Mitchell 1995, 248ff). He notes the lack of identification of the one authorized to baptize (Mitchell 1995, 250), as well as the implication that the catechumen is to have been taught the Two Ways material. The preparatory fasting, applied certainly to the catechumen and optionally to others he views as a practice which Jesus had rejected in his ministry (Mitchell 1995, 251). He takes "living water" to be that gathered from a spring rather than a cistern (Mitchell 1995, 251-252), giving a number of Old Testament examples. The formula may be trinitarian, though Mitchell takes the trinitarian forms of 7.1c and 7.3 to be a later accretion, with the "into the name of 9.5 as original (Mitchell 1995, 252-253).

Mitchell concludes that the import of "baptism in the Didache is not a rite of 'christological' significance, but of eschatological meaning" (Mitchell 1995, 255). The theology moves the participant to a life of actions which show ritual purity. It does not usher one into full fellowship, but sets the stage to observe the Torah.

Finally, the Conceptual Context!

5/12/2022

5/12/22
Scholarly Reflections

Reed, Jonathan. "The Hebrew Epic and the Didache." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 213-225.

Reed observes that most scholarship related to the Didache has not focused on the Didachist's use of the Hebrew Scriptures, merely providing some cross references (Reed 1995, 213). The absence of multiple manuscripts of the Didache creates challenges to interpretation of the text (Reed 1995, 214). Reed suggests overcoming some of these challenges by evaluating the Didache's references to the Old Testament in terms of how the reader of the Didache's time would understand them as a part of the larger Old Testament context. He calls this an evaluation in terms of its "Hebrew epic" (Reed 1995, 214).

For the purposes of Reed's pattern, the specific wording of a text or the analysis of genre does not matter very much. Rather, he considers it important to enter the thought life underlying a passage or a cultural situation (Reed 1995, 215). Reed specifies that this approach also avoids the necessity, found in much scholarship, of attempting to identify a chronology of different layers of redaction in the Didache. The overall message is its epic (Reed 1995, 216).

Reed considers the epic of the major sections of the Didache separately. In the Two Ways section, chapters 1-6, he finds strong shadows of Leviticus 17-26, Exodus 20, and Deuteronomy 5 (Reed 1995, 216). As Reed describes it, the overarching concept is that of ways of life and death, blessing and curse. The language is somewhat similar, but the philosophy is very similar (Reed 1995, 217). The importation of Jesus' teaching into the passage does not seem to be a departure from the Old Testament concepts or standards. Rather, it is viewed as a natural outcome of the Mosaic ideas (Reed 1995, 219).

The ritual material, from Didache 7-10, makes little reference to the Old Testament (Reed 1995, 219). Reed finds rather than a specific Old Testament reference, that the prescriptions are related to Jewish prayers of the first century. Reed does list several elements of the prayers which would lead to an understanding of considerable continuity with the Old Testament picture of Israel (Reed 1995, 220).

Didache 11-15 is commonly understood as a "church order." The ethics of chapters 1-6 are put into operation in the context of the rituals of chapters 7-10. The community thus gathered has people in roles described in chapters 11-15 (Reed 1995, 221). The various roles and observances are cast in terms ofan Old Testament ethos.

The apocalyptic material in Didache 16 issues warnings which Reed finds gathered from Matthew, Daniel, and Zechariah (Reed 1995, 223). The chapter draws the reader's attention backward to the Way of Death in chapter six, as well as to the rituals which urge regular meeting together. The roles of true prophets are related to those roles laid out in the church order section (Reed 1995, 224).

In conclusion, Reed finds the Didache to have a clear, coherent view of its context in society and in relationship to the Old and New Testaments. It depicts present realities of life in the Christian community (Reed 1995, 225).

Why Say It This Way and Not That Way?

5/11/2022

5/11/22
Scholarly Reflections

Henderson, Ian H. "Style-Switching in the Didache: Fingerprint or Argument?" in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 177-209.

Henderson considers the Didache as a challenge for scholars, primarily because analytical frameworks which have been fruitful in New Testament scholarship have proven not to work when applied to the Didache (Henderson 1995, 177). He finds in the Didache a dependence on the concepts of one or more Gospels, but possibly in an oral compositional style. He also thinks the text may serve as a sort of response to the written gospel accounts. Henderson finds certain inconsistencies in the style of the Didache. This article attempts to understand the inconsistencies as the result of style switching, presumably between a literary and an oral compositional view (Henderson 1995, 178).

Henderson commends the work of C.M. Tuckett ("Synoptic Tradition in the Didache" in J-M. Sevrin (ed.). The New Testament in Early Christianity. Louvain, 1989, 197-230.), who made a thorough and scholarly study of style switching (Henderson 1995, 178). Henderson describes the process in some detail. Tuckett considers references to the final redactional stage in a Gospel (or other work) to presuppose knowledge of that entire work in its final form. Of significance here is the fact that the Didache has many references to ideas found in the Synoptic Gospels, including their final layers, the ideas are often used in arguments unrelated to their use in the Synoptics (Henderson 1995, 180). In fact, Tuckett finds that the Didache seems to studiously avoid use of the arguments found in Matthew or Luke. At the same time, the Didache bears what Henderson would consider a clear fingerprint of its own (Henderson 1995, 181). While the conceptual material is drawn from other sources, the argument, expression, and concusions are specific to the Didachist.

