Blog Posts - Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry

Poetry and Music in Early Christianity

4/29/2025

Church History
4/29/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§113. Church Poetry and Music." (pp. 2302-2305).
   Schaff observes the more important role of poetry and music when compared with art and architecture (Schaff 2014, p. 2303). The expression of specific tenets of Christianity in a clearly articulated and memorable verbal medium is of critical importance. The devotional nature of hymnody was therefore crucial in the life of Christians (Schaff 2014, p. 2304).
   Schaff notes early Christian use of the Psalms, as well as the apparent use of other, newly composed texts, some of which are quoted in the epistles (Schaff 2014, p. 2304). However, we have no known examples of the complete text of an early Christian song (Schaff 2014, p. 2305).

"§114. The Poetry of the Oriental Church." (pp. 2305-2312).
   As referenced above, Schaff observes we have no complete hymn texts from the first few centuries in the East, with the exception of the Te Deum and the Gloria in Excelsis (Schaff 2014, p. 2305). Orthodoxy may have been hesitant to use hymnody extensively due to the misuse of it within Gnostic and other heretical circles (Schaff 2014, p. 2306). In the fourth and fifth centuries Schaff notes conciliar resolutions against the use of such hymnody. In the late fourth century, however, numerous hymns were introduced, especially in Syrian regions (Schaff 2014, p. 2307). The sixth century saw broad acceptance of new songs in Greek territories.
   Schaff describes this Greek hymnody in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 23080. Historic Greek meters were quickly rejected, with the type of metrical structure found in Hebrew Poetry being favored. The forms of appropriate songs took on a regularity, thoguh the forms are more complex than recent Western Protestant hymnody. Both Greek and Latin hymnody of the period can be found in collections such as the Greek Menaea and the Latin Breviary (Schaff 2014, p. 2309).

Tradition, Then Scripture

4/24/2025

Tuesday Scholarly Notes
4/24/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter Two: Tradition and Scripture." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 29-51). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
   The question of the source of Christian doctrine is an important one, in Kelly's estimation. At some point, probably by the end of the first century, principles to interpret writings and practices became evident. otherwise, it would not have been possible to distinguish between orthodoxy and heresy (Kelly 1978, p.29). In his evaluation, Kelly considers the salient factors to be Scripture and Tradition. There was a clear identification of the authoritative apostolic writings as well as a known and continuous flow of traditional interpretation at a fairly early time (Kelly 1978, p.30). Kelly emphasizes that tradition as understood by the church fathers referred to the authoritative delivery of interpretations, something which would not be separated from and placed in opposition to Scripture.
   Kelly's investigation into the interplay of Scripture and tradition focuses on the period up to the middle of the second century, when canonical Scripture and doctrinal orthodoxy can be seen as relatively well established (Kelly 1978, p.31). During this period, the Old Testament was recognized by Christians as a Christian book, testifying to the person and work of Christ (Kelly 1978, p.32). The exegetical practices which led to this conclusion were likewise accepted as normative. The methodology used can be traced to the apostolic witness, thus placing it as part and parcel of the Christian tradition. Kelly cites numerous examples of church fathers identifying the authority of the interpretive methods of the apostles. In Kelly's view, the early Church did not consider this authority to be limited to apostolic documents. Rather, the documents may well have been accepted because they were consistent with the interpretive models which came from the apostolic period (Kelly 1978, p.33). The "preaching, liturgical action and catechetical instruction" may well have carried as much weight as the documents of the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p.34).
   As the ideas of gnosticism gained traction, Kelly observes that the distinctions between orthodoxy and gnosticism became more clear (Kelly 1978, p.35). Representatives of orthodoxy increasingly pointed to apostolic ideas. Meanwhile, purveyors of gnosticism made reference or claims to possessing secret apostolic gnosis. Kelly particularly notes this as shown in the writings of Irenaeus and Tertullian. Their claims, counter to gnosticism, were centered on a body of interpretive tradition derived from known apostolic teaching. Kelly describes Irenaeus' understanding of tradition as "'the canon of the truth.' Byu this he meant, as his frequent allusions to and citations from it prove, a condensed summary, fluid in its wording but fixed in content, setting out the key-points of the Christian revelation in the form of a rule" (Kelly 1978, p.37). The New Testament Scriptures, in Irenaeus' view, serve as a subsequent commitment of this teaching, produced in writing (Kelly 1978, p.38). The written documents then could be used as a reference to weigh the tradition which had previously been delivered to the Church (Kelly 1978, p.39).
   The understanding of the interplay of Scripture and Tradition described in the second century above became further entrenched in the Church during the third and fourth centuries (Kelly 1978, p.41). Kelly notes two changes. First, as Gnosticism lost influence, authors became less involved in articulating doctrines on the basis of apostolic tradition, preferring to use the Scripture as authoritative documents. At the same time, interpretations of the content of tradition tended to become broader (Kelly 1978, p.341). Yet Kelly observes that works such as Hippolytus' Apostolic tradition still affirmed practice which was derived from the earliest days of Christianity and which cannot be found in the same terms within the New Testament (Kelly 1978, p.44). Kelly provides multiple examples of third and fourth century authors alleging that heretical interpretations of the New Testament could not have been made if the heretics had rightly understood the historic traditions (Kelly 1978, p.44-48).
   By the fifth century, Kelly finds the practice of reference to past orthodoxy in order to clarify interpretation of Scripture or practices to become increasingly common (Kelly 1978, p.48). Teachers of the past were viewed as sources of authoritative interpretation. Kelly observes, though, that these past luminaries were not considered authoritative on their own, but by token of their rightly understanding both Scripture and tradition (Kelly 1978, p.49). This, I note, allows for embracing the sola scriptura of the Reformation.

Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Six

4/22/2025

Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Six

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Five gives parables about preparedness, ability, and care for others.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 371-404.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Matthew 26:2 has an identification of time, two days before the Passover, so Tuesday of Holy Week. The Jewish leaders at this time are determined to get rid of Jesus.

Verses 6-13 describe Jesus being anointed by a woman in Bethany. What does this action say about giving expensive gifts? What was the woman accomplishing?

Verses 14-16 describe Judas' arrangement to betray Jesus. Consider his incentive to do this.

Verses 17-25 describe preparations for Passover. The conversation turns to Jesus' upcoming betrayal. What is significant about the preparations? Consider also the interpersonal dynamic in verses 24-25.

The institution of the Lord's Supper is found in Matthew 26:26-30. Consider the way Christians have normally received communion, using almost identical words and actions, every Sunday. What does it give you?

Verses 31-35 predict Peter's denial of Jesus. Trace through the rest of this chapter and chapter 27 to see how Peter's rejection of Jesus progresses. Especially compare Jesus and his disciples in 26:36-46, then see them scattered afterward. Then return to Peter's actions in 26:69-74.

Verses 47-56 describe Jesus' arrest. In what ways does Jesus seem to be in charge of what happens? In what ways does he seem to be a victim of others?

Verses 57-68 describe Jesus' hearing before the Jewish authorities. What seems odd about the hearing?

Early Christian Graphic Representative Arts

4/22/2025

Church History
4/22/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§110. Images of Christ." (pp. 2290-2298).
   Schaff observes that the architecture of the Jewish temple made it clear that careful architecture was appropriate for Christians. however, painting and sculpture was less clear based on the second commandment (Lutherans and Roman Catholics would include this in the first commandment.) (Schaff 2014, p. 2291). Images of Christ were controversial. They could signal idolatry within a pagan culture. Representations of Christ are first seen among Gnostics and other heretical groups, and may well have served as objects of adoration. They are first found in orthodix settings after the time of Constantine, when the victorious Lord is depicted in heavenly glory (Schaff 2014, p. 2292).
   Schaff observes a dispute about such artistic representations of Christ. Some rejected representative art in general, though more often rejecting images of Chrsit (Schaff 2014, p. 2293). This view can be seen expressed clearly in the writings of Eusebius. He llowed for symbolic representations, such as a good shepherd or Daniel among the lions. Others would not accept any of these pieces of art. On the other side of the debate were those who considered artistic representations of ideas and people as helpful in devotions, especially among those who did not read (Schaff 2014, p. 2294). In the East, sculpture was never embraced, while it was more accepted, though with hesitation, in the West. Painting tended to be widely accepted, especially as an aid in teaching. The Cappadocial Fathers in the fourth century embraced artistic representations of the apostles, prophets, and other biblical characters (Schaff 2014, p. 2295). Schaff cites numerous authors who expressed opinions on these matters.
   Schaff notes two different types of paintings of Christ. Some would depict Jesus as the calm, dignified, and gentle Jesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2297). These anticipate the representations by Raphael and Michelangelo. The second type of depictions focus on Jesus' sufferings, especially with his crown of thorns.