Henderson goes on to analyze the various recent approaches which recent scholarship has taken toward stylistics. Within the grammatical tradition of scholarship, aspects of grammar are identified to draw out a grammatical pattern which an author may have used (Henderson 1995, 186). Another area of style is that of wording and phrasing. When the Didache adopts an idea from another text, it may well restate the idea with a different wording. This may suggest a difference in a preferred means of expression, rather than a different source or an inferior or superior grasp of the concepts (Henderson 1995, 189). In a similar way, assessing a text for linguistic cultural elements such as Semitisms or other means of expression specific to a culture easily becomes an arbitrary sort of analysis (Henderson 1995, 190).

The developments of rhetorical criticism of the New Testament strike Henderson as important. Here it is important to focus on both style and substance, with a goal of understanding the process by which we might reach the conclusion of an argument (Henderson 1995, 191). The process of argumentation used is the essential element of study. One important challenge to rhetorical analysis is the fact that ancient rhetoricians classified styles and their relative desirability vary differently from one another, a concept Henderson describes in some detail (Henderson 1995, 192ff). Further, the style of an author, the style required by the traditions of the text, and the style of communication expected by the audience all contribute to the way a text will appear (Henderson 1995, 197). This leaves Henderson recognizing that analysis must happen on several levels.

Henderson finally asks, "What would a stylistic description/analysis of the Didache look like?" (Henderson 1995, 199). Though we can't necessarily be exhaustive, at least we can move toward an appropriate answer. Henderson explores whether a linguistic "codeswitching" model may be the appropriate way to evaluate changes in rhetorical style. Henderson evaluates codeswitching as it can be perceived in shifts between Greek and Hebrew/Aramaic styles, as well as shifts between quotation and avoidance of quotations (Henderson 1995, 201). Henderson details a number of passages of the New Testament in which the author interjects Hebraisms purposely and unexpectedly. These care conscious shifts intended to communicate something (Henderson 1995, 202). Henderson then goes on to describe the codeswitching in various Didache passages (Henderson 1995, 204ff). Henderson continues by emphasizing that, while the Didachist is perfectly able to quote freely from the Synoptic Gospels, he chooses not to do so at various points. This "non-quotation" is, in itself, a form of code switching (Henderson 1995, 205).

Henderson's conclusion is that style is not a static element, but that it is worked out in a literary (or oral) context (Henderson 1995, 208). He also finds it shifts, often with specific reasons and intentions (Henderson 1995, 209).

Praise the Lord with Your Whole Life

5/10/2022

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
5/10/22

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 147"

Psalm 147:1 tells us, "Praise the Lord." Augustine understands this as the command from one God to all the church, no matter where they are (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342834, par. 1). The promised reward of verse one is that praise is good. Specifically, Augustine says, the particular form of praise known as a Psalm is good. He goes on to describe the particular instrument used for a Psalm, the psaltery (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342839, par. 2). As an instrument played with the hands, Augustine says the work of our hands should accompany our praise to God. Our praise is made pleasant in God's sight as we praise him with our voices and with a holy life (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342854, par. 3).

Who is this God, pleased by our praise? Augustine describes in brief, the way God in Scripture initiates a loving relationship with His people (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342865, par. 4). In verse three, God is described as the one who heals bruised hearts. Those who are not subject to pain might not be healed. But God does not fail to care for those who are hurting (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342870, par. 5). Augustine compares God to the physician and his treatment to the life we live in the Church.

Verse four describes God's ability, based on his exhaustive knowledge of all. He can name all the stars. Augustine concludes that he certainly knows all about his people and their trials (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342890, par. 8). The theme continues in verse five, as we speak of God's greatness.

Verse six changes our focus as God cares for the gentle. Augustine asks whether this is contradictory to God's power. It is not, since the Lord is the physician (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342924, par. 10). Verse seven then moves on to beginning with confession. Surprisingly, Augustine discusses the way one would confess sins but he doesn't make the connection between being gentle (humble) and confessing sins (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342929, par. 11). He does note that verses seven and eight return to the idea laid out at the beginning of the Psalm. With the clear conscience of confession, we praise the God who gives rain to nourish the earth (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342934, par. 12).

Augustine makes an interesting reference to a Scripture passage, "Let alms sweat in thy hand, till thou findest a righteous nam to whom to give it" (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342949, par. 13). I recall this from Didache 1.6, not from Scripture. Augustine takes the teaching to indicate that our planned giving should include setting aside some resources which we give to people whom we seek out, rather than to those who approach us. God is the owner of all, and sustains all (v. 9). He is certainly able to provide for his people and enable them to share generously.

Augustine allegorizes the remainder of verses nine and ten, taking the ravens to be his people who depend on him but the horses to be those people who are proud in their strength (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342970, par. 15). Verse eleven then pulls us back from the animal kingdom to God's love for people who hope in him.

Verse 12 calls all God's people, even in the captivity Augustine understands to be "Jerusalem" to praise God together (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342985, par. 17). Their hope, even in times of trouble, is tobe in the Lord who will make all trouble pass away. Augustine describes this hope at some length, drawing subsequent verses in as they picture the strong hope found in God. In verse 13 he strengthens the gates as a defense (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343019, par. 20). Verses 14-15 continue to speak of the Lord's ability to provide for his people. Augustine is clear that God does this through His Word, not only the written and spoken version, but Jesus, the Word incarnate (Augustine Psalms, loc. 343045, par. 23).

A Saving Curse

5/9/2022

5/9/22
Scholarly Reflections

Pardee, Nancy. "The Curse that Saves (Didache 16.5)." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 156-176.

Pardee considers the word κατάθεμα as used in Didache 16.5 to be worthy of special study as it may provide insight into eschatology, soteriology, and Christology all at once (Pardee 1995, 156). She notes an irony by which a curse rescues from a curse, and observes that fire was typically used to destroy items considered accursed (Pardee 1995, 157). Pardee notes the study of the term cannot possibly confirm the identity of the curse, but that it can refine our understanding of possible referents (Pardee 1995, 158).