"§111. Images of Madonna and Saints." (pp. 2298-2301).
   In addition to representations of Jesus, it was common for artists to depict other characters in the Bible (Schaff 2014, p. 2298). Mary, the Magi, the evangelists, the Apostles, and others, including people from Christian history, would often be depicted. The Madonna was frequently portrayed, especially as "the ideal of female beauty, purity, and lovliness, and as resembling her divine Son" (Schaff 2014, p. 2299). Book manuscripts, homes, and even vestments were often decorated with such pictures. Actual reverence for the works of art developed in the sixth century, and was criticized by leaders such as Augustine.
   Schaff considers these works of art to be uncompelling as art, but recognizes that they played an important role in the devotion and the discussion of the Church (Schaff 2014, p. 2300).

"§112. Consecrated Gifts." (pp. 2301-2302).
   Schaff briefly describes the custom among pagans of making gifts to be stored in temples (Schaff 2014, p. 2301). At times apparently Jews would place important items in a shrine. This was also a known practice among Chrsitians particularly following the time of Constantine. Schaff describes several such offerings.

Pre-Existing Influences on Early Christian Doctrine

4/17/2025

Thursday Scholarly Notes
4/17/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter I: The Background." in Early Christian Doctrines, Revised Edition." (pp. 3-28). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)

   Kelly's goal is to review doctrinal development from the end of the first century to the mid-fifth century (Kelly 1978, p. 3). The close of the first century marks the start of subapostolic development. The council of Chalcedon in 451 may well end this period of doctrinal creativity. Many issues central to Christianity were largely settled by this time.
   During the patristic period, Kelly sees a strong influence on Christianity coming from Judaism (Kelly 1978, p. 6). Especially at the start of the period, nearly all frameworks for thought were adapted from the world of Judaism. Kelly considers the two most important concepts to be the divine nature as consisting of separate persons but one nature, as well as the interest shown to angels (Kelly 1978, p. 7). Kelly notes that Philo of Alexandria and his interpretation of Platonic conceptions of deity had a profound influence on biblical interpretation, particularly on allegorical interpretations which could harmonize elements of philosophy and theology (Kelly 1978, p. 8). The concept of a logos, held as a creative and explanatory force, was prominent in Plato (Kelly 1978, p. 10). The connection between the divine logos and Plato's forms then becomes an important matter of consideration.
   The Roman Empire considered its classical religions to be significant. For this reason, Christianity arose in the context of a culturally religious atmosphere. Kelly observes that the Roman paganism had lost much of its practical power by the patristic period, but still was a source of cultural unification (Kelly 1978, p. 11). The rise of mystery religions with ceremonial meals and worship served as competitors of one another and of Christianity, also seen as an exotic, new religion (Kelly 1978, pp. 12-13).
   Greek philosophy, particularly Platonism and Stoicism, was influential, particularly among the educated elite (Kelly 1978, pp. 14-15). Particularly the Platonic theory of the non-sensible Forms was easily seen as analogous to a biblical concept of God. Kelly briefly summarizes Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic concepts which could influence Christian thought (Kelly 1978, pp. 16-20, passim). Kelly's synopsis of the philosophical viewpoints is particularly helpful as he makes brief mention by name of philosophers who emphasized particular concepts.
   Neoplatonism was characterized by a strong emphasis on the transcendence of God (Kelly 1978, pp. 20-21). These ideas, flourishing after about 200 A.D., could be interpreted as similar to Christian conception, especially regarding the persons of the Godhead. However, in significant ways, an interpretation of Christianity in Neo-Platonic terms leads directly to Gnosticism (Kelly 1978, p. 22).
   The various Gnostic groups were syncretistic in nature, drawing from a wide variety of sources, but always emphasizing the need for a sort of arcane knowledge (gnosis) which would lead to truth (Kelly 1978, p. 23). They typically articulated multiple levels of aeons, which served essentially as a pantheon. Some Gnostics have more affinity to orthodox Christianity than others. However, the entire system is deeply contradictory to Christianity (Kelly 1978, p. 26).

Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Five

4/16/2025

Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Five

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Four Jesus predicts the destruction of the temple.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 356-370.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Consider Matthew 25:1-13, the parable of the wise and foolish virgins. The parable speaks of a coming judgment in which the wise and foolish are separated. How do the details of the actions describe life in general? What does the passage say about coming judgment?

Verses 14-30 describe the work of the disciple of Christ in terms of a servant who has been entrusted with money to care for in the master's absence. How does God provide us with what we need to do his work? How do we use the resources he has provided? Consider stewardship of both time and money.

Verses 31-46 are a parable of final judgment. In the last day, Jesus will separate his disciples who are faithful from those who are not faithful. Consider the distinctions between the two groups and their treatment.

Byzantine Style, Baptisteries, and Crosses

4/15/2025

Church History
4/15/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§107. The Byzantine Style. (pp. 2283-2286).
   In about the sixth century, Schaff notes a growth of Byzantine architectural style. This was used in the West as a modification to basilica styles. In the East it replaced basilica style and became well enough rooted to remain in use to the present. The style is characterized by a "hemispherical dome . . . supported by massive columns" (Schaff 2014, p. 2284). Attention is thus drawn upward and to the center, rather than to the quarter sphere at the liturgical east as in the basilica. The basilica draws attention to the altar, while the Byzantine style draws attention to heaven above the center of the congregation. It is common for the main dome to be surrounded by four smaller domes (Schaff 2014, p. 2285). Schaff describes the Hagia Sophia as an outstanding example of the form (Schaff 2014, pp. 2285-2286). While the form was developed in the sixth century, modifications to basilicas in the West were not common until the ninth century and afterward.

"§108. Baptisteries, Grave-Chapels, and Crypts." (pp. 2286-2288).
   The construction of special buildings for baptism began in the fourth century, with acceptance of Christianity as a licit religion (Schaff 2014, p. 2287). Baptism by immersion was still common at this time, and there were often many candidates for baptism, which was typically performed four times per year. The structure of a baptistery was generally round and under a dome. Several steps went down into the water. Normally the structure was divided into a side for each sex.
   "After the sixth century, when the baptism of adults had become rare, it became customary to place a baptismal basin in the porch of the church, or in the church itself, at the left of the entrance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2288). This became typical in parish churches as pastors, rather than only bishops, became engaged in baptizing people.

"§109. Crosses and Crucifixes." (pp. 2288-2290).
   Use of crosses and the sign of the cross dates back at least to the second century (Schaff 2014, p. 2289). Schaff observes that the use of a cross could and did often become a matter of superstition, bringing criticism upon Christians as early as the time of Tertullian. This is not surprising, yet it is unfortunate. Schaff notes that about the sixth century we begin to see crosses with a figure of Christ or a lamb attached to them (Schaff 2014, p. 2290). Eventually in the East three-dimensional figures of Chrsit were banned, though pictures were allowed. Other people were sometimes added to artistic representations of a cross, such as Mary or others who were present at the death of Jesus.