Pardee notes that the word group ἀνάθημα / ἀνάθεμα is commonly used, and refers in Thucydides and after for something set up, such as a person or thing designated for special service (Pardee 1995, 159). In Jewish and Christian usage it is specifically something which can serve as a negative example, so something accursed. Pardee reviews usage of ἀνάθημα as it appears in the Dead Sea Scrolls, since they are closer in time to the Didache than is the ancient Greek literature (Pardee 1995, 163)./ Pardee provides a number of passages and brief comments.

Pardee concludes that the ἀνάθεμα word group is not used in a negative sense earlier than the Septuagint. Usint it that way
outside of Judeo-Christian literature is rare and late" (Pardee 1995, 168). The word used in Didache 16.5, κατάθεμα, appears more rarely, and never has positive connotations (Pardee 1995, 169). In the end, Pardee concludes that the word is used clearly for a curse, and that this "curse itself" is most likely a veiled reference to Christ.

Burning? Purgatory?

5/6/2022

5/6/22
Scholarly Reflections

Milavec, Aaron. "The Saving Efficacy of the Burning Process in Didache 16.5." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 131-155

The concept of a fire which purifies, a "purgatorial fire," is often thought to arise in the third century. However, Milavec takes it to be the concept of Didache 16.5 and not to be original in the work of the Didachist (Milavec 1995, 131).

The idea of a fire as judgment is common, especially within the New Testament. Yet Milavec does not find it applied to the individual believer as a means of purification from sin (Milavec 1995, 132). This concept was not codified in terms of purgatory until at least the 13th century. However, recent scholars suggest that purgatory is rooted not in particular biblical passages, but in early Judaic traditions (Milavec 1995, 133).

Didache 16.5-8 speaks of the coming judgment, which involves a burning which tests humans. Some remain faithful and become partakers of the resurrection. Then the Lord comes (Milavec 1995, 134). Milavec particularly evaluates the linguistic structure of Didache 16.5, as it is an obscure statement. "Those who have remained firm in their faith will be saved . . . by the curse itself" (Milavec 1995, 135). At issue is the identification of the curse. Milavec considers numerous possibilities but does not appear convinced that any can be stated with certainty.

Linguistic parallelism used in Didache 16.5 suggests to Milavec that "the curse" may well be the burning process (Milavec 1995, 137). The burning which tests all and which only some survive would rightly be seen as a curse to those who perish. In this instance, God's act of judgment may be referred to as "the curse." This view, though similar in wording, differs from a traditional interpretation that Jesus himself is "the accursed."

Milavec explores the difficulty of considering alternative explanations of a concept once one explanation has become ingrained (Milavec 1995, 139). The assumption that "the curse itself" referred to Christ may have blocked out other possible explanations. Once it had been articulated by Harris and Harnack in the 1880s, the concept was seemingly permanently cemented in place (Milavec 1995, 140).

Milavec considers three difficulties with the interpretation. There is no clear evidence that the Didache was influenced by Galatians 3:13 or 1 Corinthians 12:3, so we do not know those passages were understood as apposite (Milavec 1995, 142). Further, the apparent diversity within early Christianity does not guarantee that different communities would understand being saved through a curse the same way as each other. This casts doubt on the interpretation that may have been intended (Milavec 1995, 143). Finally, there is not adequate internal evidence in Didache 16.5 to identify the referent of the curse. We simply cannot say from the text what it is speaking about (Milavec 1995, 144).

Fire is the prominent metaphor used in Didache 16.5, as the means of testing. Milavec explores fire as a metaphor (Milavec 1995, 145). Not only is it a means of judgment or testing, but we also find in Isaiah 33 that surviving fire is a sign of God's protective care. The righteous are unharmed, but the wicked are consumed. Malachi in particular uses fire as a sign of the process of refinement (Milavec 1995, 147). Fire therefore takes on the dual purpose of judging and refining. Milavec finds this to be a valid understanding of fire metaphors throughout the biblical and early Christian corpus (Milavec 1995, 150).

Milavec finally asks whether the Didachist was referring to one judgment in 16.5, then another at the end of the world. This question is made more significant by the possibility that there was once a longer ending to the Didache (Milavec 1995, 152). The current consensus is that the final judgment pictured by the Didachist occurs after the testing by fire.

"The Gospel of the Lord" and the Synoptic Gospels

5/5/2022

5/5/22
Scholarly Reflections

Tuilier, André. "La Didachè Et Le Problème Synoptique." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 110-130.

Tuilier considers the Didache to be a possible source for some harmonization of the synoptic problem, as it appears to use material common to the Synoptists but not to John (Tuilier 1995, 110). He proceeds to detail synoptic references from Didache 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5a, 1.5b, 3.7, 6.2, 7.1 & 3, 8.2, 9.5, 10.5, 10.6, 11.7, 13.1, 16.1a, 16.1b, 16.3, 16.4a, 16.4b, 16.5a, and 16.6, 8 (Tuilier 1995, 111-117). Though the ideas are present, he observes that there is not identical word usage. Therefore, he does not consider the Didache to how a clear literary dependence. Tuilier concludes then that elements of the Didache, Matthew, and Luke depend on a Q source which the Didachist identifies as "the Gospel of the Lord" (Tuilier 1995, 118). Based on its content, this would seem to be a collection of the sayings of Jesus.

Tuilier further considers Luke to be a more literary derivative of Matthew, possibly, however, created with consultation of this Q source, which served as a primary source of the sayings of Jesus (Tuilier 1995, 120-121). The Didache does not appear to take notice of Mark, but does possibly recognize Matthew and Luke. Likewise, Mark appears to have a heavier influence from oral catechesis rather than a strong literary connection to other sources (Tuilier 1995, 121).

In subsequent studies, Tuilier notes that some authors considered The Gospel of the Hebrews or the Ebionite Gospel to represent authentic sources used by Matthew. Yet it is unreasonable to consider these as documents which were used in creation of the Synoptic Gospels, though they may have accurately conveyed some of the Jesus traditions from the early part of the 1st century (Tuilier 1995, 123).

Tuilier turns his attention to later works. Theodoret considered that Matthew took an Aramaic text which he may have used as a foundation for his Greek Gospel, and which may have been at least related to the Gospel of the Hebrews (Tuilier 1995, 125). Tuilier considers that it may be sensible to take this Aramaic text as the "Gospel of the Lord" referred to by the Didachist.

What Do We Intend to Accomplish with Moral Commands?

5/4/2022

5/4/22
Scholarly Reflections

Kloppenborg, John S. "The Transformation of Moral Exhortation in Didache 1-5." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 88-109.

Kloppenborg notes that the Two Ways section of the Didache may have drawn the interest of scholars primarily because the concepts can be found in multiple other documents, thus allowing some of the types of comparative studies comon in scholarship regarding the Synoptic Gospels (Kloppenborg 1995, 88). Kloppenborg then reviews the comparative scholarship in brief. He considers there to be clear evidence for a literary relationship of the Didache, the Epistle of Barnabas, and Doctrina Apostolorum (Kloppenborg 1995, 90).

Of note to Kloppenborg is the fact that the Didache and Doctrina lays the dualism of the Two Ways out as simply a way of life and a way of death. This is a more moderate type of dualism than described in other versions, where they are seen as angelic influences for good or evil (Kloppenborg 1995, 93). Kloppenborg describes the portrayals of the battling spirits of good and evil in some detail.

The Christian versions of the Two Ways documents contain relatively little material which is uniquely Christian (Kloppenborg 1995, 97). However, Kloppenborg notes the version in the Didache does show some traces of a move toward Christian tradition even outside of 1.3b-2.1, which is generally considered a specifically Christian interpolation (Kloppenborg 1995, 98). The commands for love, for instance, are positioned in a manner which suggests knowledge of Mark 12:30-31 and Matthew 22:37-39.

Kloppenborg notes that the Didache's use of commands against murder, adultery, theft, and false witness, in that order, reflect a knowledge of the text of Exodus 20, as well as Matthew 19:18. This statement also suggests that the Didachist was making an effort to produce authoritative moral teaching, drawing on a known authoritative document (Kloppenborg 1995, 100).

The "holiness code" of Leviticus 19:18 (a command not to seek revenge or bear a grudge, but to love your neighbor) is presented along with the command to love God (Kloppenborg 1995, 102). Kloppenbor sees this as a strongly Christian decision, reflecting the New Testament pattern of presenting the commands to love God and the neighbor in conjunction with one another (Kloppenborg 1995, 103).

Didache 3:1-6 repeatedly addresses "my son." This pattern, like the others Kloppenborg has mentioned, appears in Doctrina but not in Barnabas, suggesting again that Doctrina but not Barnabas depended on the Didache (Kloppenborg 1995, 104).

Kloppenborg concludes that the Christian Two Ways deserves re-evaluation as an early and significant document. He sees it as "Christianized" largely by being used in a specifically Christian context (Kloppenborg 1995, 108).

Encourage Yourself, My Soul

5/3/2022

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
5/3/22

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 146"

Augustine takes Psalm 146:1 as a statement of a troubled soul reminding himself to praise the Lord. He sees this as the way we deal with troubles (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342702, par.1). Augustine then distinguishes between our soul and our body in terms of good works. Here he considers that even a warped and corrupted soul is superior to a body, because the body looks to itself but the soul is capable of looking to God (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342712, par. 2). For this reason, Augustine takes the exhortation to bless the Lord as coming from the Psalmist's soul. The response, then, from verse two, is that the soul will praise God in life, that is, in the context of the immortal soul (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342732, par. 2). The hope of the soul, to Augustine, comes from the anticipation of eternal life (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342737, par. 3).

In verse three, the trust of the Psalmist is not to be in earthly rulers. They are subject to weakness (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342742, par. 4). Again, despite the futility of trusting in man, we still fall into that trap all too easily. Rather than trusting in a man, who needs rescue just as we do, the man who trusts God is blessed (verse 5) (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342757, par. 5). Augustine goes on to say that the one we trust or follow is our hope. We are well advised to hope in the true God who made all things (v. 6). Augustine points out that this is a great hope, for God made everything, including us, and cares for it all. This is the consistent message of both the Old and New Testaments (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342783, par. 5).

One of the important ways that God takes care of the world is by gurading the truth and acting as the judge when people endure wrong (v. 7). Augustine describes this judgment in some deatil (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342793, par. 6). It is God who frees those bound wrongly and binds those who do wrong (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342808, par. 7). Augustine finally reminds us of the eternity of our hope, as the Lord reigns forever (v. 10). God is able to keep us in eternity (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342827, par. 7).

Description and Edition of the Coptic Didache Fragment

5/2/2022

5/2/22
Scholarly Reflections

Jones, F. Stanley, & Mirecki, Paul A. "Considerations on the Coptic Papyrus of the Didache (British Library Oriental Manuscript 9271)." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 47-87.