Matthew 28 - Life in the Resurrection

4/10/2025

New Testament Studies
4/10/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 28" In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1596-1659). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

"Matthew 28:1-10 The Promise Kept with One to God: Jesus Is Raised and Will Go to Galilee." (pp. 1596-1613).
   Matthew 28:1-10 describes the first post-resurrection events. Jesus moves from the dead to showing himself as very much alive. After extensive grammatical and textual notes, Gibbs notes that these verses easily divide into three parts (Gibbs 2018, p. 1603). First, the angel opens the tomb. Second, the angel tells the women not to fear. Third, Jesus appears to the women and sends them on their way with the message of resurrection.
   In Matthew 28:1, the women had gone to visit Jesus' grave. They had no expectation of finding Jesus alive (Gibbs 2018, p. 1604). Yet not only was there an earthquake, but they met an angel of God who caused the earthquake. Gibbs notes the multiple uses of ἰδοῦ (behold) in this passage. Something worth watching was happening. Not only has the angel removed the stone blocking the entrance to the tomb, but he has also frightened the soldiers so they could do nothing to guard the tomb (Gibbs 2018, p. 1606).
   The angel reminds the women not to fear. This is because Jesus is risen, in accord with his promise (Gibbs 2018, p. 1607). For this reason, the women are to go and tell the disciples that Jesus will keep another promise, that of appearing to them in Galilee (Gibbs 2018, p. 1608). Gibbs observes that this promise was made in Matthew 26:31-32. In the context, the disciples were all denying that they would fall away. Now, in chapter 28, Jesus will gather his scattered sheep again.
   To cap off the work of the angel, in Matthew 28:8-10 Jesus himself appears to the women while they go to the disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1609). The women were moved to worship Jesus. Their move to grab Jesus' feet testifies to a real physical presence, counter to Gnostic views that Jesus only seemed human (Gibbs 2018, p. 1610). It is significant, in Gibbs' estimation, that when Jesus repeats the call for the women to go to the disciples he calls them "my brothers" (28:10_ (Gibbs 2018, p. 1611). This serves as an affirmation that they can be reconciled to Jesus. It also suggests that they have a mission like his, to proclaim the Gospel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1612). It finally draws attention from the start of Psalm 22, referenced several times in chapter 27, to the later part of Psalm 22, which speaks of brothers and victory. Gibbs will unpack this further in his comments about Matthew 28:16-20 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1612).

"Matthew 28:11-15 The Reign of Heaven Will Continue to Suffer, Even in Light of Easter." (pp. 1614-1620).
   In his notes regarding the text of Matthew 28:11-15, Gibbs observes the strong parallels between chapters 27 and 28 (Gibbs 2018, pp. 1614-1617). The soldiers, having recovered from their encounter with the angel, report what has happened to the high priest (Gibbs 2018, p. 1617). Gibbs briefly speculates about the content of the report from the soldiers. While we have no clear information about it, we can assume they reported the angelic encounter and the fact that Jesus was no longer in the tomb (Gibbs 2018, p. 1618). The most reasonable story to spread was that the soldiers fell asleep and the disciples stole the body. Gibbs notes the soldiers must have received a lot of money from the religious leaders, as sleeping on duty was a serious offense.

"Matthew 28:16-20 The Risen Jesus Assures, Sends, and Accompanies His Israel in Mission to All the Gentiles/Nations." (pp. 1621-1649).
   Matthew brings his Gospel account to an end by discussing the final earthly appearance of Jesus to his remaining eleven disciples. After extensive grammatical notes, Gibbs specifies that his commentary here will reference Matthew's Gospel as an independent source rather than making an attempt to harmonize the various topics as recorded in all four canonical Gospels (Gibbs 2018, p. 1628). In brief outline, he considers the passage to center on the identity of Jesus, the identity of the Eleven, and the identity of the Gentiles/nations.
   Matthew 28:16 describes Jesus appearing to his disciples in Galilee. Gibbs sees Galilee as the particular place of revelation of Jesus, as well as of reconciliation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1629). It is in Galilee that much of Jesus' ministry has centered. From Galilee is the place where the light of God will shine to all the world. Verse 17 shows the Eleven worshiping Jesus, now reconciled to him after they fell away. Yet some of the Eleven still had doubts. Gibbs considers the text to refer here still to the Eleven rather than referring to others, not of the Eleven (Gibbs 2018, p. 1630).
   Gibbs considers that, according to Matthew, jesus has fulfilled all things, including, as foreshadowed in Matthew 28:10, completing the second half of Psalm 22, where the Psalmist sparks of a proclamation to "my brothers" (Ps. 22:23) (Gibbs 2018, p. 1632). Gibbs describes a number of ways in which the final sentences of Jesus in Matthew's Gospel connect to the second portion of Psalm 22.
   Gibbs sees the appearance of Jesus to his disciples in Galilee as a reference to Daniel chapter seven, as Jesus is presented as the glorious Son of Man (Gibbs 2018, p. 1633). He is further presented as the Son of God, a clearly divine identity (Gibbs 2018, p. 1634). Gibbs notes the singular divine name Jesus shares with the Father and the Holy Spirit. As with other themes in Matthew, Gibbs considers the names used of Jesus throughout Matthew are now more clearly understood as part of the divine name. Gibbs takes this to be a means by which Jesus' various claims of his identity are finally vindicated (Gibbs 2018, p. 1637). He is fully shown as the Lord of all, the fulfillment of God's promises to the world.
   Gibbs takes Matthew 28:16-20 to also show definitively who the Eleven disciples are in their restoration to Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1638). Matthew has earlier established the special nature of Jesus' work through them. They have a special authority and special tasks (Gibbs 2018, p. 1639). In a way they represent the different tribes of Israel, as Jesus represents Israel in one person. Gibbs then sees the disciples as a start of the Church. However, he cannot say they serve as a replacement of Israel. Rather, he contends that the disciples serve for the Church as the patriarchs did for Israel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1640). Jesus is the fulfillment, rather than the replacement, for Israel.
   The command Jesus gives to his disciples in Matthew 28:19 is to make disciples. This remains the mission of the Church (Gibbs 2018, p. 1640). They do this by baptizing and teaching, with the promised presence of Jesus. Gibbs emphasizes that "ultimately the work of making disciples is rooted in [Jesus'] authority to save" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1641). It is decidedly not an authority held by the disciples. Jesus' summary of how they are to make disciples is that they do it baptizing and teaching others. The baptizing is specifically trinitarian in nature (Gibbs 2018, p. 1642). This brings people into a participation with God as Jesus has shown throughout Matthew. They are associated with Jesus' death and resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1643). The command to make disciples was given to the Eleven. However, Gibbs is clear that work continues to belong to the whole Church in every age. Those are the people who have been made into disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1645). Gibbs takes the mission of Matthew 28:19-20 to be incumbent on those who are pastors, but that it also applies to other Christians. All God's people are to evangelize (Gibbs 2018, p. 1646). Yet pastors are uniquely involved in the process.
   Verse 19 also refers to the people who are evangelized and taught, the "Gentiles," or the "nations" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1647). However, Gibbs maintains that ethnic Israel is always to be included in proclamations of the Gospel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1648). All the people of the world are to be baptized and taught.

"Excursus: The Resurrection of Jesus in Matthew's Gospel and in the New Testament." (pp. 1650-1659).
   Gibbs writes this brief excursus after his thoroughgoing commentary on Matthew' Gospel because, in his opinion, much of Western Christianity has emphasized the death of Jesus with scarce consideration of his resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1650). Without the resurrection, the story remains incomplete. And Gibbs finds that whenever the word εὐαγγέλιον (Gospel) is used in Matthew it always is related to events involved in the reign of Jesus, something which takes place in the resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1652). Jesus not only predicts his death, but also his resurrection.
   Gibbs reviews a number of passages within Matthew in which it becomes clear that it is necessary that Jesus be raised. The final judgment, in particular, cannot happen until the time of resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1652). It is particularly clear from Jesus' use of texts from Psalms that the resurrection is critical to God's plan (Gibbs 2018, p. 1653). Of great importance in Gibbs' thought is the process by which, in Matthew 27, Jesus makes a cry of dereliction, then is raised from the dead to be received to heaven in Matthew 28 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1656). The cycle of dereliction and reconciliation is central to the work of redemption.

Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Four

4/8/2025

Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Four

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Three Jesus condemns the actions of the Pharisees.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 337-356.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

In Matthew 24:1-3 the disciples wonder at the impressive temple. in the end, Jesus says even that will be destroyed. What are some things you think of as permanent? What if they are destroyed?

Verses 4-8 show some signs that the end of the world may be near. What is our response to this news? What of Jesus' statement that it is just the beginning?