Jones and Mirecki observe that the Coptic papyrus of Didache 10.3b-12.2a comes from an earlier date than the Jerusalem manuscript of the Didache and also antedates any Greek manuscript of Apostolic Constitutions. The challenge to schlars is that it contains a number of textual variants compared to these Greek manuscripts (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 47). The papyrus came to light in 1923 and was purchased by the British Museum. It was published in 1924 (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 48) and has since been published in slightly different editions twice (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 49). After close inspection in 1993 and 1994, Jones and Mirecki observed a number of small corrections, which they catalog in this article (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 49-50).

The English translation published in this article by Jones and Mirecki indicates chapter and verse divisions of the Didache. They provide notes which are intended to indicate lacunae and places where words are provided to deal with ellipsis (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 51).

Pages 52-57 provide Coptic and English of the three columns of manuscript, on facing pages. Following these pages is a textual commentary which analyzes the specific readings of Horner (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 1923), Schmidt (1925) and Lefort (1952) in comparison with the inspection and photographic record of Jones (1993-4). The analysis itself begins on page 59. Since I do not read Coptic I am unable to evaluate the comments in detail. However, the comparison of different editions appears to be quite detailed.

Jones and Mirecki continue with a detailed description of the papyrus sheet, its measurements, and the measurements and layout of the writing (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 70ff). The text appears to be written in two different sessions, judging from a difference in the pen and the darkness of the ink (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 72).

The piece of papyrus appears to be a part of a larger roll, possibly a leftover scrap used for practice purposes. This would also explain the apparent carelessness. It may have been used for practice rather than existing as part of a complete copy of a work (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 73). However, some debate has arisen as to whether this page may have been the end of a larger document (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 74ff). Jones and Mirecki suggest that this page may have been a practice sheet for a codex, rather than a roll. This would be more appropriate to the fifth century and could explain the spacing (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 78-79).

Jones and Mirecki briefly discuss the character of the text and its role in determining the text of the Didache. In general, this fragment has not been considered of great use in determining an underlying Greek text (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 84). The scribe appears to be experienced and reasonably careful, though this text is not a polished version (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 85). We do not know how freely the translation was made or whether it includes substantial liturgical commentary (Jones & Mirecki 1995, 86). For all these reasons, Jones and Mirecki consider the matter to remain open for debate and discussion.

May 2022 Newsletter

4/30/2022

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May 2022 Newsletter

Editorial Philosophy and Ancient Texts

4/29/2022

4/29/22
Scholarly Reflections

Dehandschutter, Boudewijn. "The Text of the Didache: Some Comments on the Edition of Klaus Wengst." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 37-46.

Dehandschutter notes that, at least in some estimations, the Jerusalem manuscript of the Didache has been overvalued in the past. With some witness to the text in other versions, it may seem less accurate than once thought (Dehandschutter 1995, 37). This opinion came to a head when, in 1984, Klaus Wengst released an edition of the Didache incorporating about fifty text changes (Dehandschutter 1995, 38).

Dehandschutter considers the alterations to the text in Wengst's edition, as compared to the earlier accepted Bihlmeyer edition of the Didache (Dehandschutter 1995, 40ff). In numerous locations, Wengst has followed a reading in Apostolic Constitutions or the Apostolic Church Order. This allows for valid consideration of a Latin text as a corrective to a first century Greek text. On the whole, the Wengst text asks some provocative questions about the development of ideas leading to the current text of the Didache.

A Recent Text Edition of the Didache

4/28/2022

4/28/22
Scholarly Reflections

Niederwimmer, Kurt. "Der Didachist Und Seine Quellen." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 15-36.

Niederwimmer considers the overall nature of the text of the Didache, evaluating whether it may have been more like a series of notes of the nature of a draft or whether it is rightly considered a finished product. The text seems to have some elements of adopted tradition and other elements which may have come from current practices at the time of composition (Niederwimmer 1995, 16). Other elements may well be tied to various bits of Jesus traditions, either adapted from canonical Scriptures or from since lost writings or oral traditions (Niederwimmer 1995, 17). Niederwimmer indicates his various sources by means of abbreviations, mostly inserted in the margins and footnotes of his Greek text.

Prior to the text itself, Niederwimmer provides an extensive bibliography of sources for his manuscript study and the locations of parallel texts, allowing a scholarly reader to evaluate his analysis (Niederwimmer 1995, 19-21).

The Greek text itself begins on p. 22. Of particular interest to me for the purposes of my project is the material beginning at 7.1 (Niederwimmer 1995, 29). Unfortunately, while Niederwimmer cites numerous studies which refer to these passages, his footnotes cite secondary sources rather than going directly to the primary materials. Therefore, I note that it may be helpful to revisit pages 29-35, but not immediately.

A Recent Didache Translation

4/27/2022

4/27/22
Scholarly Reflections

Cody, Aelred. "The Didache: An English Translation." in Jefford, Clayton (editor). The Didache in Context: essays on its text, history, and transmission. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 3-14.

Cody introduces his translation of the Didache, observing that it is drawn from the Greek edition of Rordorf and Tuilier published in 1978 (Cody 1995, 3). In his presentation he marks emendations by Rordorf and Tuilier, as well as matter he has provided for clarification.

Cody's translation itself begins on p. 5. It is of interest that he routinely translates ἔθνοι as "nations" rather than the traditional interpretation of "gentiles."

In 10.3 he adds "Jesus" to "through your servant," gathering it from the Coptic and making it parallel with 9.2, 3; 10.2 (Cody 1995, 10). In 11.5a, Cody adds that, "He shall stay <only> one day," making sense of the μὴ, by insertion of εἰ as the Ethiopic version would suggest. This also creates consistency with 12.2 and avoids say, "He shall not stay one day" (Cody 1995, 11).

Cody's translation is accurate and lucid. He avoids arcane and confusing language throughout.

All Praise to the Lord God

4/26/2022

Tuesdays are for the Old Testament
4/26/22

Augustine. Exposition on the Book of Psalms. Schaff, Philip (editor). New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co, 1886. Nicene and Post-Nicene Church Fathers: Series 1: Volume VIII. Re-published 2014, Catholic Way Publishing. Kindle electronic edition, ISBN-13: 978-1-78379-372-3.
“Psalm 145"

Augustine observes the type of praise given in Psalm 145:1 is appropriate to be given to God. He therefore takes the reference to David to speak allegorically of Christ (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342539, par. 1). The praise is due to God every day forever (v. 2).

Psalm 145speaks of the scope of God's praise. Augustine observes that it is limitless, according to verses 3-4. It is neither bounded by space or time, but extends everywhere and throughout all generations (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342554, par. 3).

Verses 5-7 speak to the content of the praise due to God - his works and his character (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342569, par. 4). The worship of God rightly focuses on God, not on anything in the created order. Augustine describes the praise to God as a means of growing in understanding and experiencing God's blessings (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342584, par. 5).

Verses 8-9 speak of God's mercy and compassion. Augustine asks what we actually deserve, especially those who have despised God (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342589, par. 7). Yet he recognizes that God's mercy brings his gracious compassion to all those who turn to him. God is severe against those who reject him but merciful to those who hope in him (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342604, par. 8). Augustine continues by elaborating on the order of all creation, by which all creatures, according to their nature and ability, give the appropriate honor to God. This is often by showing their beauty or their usefulness (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342635, par. 11).

Verse 14 cndidly admits that godly people fall. Sometimes it is into poverty, sometimes into some other shame. But in all thins the Lord strengthens them (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342659, par. 13). At the right time, though not always when we first desire, God gives his people their needed food and blesses them (vv. 15-16). Verse 17 describes this as God's righteousness at work.

Those who call on God find he is near (v. 18). Augustine does note that the call on God must be in truth, not an effort to manipulate God (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342679, par. 16). God gives us what is good. In turn, we praise him. This adjusts our will so that, in verse 19, we find God gives us what we desire (Augustine Psalms, loc. 342689, par. 17).

In the end, in verses 20-21, God rewards the righteous and punishes sinners.

Eschatology, Didache 16, and Authorial Interest

4/25/2022

4/25/22
Scholarly Reflections

Balabanski, Vicky. "Chapter Six: Didache 16 as a Develoopment in Christian Eschatology." Eschatology in the Making: Mark, Matthew, and the Didache. Cambridge: University Press, 1997, 180-205.

Christian eschatology was not only expressed in the biblical texts. Balabanski considers Didache 16 as an example of eschatological development in early Christianity (Balabanski 1997, 180). After presenting the text of the chapter in Greek and in English, Balabanski observes that the consensus of scholars is that Matthew 24 and Didache 16 likely have a common literary source.

Biblical critics tend to see the relationship in terms of the Didachis drawing on source material but with an awareness of the finished version of one or more Synoptic Gospel. The references to synoptic material tend to be allusions rather than quotations (Balabanski 1997, 186). Balabanski makes substantial use of the work of W.-D. Köhler in this regard.

Balabanski asks whether the overall structure and the logical patterns of Didache 16 might show a clear influence from Matthew 24 (Balabanski 1997, 191). The opening passage of each shows an emphasis on paraenesis. Both texts show an interest in the community as a whole (Balabanski 1997, 192). After this point, however, around Matthew 24:15 and Didache 16:4c, the parallel structure is less clear. However, Balabanski continues to find conceptual and structural elements which suggest a knowledge of Matthew 24 (Balabanski 1997, 194).

Köhler further argues that the Didache frequently draws on traditions which are not found in Synoptic materials (Balabanski 1997, 195). Balabanski questions the use of a common source in this case, as it would lead to the question of why each author selected different elements to use while consulting the same source (Balabanski 1997, 196).

In the end, Balabanski understands the Didache as an attempt to comment on current situations, using text and ideas from the Gospels but not as any attempt to rplace them. Therefore, ideas could be drawn from many sources, and it would not be necessary to provide every logical detail. "Its very selectivity presupposes the continued use of the Gospel, and implies that its function was to serve as an adjunct" (Balabanski 1997, 197, emphasis hers). To explore this idea Balabanski evaluates the idea of Didache 16 on the basis of the interest of different passages. For instance, the passage opens with a command to "watch." This watching is not in order to notice the Lord's coming, but to be careful of one's way of life. Both meanings can be found in the biblical texts (Balabanski 1997, 198). The interpetation here suggests the Didache does not take a primary interest in an unexpected second coming of Christ.

Matthew 24 and the Hope of the End

4/22/2022

4/22/22
Scholarly Reflections

Balabanski, Vicky. "Chapter Five: Matthew 24: Eschatological Expectation after the Jewish War." Eschatology in the Making: Mark, Matthew, and the Didache. Cambridge: University Press, 1997, 135-179.

Balabanski observes that Matthew's eschatological material in chapters 24-25 appears to be a significant expansion of the material that many assume to be adapted from Mark (Balabanski 1997, 135). In addition to Matthew 24-25, some scholars consider chapter 23 to be part of the same discourse, though some separate it because of a different stated setting and audience.

Balabanski finds a parallel move in Matthew 13, where Jesus leaves the crowds who don't understand him well, in order to teach his disciples, who grasp the message somewhat better. For this reason, Balabanski takes Matthew 23 to be a part of the topic of chapters 24-25, with a slight shift in hearers but not in the message (Balabanski 1997, 137). The scope of the passage then suggests that a true view of eschatology is tied to ethical teaching and appears in distinction to the vies and practices of the "outsiders" such as the scribes and Pharisees (Balabanski 1997, 138).