Verses 9-14 speak of cultural changes. What is our response? How do we prepare for a time like this?

In verses 15-25 the picture grows darker. How are we to respond to such trials?

Verses 26-31 speak of both deception and the return of Jesus. Is there any danger of not noticing his return?

Signs point to some different reality. What do the signs in Matthew 24 point to?

How do we live as people who expect the Lord's return?

Consecration and Arrangement of Churches

4/8/2025

Church History
4/8/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§104. The Consecrating of Churches." (pp. 2274-2275).
   During our period, church buildings began to be consecrated with considerable ceremony, setting them aside specifically for Christian services (Schaff 2014, p. 2274). Schaff notes that biblical warrant for church consecrations was drawn from the ceremonies surrounding the consecration of the temple. With the newfound permissions for Christianity to be practiced in public, the ceremonies would often be well attended.
   Churches could be dedicated to the Trinity, to a member of the godhead, or often to a notable figure such as an apostle or Mary (Schaff 2014, p. 2274). They would also frequently observe anniversaries of the consecration. Within the ecclesiology of the time, consecrated and unconsecrated buildings alike would be recognized as places for Christian worship and fellowship (Schaff 2014, p. 2275).

"§105. Interior Arrangement of Churches." (pp. 2275-2280).
   Christian churches often had a physical arrangement reminiscent of the temple in Jerusalem (Schaff 2014, p. 2275). They often had three divisions: the place for catechumens, the faithful, and priests (Schaff 2014, p. 2276). The concept of a priesthood between the average people and God was universally present. Normally there would be an outer and inner portico. The outer was open and not considered part of the church. It would be the place of "those under heavy penance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2276), and would include a laver, where people entering would engage in a ceremonial washing.
   The inner portico, a covered area, could accommodate those who were unbaptized (Schaff 2014, p. 2276). From here the preaching could be heard. A mural of Adam and Eve was frequently found here.
   The nave of the church symbolized the ark of safety (Schaff 2014, p. 2277). Men would be on the south side, women on the north, or in elevated galleries. The pulpit would be about at the center of the nave, while the custom of an epistle desk at the north and a gospel desk at the south developed. The sermon could be delivered from the pulpit or the steps at the east (Schaff 2014, p. 2278). A choir would be placed to the east of the pulpit, but the west of the altar steps.
   A more elevated place, also known as the choir, was the place of the altar, where the priests alone would enter to consecrate the eucharist (Schaff 2014, p. 2278). It was set apart by rails or a lattice and a curtain. Here there was the altar and a dome-shaped canopy. The altar normally contained relics or the burial place of a martyr. A small tabernacle would house the consecrated host (Schaff 2014, p. 2279). Side altars were developed later, and only in the west.

"§106. Architectural Style. The Basilicas." (pp. 2280-2283).
   The architecture of basilicas, gradually becoming Gothic cathedrals, took elements from various cultures, influenced by the Jewish temple (Schaff 2014, p. 2281). Because pagan temples tended to be round and not conducive to the kind of gatherings used in Christian worship, their architectural elements were not normally adopted. Christianity preferred long rectangles, often with some side naves added on. External porticoes and colonnades could be used for other purposes. Rather than the public judicial hall, the raised place of a tribune became a place for an altar (Schaff 2014, p. 2282). The side naves caused the building to take on the shape of a cross. Towers for bells arrived about the ninth century. Schaff describes a number of ancient church buildings in brief.

Wittenberg Door's Tenth Anniversary

4/7/2025

Greetings from Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry!

We are reaching a milestone at Wittenberg Door as we approach the ten year mark from our official founding in June of 2015. It's been a good time! Over the years we've managed to lose count of how many people we've welcomed to the campuses of Columbia, MO. We are pretty sure that our dinner and conversation evenings have had representatives of about 25 different nations. And we know for certain that every last person we have worked with in our Bible discussions, times of prayer, coaching in English conversation, driving lessons, and transporting around Columbia is someone who was created as an image-bearer of God for for whom Christ gave himself. The focus of all we do is Christ crucified for us and risen to deliver a promise of eternal life.

Since we began hosting the dinner and conversation evenings around 2017, they have proven to be an important way of building relationships among our participants, and especially with people in our international community, who are far from home and family. For this reason, we want to celebrate this tenth anniversary of Wittenberg Door Campus Ministry at one of our dinners.

I must apologize that the time is short. Our celebration dinner will be on Friday, April 25, our last such gathering of this academic year. Please come and join us at the Spotts' home, from 6-8 pm on the 25th. RSVP to Pastor Spotts via email ([email protected]) or text (573-355-0347) by the end of Monday, April 21. We want to be sure everything's in order for this special time.

Matthew 27, Part 2 - Jesus Is Executed

4/3/2025

New Testament Studies
4/3/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 27" (part 2) In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1490-1595). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

"Matthew 27:27-38 Rome Has Its Way and God's Will Is Done: The King Goes to the Cross." (pp. 1537-1550).
   Gibbs finds in this passage a three part illustration of the work of Roman power to mock Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1541). He further observes that the actual crucifixion is not given substantial space in the text.
   First, Jesus is mocked in the Praetorium by a group of soldiers (Gibbs 2018, p. 1541). Though the group of soldiers would have been large, Gibbs observes such an activity may not have been surprising in its time. These soldiers evidently knew of the charge that Jesus was king of the Jews. Therefore, they mock him as one would a false king (Gibbs 2018, p. 1542). Gibbs finds that the actions of making requests of him and seeking him out as king of the Jews were used genuinely elsewhere in Matthew's Gospel. Here, however, the actions are used to mock him.
   As Matthew's narrative continues in 27:32-34, Jesus moves from the praetorium to the place of execution, Golgotha, "place of a skull" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1542). While Gibbs notes we could ask questions about Simon and his work carrying at least some portion of the cross, he considers the absence of Jesus' disciples to be a more important matter (Gibbs 2018, p. 1543). All the disciples had promised to be with Jesus. At this point, none was found, to the extent that there were no followers at all.
   Finally, in Matthew 27:35-38, Jesus, now helpless, is displayed in his crucifixion (Gibbs 2018, p. 1543). There is a strong allusion to Psalm 22 in verse 35. Other allusions can be found in verses 39, 43, and 46 v(Gibbs 2018, p. 1544). A charge is placed above Jesus' head, which serves as an indicator of the shape of the cross. To a Roman, the one identified as King of the Jews would be seen as treasonous. Matthew is very likely emphasizing the paradoxical nature of God's greatness which suffers and serves others.
   Gibbs continues with a brief discursus summarizing recent research about crucifixion (Gibbs 2018, p. 1545). Suspending a body for public display was nothing new in the first century AD. There is evidence for doing this before death or after death (Gibbs 2018, p. 1546). In the first century BC and the first century AD, the practice in the region was generally to suspend someone in a way which would bring death, then to leave the body on display. Often, the texts we have do not make it entirely clear what the other details are. Gibbs notes that one could be tied or nailed to a vertical post or something in the shape of a cross (Gibbs 2018, p. 1547). Death could be caused by asphyxiation, though there could be other causes of death. In the Roman world, it was considered a shameful way to die, so was taken very seriously. However, people other than slaves could be executed in this way, and people of low classes could be executed in other ways (Gibbs 2018, p. 1548).
   In the final analysis, it is plain that, regardless of the specific details, Jesus died a painful and humiliating death, probably stripped of all his clothing. He was made a spectacle for all onlookers (Gibbs 2018, p. 1550).