Having identified Matthew 23-25 as eschatological in nature, Balabanski notes that by sheer volume Matthew has a greater emphasis on eschatology than do the other Synoptics (Balabanski 1997, 139). She then proceeds to step through features of Matthew's eschatological vision as described by G. Bornkamm. The message of John the Baptist, the Sermon on the Mount, and much of the parabolic and other teaching of Jesus point to a preparation for the end of the world.

The purpose of Matthew's eschatology may be made clear by a brief conclusion of parables found in Matthew 13:51-52. Here, the wise householder brings old and new things out of his storehouse (Balabanski 1997, 143). This could well suggest that wise teachers, those who follow Jesus' view of the kingdom of heaven, bring ideas out wisely and at the appropriate times. Some ideas are not fitting for some occasions and will keep. Some need to b brought out and applied immediately (Balabanski 1997, 144).

The kingdom of heaven, in Matthew, is seen as both present and future in nature. There have been apocalyptic signs which indicate God's kingdom is here. Yet there is still a future hope. Balabanski and others find a possible shift in thought, that at first Christians saw the kingdom primarily as future, but then later considered it to be already realized (Balabanski 1997, 148). In Christian thought as well as some Jewish sthought Balabanski finds the idea of God's kingdom infiltrating aspects of this world, not working a miraculous rescue to those in trouble, but enabling them to deal with their troubles (Balabanski 1997, 151).

Another significant question pertaining to eschatology is that of chronology. Balabanski asks if we can discern a sequence of events in Matthew 24 (Balabanski 1997, 153). Matthew clearly expects false prophets to be present at the time of the end. Balabanski recognizes that there could certainly have been false prophets and miracle workers in the Matthean community's experience (Balabanski 1997, 154). There is also mention of a tie of trouble, a mission to Gentiles, then the end. Because "the end" is mentioed in the middle of Matthew 24, before other signs, Balabanski considers that there may be two separate sequences present, running at the same time. She draws a timeline of sorts, noting that the Matthean community is in the middle of the course of events, and interpreting the coming Jewish War of 66-70 as the end (Balabanski 1997, 156ff). Balabanski ultimately concludes that the two sequences can be harmonized and that material in Matthew's account but not in Mark's came either as an explanation to the Markan account or from some other tradition available to Matthew but not to Mark.

Balabanski's two-tradition cncept is novel. However, she does note that other works, such as Revelation, use multiple ocncurrent chronologies. She also cites 19th century commentator J.P. Lange, who identified three cycles of events progressing concurrently in Matthew 24 (Balabanski 1997, 166-167). Balabanski suggests that the concurrent cycles in Revelation may well serve a literary fun ction of delay and suspense, leading the hearer more clearly to the concept of patient endurance in light of Jesus' eventual promised return (Balabanski 1997, 169).

Balabanski observes that the vivid eschatological hope in Matthew suggests an earlier composition in comparison to Mark. However, rather than suggest an earlier date and a lack of dependence on Mark, she suggests we find a more nuanced understanding of the nature of an eschatological hope (Balabanski 1997, 175). She suggests that while Jewish eschatological writings reflecting on the war of 66-70 view the destruction as punishment for sin, Matthew sees it as God's way of delivering the kingdom tho those who are worthy (Balabanski 1997, 178). This would explain the maintenance of a vivid hope over time.

Extrabiblical Flight Tradition and Mark 13

4/21/2022

4/21/22
Scholarly Reflections

Balabanski, Vicky. "Chapter Four: The Judean Flight Oracle (Mark 13:14FF) and the Pella Flight Tradition." Eschatology in the Making: Mark, Matthew, and the Didache. Cambridge: University Press, 1997, 101-134.

Balabanski previously considered whether Mark 13 had adopted a Judaean tradition involving flight in the face of persecution. In this chapter she evaluates such a tradition, "a flight by Jerusalem Christians to Pella prior to the Jewish War" (Balabanski 1997, 101). This tradition is conveyed to us by Eusebius and Epiphanius.

The text of Mark 13:14 does speak of fleeing to the mountains. This can easily lead a reader to the tradition that "an oracle given prior to the Jewish War led Jerusalem Christians to flee the city and settle in the Transjordanian city of Pella and the surrounding region of Perea" (Balabanski 1997, 103). However, it is possible to question the relationship. The chronology in Mark is not precise, nor is the actual location mentioned, while Eusebius gives a very specific statement of time and place (Balabanski 1997, 104).

Upon evaluation of Eusebius' description of the flight oracle (Hist. eccle. 3.7) with Luke's material, Balabanski concludes that Eusebius was speaking of an oracle presented to Jerusalem at the time of the Jewish War, while the synoptic material applied more generally to Judea (Balabanski 1997, 106). Because Eusebius has a tendency to apply biblical accounts to particular events in history, his separation of these two accounts is significant. He apparently didn't invent the Pella tradition. If he had done so, he would have assigned it to the setting of Luke 20 (Balabanski 1997, 107).

Epiphanius refers in three places to a flight to Pella. After providing the three texts in Greek and English, Balabanski discusses the challenging nature of the relationship of the two authors. Epiphanius is clear in the connection among this flight, Pella, and the Ebionite heresy, while Eusebius does not make that connection (Balabanski 1997, 111). Balabanski concludes that both Eusebius and Epiphanius had access to different sources of information from which they gathered their accounts (Balabanski 1997, 112).