"Matthew 27:39-56 The Son of God Dies: What Does This Mean?" (pp. 1551-1585).
   Matthew 27:39-56 describes one of the most difficult events ever interpreted. The one who has been identified as God in the flesh dies. Various signs accompany his death (Gibbs 2018, p. 1551). Gibbs provides substantial textual notes, frequently also referring to concepts which are unpacked in the commentary section. The passage divides into three segments (Gibbs 2018, p. 1561), Verses 39-44 show Jesus being identified correctly, though mockingly, by hostile witnesses. In verses 45-50 Jesus directly identifies himself as the Son of God (Gibbs 2018, p. 1562). Finally, in verses 51-56 a number of apocalyptic signs proclaim the effect of Jesus' death.
   As noted above, Matthew 27:39-44 shows a number of people mocking Jesus, thus mocking the actual work of God. This Gibbs considers blasphemy (Gibbs 2018, p. 1562). The mockers fail to recognize Jesus' actual claims or his authority to accomplish God's will (Gibbs 2018, p. 1563). Similarities to Jesus' temptation in the wilderness (4:1-11) can be drawn. Neither Satan nor the onlookers at the crucifixion recognize Jesus' work of laying down his authority. Jesus is not intent on saving himself, but rather works salvation for his followers (Gibbs 2018, p. 1564). Ironically, this is even recognized in some of the mocking. In 27:42 the mockers acknowledge that Jesus saves others (Gibbs 2018, p. 1565).
   Gibbs observes the connections previously made to Psalm 22. In Matthew 27:45-50 Jesus himself makes reference to Psalm 22, interpreted by onlookers as an invocation of Elijah (Gibbs 2018, p. 1566). As things progressed, there was darkness at midday, which would be readily recognized by onlookers as a sign from heaven. Then, in midafternoon, Jesus quotes the start of Psalm 22. Gibbs observes that this is carefully brought in to a setting where the Psalm had been alluded to already several times (Gibbs 2018, p. 1567). In a very real way, Jesus is claiming the abandonment of God to which David had referred. Here, in the case of Jesus' abandonment, it is used to work salvation for the world. Gibbs reflects on a number of other passages from Jesus' baptism on in which his actions and statements make complete sense in light of his surrender as a vicarious representative of humanity. Then, without commentary, Matthew records in 27:50 that Jesus died (Gibbs 2018, p. 1568).
   Gibbs considers the question raised in Matthew 27:46 as to whether Jesus recited the whole of Psalm 22 or simply the opening verse (Gibbs 2018, p. 1569). It is certainly possible that the opening verse would prompt onlookers to recall the entire Psalm. Considering the tone of victory at the end of the Psalm, some have suggested the intention of the quotation is to be a shout of victory. Gibbs considers this a weak theory. Not every citation or allusion to the Old Testament found in the New Testament brings a large amount of context with it. Further, all the allusions to Psalm 22 found in this part of Matthew 27 are to the early part of the Psalm, where it describes a lack of victory (Gibbs 2018, p. 1570). Third, the statement of Jesus is one of defeat. He is forsaken by God (Gibbs 2018, p. 1571). Gibbs suggests we should understand Matthew 27 as describing the affliction, rather than the victory of Christ. As readers, Matthew provides us with references to the portion of Psalm 22 which depicts defeat. It is only later in Matthew 28, that the victory is shown. Gibbs observes that Matthew 28:9-10, when Jesus sends the two Marys to his disciples, there is an allusion to verse 23 of Psalm 22 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1572). This completes the cycle of Christ's humiliation and exaltation.
   At the death of Jesus, in Matthew 27:51-56, signs in earth, heaven, and possibly hell speak to the work of Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1573). The curtain of the temple is torn from top to bottom. This event has been variously interpreted as God departing from the temple either as a sign of judgment or a sign that Christ has completed the needed sacrifice. A further challenge is the fact that there were several veils in the temple (Gibbs 2018, p. 1574).
   Gibbs evaluates the mention of the veil in some detail. Matthew has not prepared his readers with discussion of the veil or the separation of the holy place and the most holy place (Gibbs 2018, p. 1576). However, he has referred to the temple area and to the sanctuary in it at several points (Gibbs 2018, p. 1577). There have been numerous references to the coming destruction of the temple area and its buildings. This suggests to Gibbs that the tearing of the curtain is a partial destruction of the temple as an act of judgment against the temple authorities. They deserve judgment due to their rejection of the Messiah (Gibbs 2018, p. 1578).
   The raising of the dead, recorded in Matthew 27:52-53, requires careful interpretation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1579). Gibbs takes the description as historic, rather than symbolic and metaphysical, largely because it has none of the introduction that we find in Matthew 24:29-31. The timing of the event is not clear. Gibbs suggests that it was likely begun at the time of the earthquake at Jesus' death (Gibbs 2018, p. 1581).
   In the final analysis, Jesus' death has begun the time of the end. The signs recorded in Matthew 27 describe Jesus' actions moving toward the resurrection of the dead and the final judgment (Gibbs 2018, p. (Gibbs 2018, p0. 1582-1583). Matthew 27 further illustrates the fact that Jesus' work is recognized only by the least likely witnesses, the centurion and some women. This recognition by the least likely witnesses has been a theme throughout Matthew's Gospel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1584).

"Matthew 27:57-66 At Pilate's Command, Jesus Is Entombed by Friend and Foe." (pp. 1586-1595).
   Gibbs briefly explains his choice to treat Matthew 27:57-66 together due to parallelisms in the two segments of five verses and due to the time reference given for each part (Gibbs 2018, p. 1590). New characters are introduced and an appeal to Roman authority is made. Finally, the presence of women who have been with Jesus and are witnesses of the events tie the narrative together (Gibbs 2018, p. 1591). Gibbs notes that none of the participants have any expectation that Jesus will be alive again.
   It is clear in Matthew 27:62 that Pilate still retains authority over Jesus' body. In no way does Matthew minimize his responsibility (Gibbs 2018, p. 1591). On the afternoon of Jesus' death, Joseph of Arimathea needed permission to entomb Jesus. It appears, given Pilate's agreement to all the proposals, that he did not consider Jesus a serious threat to public order (Gibbs 2018, p. 1592).
   Gibbs observes that the respect shown by Joseph of Arimathea is a generous gift. It included not only preparations for burial but also a new tomb (Gibbs 2018, p. 1593).
   The chief priests and Pharisees, remembering the claim that Jesus would rise after three days, sought a way to guard against theft of the body (Gibbs 2018, p. 1594). After all, they considered Jesus to be a deceiver. There is no hint that they expect a resurrection, but only a grave robbery. Gibbs observes that the disciples had fled and would be powerless to attempt anything. At the same time, sealing the stone and posting guards would prove utterly insufficient to stop God's plan of resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1595).

Early Christian Art and Architecture

4/1/2025

Church History
4/1/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VIII. Christian Art." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2269-2327). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 102-116).

"§102. Religion and Art." (pp. 2269-2271).
   Schaff observes that in rightly identifying the world in terms of truth, beauty, and goodness, the aesthetic elements of life belong in religion as much as any other sphere of consideration (Schaff 2014, p. 2269). For this reason, the mission of art is perfected in worship of God. The elements of beauty are created by God and serve to proclaim his praise (Schaff 2014, p. 2270).
   Early Christianity struggled with art. In Schaff's opinion, this was because of the connection they perceived between art and idolatry (Schaff 2014, p. 2270). Eventually, much of Christianity reached the conclusion that the arts could be turned to godly purposes as well as to idolatry.

"§103. Church Architecture." (pp. 2271-2274).
   Architecture, in Schaff's opinion, finds its highest purpose as it is used to prepare a place for the human and divine to meet (Schaff 2014, p. 2271). The earliest Christians had no particular buildings for worship, but not due to a neglect of architecture. Rather, they were generally oppressed and had to gather relatively privately (Schaff 2014, p. 2272). There are some traces of church buildings in the later part of the third century, then again after 312 after Constantine allowed the church itself to have property (Schaff 2014, p. 2272). The fourth century saw a tremendous surge in church construction. In many instances high government officials, including emperors, had churches built at personal or state expense. In some instances pagan "temples or other public buildings were transformed for Christian worship" (Schaff 2014, p. 2273). However, the pagan temples tended to be round and not spacious due to their particular use. They did not adapt well to a gathering for corporate worship, preaching, and prayer.

Newsletter for Lent 2025

3/27/2025

Get the latest Wittenberg Door Newsletter for Lent 2025 here.

Newsletter for Lent 2025

Matthew 27, part 1 - apparent chaos

3/27/2025

New Testament Studies
3/27/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 27" (part 1) In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1490-1595). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

"Matthew 27:1-2 Jesus Is Transferred to Pilate." (pp. 1490-1492).
   Gibbs takes Jesus' hearing as a preliminary action, which required the Jewish leaders to exercise caution in the way they would present Jesus to Pilate (Gibbs 2018, p. 1491). For this reason, they "took counsel" (27:1) about the best way to arrange for Jesus' death at the hands of the Romans. We realize that while the Sanhedrin instigated Jesus' death, he was executed by the order of Pontius Pilate.

"Matthew 27:3-10 Indifference to Despair: The Chief Priests and Judas." (pp. 1493-1513).
   Matthew 27:3-10 describes Judas' despair, his return of the money given to him for betraying Jesus, his death, and the move of the chief priests to purchase a burial place. Gibbs provides extensive notes on the text and grammar (Gibbs 2018, pp. 1493-1499). He then goes on to observe that "Judas . . . serves as a contrast with the chief priests and elders, and the unit primarily says something about them and their actions" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1499). They are shown as intent on having Jesus executed.
   In Matthew 27:3-5, Judas is described in terms of repentance, as he returns the silver he had been paid to the chief priests, and as he made confession of sin (Gibbs 2018, p. 1500). He was, however, not absolved, but was rather rejected by them, provoking him to suicide. At the same time that Jesus is being taken to provide forgiveness for the world, the chief priests refuse forgiveness for a penitent sinner (Gibbs 2018, p. 1501).
   Matthew 27:6-8 demonstrates the failure of the chief priests to understand purity. They decide to take defiled money, the price of blood, which was thrown into the temple, thus defiling the temple, and purchase a plot of land which would be used to bury foreigners (Gibbs 2018, p. 1502). This land would be considered impure both due to the presence of foreigners and due to its use for burial. They failed to understand the grace and forgiveness available in Christ.
   In Matthew 27:9-10, Gibbs finds that Matthew has deliberately connected Zechariah 11 and Jeremiah 19 with a fulfillment in the work of Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1503). The prophecy speaks to divine judgment coming upon those who would reject the prophetic work of the one chosen as Israel's shepherd. Here Jesus is shown as the antitype, or fulfillment, of the shepherd in Zechariah 11 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1504). The connection of Jeremiah would be very easy to overlook without Matthew's specific reference. However, the connection does show in the concept of innocent blood and a potter (Gibbs 2018, p. 1505). This also brings the connection of judgment against Jerusalem into prominence (Gibbs 2018, p. 1506).
   Gibbs makes application of Matthew 27:3-10 by observing that God's plan to redeem the world cannot be stopped even by evil such as that of the chief priests and Judas (Gibbs 2018, p. 1506). The sin rooted in the opponents' lives is to be seen as terrible and destructive to themselves and others. Yet it is incapable of stopping Jesus, who alone provides the forgiveness and restoration needed by sinners (Gibbs 2018, p. 1507). Gibbs further observes that, at this point in the narrative, there is no substantial difference between Judas and Peter. Both have fallen away. Neither is, in any real way, a disciple of Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1508). The disciples have all fallen away. This is without exception, including both Peter and Judas (Gibbs 2018, p. 1509). Gibbs finds this highly significant for our understanding that there is nothing in us which makes us naturally turn to Jesus. Rather, Jesus comes and finds us when we are spiritually hopeless (Gibbs 2018, p. 1511).

"Matthew 27:11-26 Pilate Condemns Jesus to Death by Crucifixion." (pp. 1514-1536).
   Gibbs provides detailed grammatical notes for Matthew 27:1-26. The narrative has numerous grammatical irregularities, possibly emphasizing the tumultuous events of Jesus' presentation to Pilate and Pilate's eventual sentencing of Jesus.
   Gibbs reviews the identity of Pontius Pilate briefly, observing that we know with certainty only two of the three Roman names of Pilate, lacking his praenomen, though some legends suggest it was Lucius (Gibbs 2018, p. 1521). He likely served as prefect of Judea and Samaria from AD 26-36 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1522). He was portrayed negatively by both Philo and Josephus, though Gibbs is quick to remind readers that they were hostile witnesses (Gibbs 2018, p. 1522). Pilate held considerable power and influence as prefect. The length of his time in office and the coins minted during his tenure suggest that he was not intent on causing a mass revolt among the Palestinian Jews (Gibbs 2018, p. 1523).
   The interview of Jesus with Pilate would not have required any particular procedure or interaction with Roman law, since Jesus was almost certainly not a Roman citizen (Gibbs 2018, p. 1525). Pilate was free to hear the issue or not, and to act based on his own understanding of the case. Just the same, as the Roman prefect, he would have needed to bear in mind both Roman interests and enough of the Jewish interests to prevent a local rebellion. In Matthew 27:11-26, then, Pilate interprets the accusation against Jesus, and does so with little assistance of witnesses or legal precedent.
   The difficulty presented to Pilate in Matthew 27:11-14 is that Jesus, presented to him, chooses not to respond. Gibbs observes that Jesus' assent to Pilate's question, "You are saying" (so), is not a denial but also fails to be a strong affirmation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1527). Jesus' silence afterward makes the interview more difficult, rather than clarifying matters. In verses 15-23, then, Gibbs takes Pilate to be turning some elements of his judgment over to the Jews, possibly so as to insure his future relationships with the Jewish leaders.
   The custom of releasing a prisoner at this time cannot be found outside of the canonical Gospels (Gibbs 2018, p. 1527). In Gibbs' estimation, Pilate's suggestion of releasing Barabbas may have served as a test of how dangerous the Sanhedrin actually thought Jesus was (Gibbs 2018, p. 1528). Pilate specifically refers to Jesus as the one called the Christ, or the Messiah. Gibbs, with many others, finds Matthew's report about Pilate's wife and her dream to be cryptic. He briefly entertains the possibility of this as a divine revelation as were the other instances of dreams recorded in Matthew (Gibbs 2018, pp. 1527-1528). This could certainly lead Pilate to his opinion of Jesus' innocence. Gibbs notes that there is no inherent inconsistency about God's plan that Jesus would be executed and his issuing warnings. He also knows that his warning will not be heeded (Gibbs 2018, p. 1528). If, however, the dream is not intended to relate this incident with others in Matthew, it could simply serve as yet another demonstration that Pilate would remain guilty in his decision to have Jesus executed (Gibbs 2018, p. 1529). Regardless, the outcry of the crowd is described as forceful. Pilate ultimately concedes to them and condemns Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1530).
   Gibbs sums up the decision of Pilate, "As is so often the case with political decisions, both ancient and modern, power and compromise take precedence over truth or justice" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1531). Though Pilate washes his hands and proclaims his own innocence, Jesus remains the one who is genuinely innocent. The crowds, and "all the people," ask that Jesus' blood should be upon them. Gibbs explores the interpretation of this call (Gibbs 2018, p. 1532). Pilate cannot possibly be innocent of the blood of Jesus. As prefect, he is responsible. Likewise, Gibbs takes the call of the people as ineffective from the standpoint of calling a curse down on themselves (Gibbs 2018, p. 1533). They have no understanding of who Jesus is or what he is doing. Rather, their response illustrates the theme, common in Matthew, that all Israel stands guilty before God (Gibbs 2018, p. 1534). They will be displayed as guilty before God as the people of Jerusalem face persecution at the hands of the Romans, culminating with the sacking of the city in the year 70 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1534). Gibbs finally notes the irony that this incident and Pilate's decision does shed the blood of Jesus, which proves salvific.

Western Liturgies and Vestments

3/25/2025

Church History
3/25/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§100. The Occidental Liturgies." (pp. 2263-2266).
   Schaff classifies western liturgies as having their sources in Ephesus, with the influence of John; in Rome, with the influence of Peter; or "the Ambrosian and Aquileian, which is a mixture of the other two" (Schaff 2014, p. 2263). Over time, the Roman liturgy came to prominence and the others were eclipsed.
   The old liturgies in Gaul showed an influence of the Ephesian liturgy. Liturgies in Britain and Spain show similar influences. African liturgies show signs of Roman origin (Schaff 2014, p. 2264).
   Ambrosian liturgy is used in Milan, and has survived at least to Schaff's time in the 19th century (Schaff 2014, p. 2265). A related group, from the patriarchate of Aquileia, was long used.
   Roman liturgy is more widely documented than other families (Schaff 2014, p. 2265). While it claims roots in the apostle Peter, the liturgy can be clearly traced as far back as the fifth century. Documentation in the various sacramentaries is clear. Schaff summarizes the history of a number of sacramentaries.