Considering the relationship of Mark 13 and Luke 20, Balabanski concludes that Luke adapted the material from Mark, recasting the delivery of the message into a more public setting (Balabanski 1997, 113). She considers it unlikely that Luke would have access to a flight oracle such as we have recorded in Eusebius and Epiphanius. Further, an argument that Mark's material is based on a displacement which was caused by the Jewish war is uncertain. The statements in Mark are not clear enough to make a conclusive link with a specific situation (Balabanski 1997, 114). Balabanski discusses a number of elements in turn, comparing Mark 13 and Eusebius (Balabanski 1997, 115ff).

A significant factor in discussing a flight from Jerusalem is whether, in fact, it would be possible to flee Jerusalem at all (Balabanski 1997, 122). If the phrase translated "the abomination of desolation" refers to something done by Titus the time frame is relatively clear (Balabanski 1997, 122). However, it is not clear what this is, so we are not able to tie the event t o a particular attack on Jerusalem. Josephus, in his Jewish Wars, is of the strong opinion that this event occurred at the time of Titus. Yet this is not a guarantee of a correct interpretation (Balabanski 1997, 126). Balabanski reviews Josephus' argument that revolutionary activities led to a desecration in the Jewish War. The situation would clearly have been difficult for Jewish Christians. Yet it is not certain that this was the one specific situation addressed in Mark 13 (Balabanski 1997, 130).

Mark 13 and a Living Hope

4/20/2022

4/20/22
Scholarly Reflections

Balabanski, Vicky. "Chapter Three: Mark 13: Eschtological Expectation and the Jewish War." Eschatology in the Making: Mark, Matthew, and the Didache. Cambridge: University Press, 1997, 55-100.

Balabanski observes there has been no shortage of study and commentary on Mark 13 in recent years (Balabanski 1997, 55). Likewise, a multitude of methods of interpretation has been used. Balabanski reviews some of the approaches to interpretation briefly before concluding that Mark 13 is best considered first as a coherent literary unit, then as a result of gathered traditions and redaction (Balabanski 1997, 57).

From a literary standpoint, Balabanski finds Mark 13 to serve as a climax in Jesus' dealing with the temple. At the start of the chapter he is leaving the temple and describes its destruction, while also urging his disciples to see and understand the situation (Balabanski 1997, 59). The anticipation of the temple's destruction sets the scene for the remainder of the chapter. Balabanski notes that the perpective of Jesus, as shown in chapter 13, is that the destruction of the temple will be God's doing (Balabanski 1997, 60). The world is not going to be centered on God's presence in the temple, but in other places. The "way of the cross" as opposed to the temple will be the means of salvation. It is significnt to Balabanski that Jesus, in this discourse, addresses the disciples who seemed most troubled by his announcement of his coming death (Balabanski 1997, 61). To add to the emphasis, Mark removes the voice of the narrator and presents Jesus' discourse and dialogue in a way not done elsewhere in Mark (Balabanski 1997, 62).

Balabanski continues by commenting on the correspondence of themes in Mark 13 and in other portions of Mark, particularly those of Jesus' passion to come, along with the call of God to remain aware and fruitful as we await the eschaton.

Above all, from a literary standpoint, Balabanski sees Mark 13 as providing a break from the narrative which is driving toward Jesus' passion. In this break the reader is given insight into the eschatological perspective of Jesus, thus enabling him to make sense of the death of Christ and the scattering of his disciples (Balabanski 1997, 69).

As regards form and genre, Balabanski notes that Mark 13 is not strictly speaking an apocalypse. It does have some of the features, but overall it is more akin to a farewell discourse (Balabanski 1997, 71). Balabanski continues with a detailed structural analysis of the chapter (Balabanski 1997, 72ff). This analysis leads her into a survey of the chronology of the events (Balabanski 1997, 75ff). While the passage does have a general chronological flow, Balabanski does not take the specific statements to be predictor of successive events (i.e., wars, earthquakes, famines, persecutions, sacrilege, etc in that order) (Balabanski 1997, 75-76).

Balabanski considers source and redactional issues in Mark 13 to be important, especially as she views the chapter to be important in the overall dating of the Gospel (Balabanski 1997, 77ff). She evaluates the statements in detail as compared to Matthew, Luke, and the postulated Q source. In addition, she considers in particular W. Ong's work on orality, which suggests the material used in the chapter may well have been drawn from knowledge of an oral source (Balabanski 1997, 82ff).

Balabanski next entertains the possibility that Mark 13:14ff may have had a Judaean apocalyptic source. Several key word and ideas are ot parallelled elsewhere in the New Testament (Balabanski 1997, 89). She finds more similarities to passages referencing political upheaval than to eschatological writings. After removing the verses which Balabanski attribues to a Judaean apocalyptic source, the remain verses (7, 8, 17, 19, 20, 24-27) suggest to her a different apocalyptic source which is descriptive, uses repetitive language, and is more strongly chronological than the passage as it now stands (Balabanski 1997, 93).

The overall context of the passage suggests to Balabanski that a flight such as described in Mark 13:14ff has already happened and that the community contains Judaean Christians who have been driven out of Judea (Balabanski 1997, 97-98). Balabanski takes this event to be in a time during or after the first Jewish War (possibly after 70 AD), and further that the Marcan community was likely in Syria, distant frm that war (Balabanski 1997, 98). The departure from a philosophy that the temple is necessary and central to worship also suggests a post-70 date to Balabanski (Balabanski 1997, 99). Balabanski finds in Mark 13 a strong eschatological hope. She also sees that there is a concern that teachers not distract from the way of the cross, but rather focus on day to day Christian living, keeping the hope at some point in the future (Balabanski 1997, 100).