"§101. Liturgical Vestments." (pp. 2266-2268).
   Public worship, particularly with the sharp distinction of clergy and laity, was characterized by particular types of vestments (Schaff 2014, p. 2266). Schaff provides a list of particular liturgical garments used in Greek tradition, then those from Latin tradition, all with explanatory footnotes. We observe that the garments were often specific to various ranks of clergy, as well as to particular liturgical actions. Schaff observes that the use of special priestly garments originated in the Old Testament (Schaff 2014, p. 2267). Various colors developed over time to be appropriate for different seasons or celebrations, though the basic color white remained. Schaff considers that the specific garments for the priesthood probably became common after the sixth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2268).

Eastern Liturgies Prior to the 5th Century

3/18/2025

Church History
3/18/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§99. The Oriental Liturgies." (pp. 2259-2263).
   The liturgies for which we have written record, though there are many, in Schaff's opinion fit into five or six families of tradition, stemming from churches in Jerusalem, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). He observes that the east showed a greater tolerance for variety in liturgies than the west.
   A complete service order, probably from the early fourth century, is found in the Apostolic Constitutions book eight, ascribed wrongly to Clement of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). Because of similarities to the liturgies of St. James and Cyril of Jerusalem, Schaff classifies it as a Jerusalem liturgy (Schaff 2014, p. 2260). Schaff describes it in brief, then compares it to the liturgy of St. James.
   This, though it bears the name of a first century apostle, quotes the Nicene Creed from the fourth century. The liturgy is quoted by Cyril of Jerusalem, prior to 386 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff notes a Syriac version of the liturgy of St. James which serves as a sources for numerous Monyphysite liturgies.
   An Alexandrian liturgy is ascribed to the evangelist Mark, though Schaff observes it reproduces the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed dating to 381 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff thinks it more likely stems from Cyril of Alexandria, who died in 444. A Coptic version was used in Egypt until the 12th century.
   Schaff describes a liturgy which is tied to Edessa or Mesopotamia (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). This is sometimes described as a liturgy of "All Apostles" and was used only by Nestorians.
   From Constantinople, Schaff finds a liturgy descended from that of James. This version of the liturgy, in one form or another, is used in Greek and Russian orthodox churches (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). Schaff sees this as a living liturgy which has continued to gain some accretions.

Liturgies in Jerusalem and other eastern parts

3/18/2025

Church History
3/18/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§99. The Oriental Liturgies." (pp. 2259-2263).
   The liturgies for which we have written record, though there are many, in Schaff's opinion fit into five or six families of tradition, stemming from churches in Jerusalem, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). He observes that the east showed a greater tolerance for variety in liturgies than the west.
   A complete service order, probably from the early fourth century, is found in the Apostolic Constitutions book eight, ascribed wrongly to Clement of Rome (Schaff 2014, p. 2259). Because of similarities to the liturgies of St. James and Cyril of Jerusalem, Schaff classifies it as a Jerusalem liturgy (Schaff 2014, p. 2260). Schaff describes it in brief, then compares it to the liturgy of St. James.
   This, though it bears the name of a first century apostle, quotes the Nicene Creed from the fourth century. The liturgy is quoted by Cyril of Jerusalem, prior to 386 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff notes a Syriac version of the liturgy of St. James which serves as a source for numerous Monyphysite liturgies.
   An Alexandrian liturgy is ascribed to the evangelist Mark, though Schaff observes it reproduces the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed dating to 381 (Schaff 2014, p. 2261). Schaff thinks it more likely stems from Cyril of Alexandria, who died in 444. A Coptic version was used in Egypt until the 12th century.
   Schaff describes a liturgy which is tied to Edessa or Mesopotamia (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). This is sometimes described as a liturgy of "All Apostles" and was used only by Nestorians.
   From Constantinople, Schaff finds a liturgy descended from that of James. This version of the liturgy, in one form or another, is used in Greek and Russian orthodox churches (Schaff 2014, p. 2262). Schaff sees this as a living liturgy which has continued to gain some accretions.

Jesus Goes to Trial

3/13/2025

New Testament Studies
3/13/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 26" (part 2) In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1310-1364). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

"Matthew 26:36-46 The Perfect Son Prays and the Father's Will Is Done." (pp. 1426-1442).
   Gibbs notes that Matthew 26:36-46 uses a number of historical present verbs. The only other passage which uses many is Matthew 4:1-11 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1426). While Gibbs makes no strong conclusion as to a particular narrative purpose, he does think the two passages are intended to show vivid intensity (Gibbs 2018, p. 1427).
   In Matthew 26:36-38 Jesus enters the garden with his disciples, who have all insisted that they would remain with him. While three remain with Jesus as he moves farther into the garden, Gibbs points out they also are not there for the same purpose as Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1432). While Jesus prays for his disciples, he never asks them to pray for him. Rather, he warns them of the coming temptation. This is one of the few places in Matthew where Jesus' emotional life comes to the surface of the narrative (Gibbs 2018, p. 1433). Jesus clearly expresses extreme sorrow, though it is not entirely clear which of the troubles at hand is predominant in his thought. Despite the sorrow, Jesus continues his mission.
   In verses 39-44, then, Jesus prays as his disciples fail to do his will. It is significant that Jesus prays in essentially the same manner three times, and that there is somewhat of a time marker in Matthew 26:40, where he refers to "one hour" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1434). This suggests a fairly literal amount of time. In any case, it was late enough and long enough that the disciples fell asleep, a form of falling away.
   Jesus' prayer is summarized in Matthew 26:39, 42, and 44. He addresses God the Father and asks that the cup would pass from him, if possible. Gibbs observes that Jesus has known this plan all along. The "if possible" expresses a desire, but one which Jesus knows is not possible (Gibbs 2018, p. 1435). Jesus further affirms that his desire is to do the desire of the Father. The grief is real, as is the commitment. Gibbs reflects briefly on the nature of "this cup" which Jesus would like to avoid. The imagery of bitter death predominates throughout the Old Testament (Gibbs 2018, p. 1436). Gibbs concludes that, though the cup Jesus gives his disciples in the Last Supper is full of his death, it does not have the bitter element of the cup of suffering Jesus drinks.
   The failure of the disciples while Jesus prays is recorded in Matthew 26:40, 41, 43, and 45. Even as Jesus prays three times, the disciples fail to watch or pray, but rather they sleep (Gibbs 2018, p. 1437). The disciples are in great danger of temptation, which Jesus knows will cause them to stumble.
   Matthew 26:45-46 moves from Jesus' prayers into the fearful events he has been praying about. The disciples have been sleeping but now is the time of their temptation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1438). Jesus is given into the hands of sinners (v. 45), though it is part of his divine plan.
   Gibbs discusses Matthew 26:36-46 as a passage which makes significant Christological statements (Gibbs 2018, p. 1439). He followed a difficult path, one which his disciples could not follow. He is shown as the one who obeys the Father perfectly. He exercises his reign as the Son of David in ways we will never understand (Gibbs 2018, p. 1440). Above all, Gibbs finds this text to illustrate the uniqueness of Jesus. He is unlike any of his disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1441).

"Matthew 26:47-56 Two Plans, a Common Goal: Jesus Is Arrested." (pp. 1443-1457).
   Gibbs makes substantial textual comments on Matthew 26:47-56 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1443-1448). The passage detailing Jesus' betrayal and arrest is intricately composed. Furthermore, Matthew uses vocabulary and style which emphasize the critical tension of the scene. In this passage, the culmination of God's ancient plan is nearing as Jesus is bringing the start of his eschatological reign to the present (Gibbs 2018, p. 1449). Gibbs particularly notes the element of time in Matthew 26:36-46. We have recently seen mention of praying for hours. Now the time has come and all is prepared for Jesus' arrest.
   The events at the end of Matthew 26 point up the fact that there are two different plans involving Jesus' arrest. In God's plan, Jesus is being taken so as to die for mankind's sin. In the plan of the Jewish leaders, the one threatening their power is being taken out of the way. Jesus rejects the attempts of his disciples to rescue him from arrest (Gibbs 2018, p. 1450).
   In Matthew 26:47-48 it becomes clear that the plan Judas had made with the Jewish authorities was intricately worked out. They had a substantial arresting force, knew their destination, and had a means of identifying Jesus, even at night (Gibbs 2018, p. 1450). While Gibbs notes that the size of the arresting force is undetermined, and I agree, I think it is worth noting that in John's account, the term used is normally applied to a military force of about 600 people.
   In verses 49-50, Judas greets Jesus with a kiss, calling him "Rabbi." Gibbs observes that we have little knowledge of the typical dynamics involving rabbis and their disciples at this time, nor of any special habits that Jesus and his disciples may have had. Gibbs does, however, note that Matthew's readers would catch the significance of Judas calling Jesus "Rabbi" rather than "Lord," and may have seen some significance of Jesus calling Judas "friend" in return (Gibbs 2018, p. 1451). Jesus is accepting of the arrest. Gibbs again observes that the divine and human plans agree in that Jesus must be arrested and must die (Gibbs 2018, p. 1452).
   Matthew 26:51-54 describes an attempt to interfere with the plan to arrest Jesus. A disciple attacks a slave of the high priest. Gibbs suggests that this person may have held a position of authority or leadership, thus putting him into the place he would be a target (Gibbs 2018, p. 1452). The disciple, in all probability, was trying to kill the slave, but only wounded him. Gibbs theorizes that the disciple with the sword probably had no good plan to stop the arrest. However, he didn't accept the concept that Jesus was supposed to be arrested (Gibbs 2018, p. 1453). Jesus' action, by which he rebukes the disciple and rejects the use of force to establish God's reign is striking to Gibbs. There is no suggestion that there was a retaliation against the disciple. Jesus shows himself to be able to govern the entire incident. Gibbs continues with a substantial reflection on the futility of human means (force and violence) which intend to establish God's reign (Gibbs 2018, p. 1454ff). The kingdom belongs to God and will be established by his means and in his time.
   The arrest of Jesus concludes with Jesus addressing the crowds in Matthew 26:55-56 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1456). Jesus speaks to the contradiction inherent in the way he is being arrested. If he were a danger to society, he would have been arrested easily, by day, as he was engaged in teaching in public. This arrest was not for that reason. Rather, it is indicative of Jesus being treated as a persecuted prophet.

"Matthew 26:57-68 In the Face of Danger, Part 1: Faithful Jesus before the Sanhedrin." (pp. 1458-1480).
   In Matthew 26:57-68 Jesus is taken away for trial before the Sanhedrin, a court of Jewish elders (Gibbs 2018, p. 1458). Gibbs notes that in this passage, as compared with earlier passages, Jesus' conflict is no longer with relatively anonymous religious leaders. Here he is taken to a particular council, the Sanhedrin, which has assembled specifically to see that Jesus is killed (Gibbs 2018, p. 1462).
   Gibbs briefly reviews what we know about the Sanhedrin at this time in history (Gibbs 2018, p. 1463). It was a body which had both religious and civil functions, and was at the time a single group, though in more recent history there is evidence that there may have been two such groups. At least at this time the high priest could preside (Gibbs 2018, p. 1464). The council did not have authority to execute people without Roman permission. Gibbs observes that there was likely division within the Sanhedrin about the nature of Jesus and the charges against him. Particularly, when Matthew says (26:59) that the court was seeking false witnesses, at least some of the court was probably seeking reliable and accurate testimony, but that the testimony they would accept was colored by a lack of trust in Jesus' claims to be the Messiah (Gibbs 2018, p. 1465).
   When compared with records of Jewish council procedure from approximately AD 200, the examination of Jesus does not align well (Gibbs 2018, p. 1465). We do not know what the accepted procedure was for a capital case around AD 30. Yet the hearing is deficient in numerous areas. It was held at night, there is no attempt to demonstrate innocence, it is on the eve of a Sabbath, and the verdict occurs on the same day. All this violates process as described later, about AD 200 in the Mishna (Gibbs 2018, p. 1466). Gibbs observes that the contradiction can be explained in various ways, but that his leaning is to consider that this was not a capital trial. If the hearing was intended either to gather information prior to a trial, or if it was intended to collect evidence which would be presented to a Roman court, the procedures would not be as important (Gibbs 2018, p. 1467). In fact, the council has difficulty reaching a verdict, only gaining consensus when Jesus replies to Caiaphas in verses 63-64.
   Gibbs takes Matthew's shift of focus in 26:57-58 as highly significant. After all the disciples fled, Peter followed Jesus, though at a distance (Gibbs 2018, p. 1469). It may suggest that Peter has not fallen away, or it may suggest that Peter has also failed to be faithful in staying with Jesus. The juxtaposition of the various elements is highly significant. After placing Peter in the courtyard, Matthew makes no more mention of him until verse 69. The contrast, therefore, is not between Peter and the other disciples, but between Peter and Jesus.
   The hearing of Jesus, meanwhile, is unable to make much headway due to the inadequate witnesses and Jesus' own refusal to speak (Gibbs 2018, p. 1470). In the end, two witnesses did agree, though there is no evidence for its truth, that Jesus had said he would tear down the temple and rebuild it in three days. Jesus' failure to respond to this charge still hindered the progress of the hearing. Gibbs observes that the charges against Jesus still do not rise to the level of a capital crime. However, for a referral to Pilate, the Sanhedrin needed some allegation that Jesus would cause civil unrest. This charge would rise to that level in Roman thought (Gibbs 2018, p. 1471). Eventually, Caiaphas pursued the task of clarifying Jesus' identity as the Messiah, asking him directly (Gibbs 2018, p. 1472). Jesus' response is an affirmative, but one which presses the reader to realize that Caiaphas has identified him as the Messiah. He then continues with words which speak to his divine authority (Gibbs 2018, p. 1473). This assures everyone that he will be condemned to death. From this point the mystery will only grow. Gibbs notes that Jesus would have to be alive to do the apocalyptic signs promised. His death should be expected to put an end to all that he taught (Gibbs 2018, p. 1474). The fulfillment, then, begins not immediately but only four days later, with the resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1475). Jesus is accordingly condemned with a charge of blasphemy, worthy of death in the understanding of the Sanhedrin. Gibbs moves on with a discursus considering the various types of words and actions which would constitute blasphemy at this time (Gibbs 2018, p. 1476ff).

"Matthew 26:69-75 In the Face of Danger, Part 2: Faithless Peter before the Bystanders." (pp. 1481-1489).
   Matthew 26:69-75 turns our attention from Jesus, who has been faithful in all things, to Peter, who will prove unfaithful (Gibbs 2018, p. 1481). It is particularly significant to Gibbs that Peter had specifically boasted of his faithfulness in contrast to the other disciples. Gibbs cites 2 Corinthians 12:9 and 1 Corinthians 10:12 as Pauline statements about exactly what happens in this passage (Gibbs 2018, p. 1484). Peter trusted his own strength, the very thing which led to his desertion of Jesus. The structure of the passage rather clearly shows three denials of Jesus, with Peter's departure from the courtyard as the final stroke (Gibbs 2018, p. 1485). In the first encounter it becomes apparent that Peter had been with Jesus. However, based on his interaction it is no longer clear that he presently is with Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1485).
   After the first denial, Peter moved farther away, to the gate of the courtyard, a move which Gibbs sees as indicating his departure from Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1486). Here, the accusation is that Peter was formerly with Jesus, who here is described as a Nazarene, a typical cultural slur. Peter insists that he does not know Jesus, whom he calls "the man" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1487).
   Finally, people standing around think Peter was one of the disciples. Gibbs notes the irony that the disciples, of whom Peter was often the standout, had fled. Now Peter has also forsaken Jesus. He is one of them. Peter has not only rejected Jesus, but now he rejects the other disciples, with oaths (Gibbs 2018, p. 1488). His rejection is complete by the time he hears the rooster, which reminds him of Jesus' earlier words.

Matthew 26, Part 1

3/6/2025

New Testament Studies
3/6/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 26" (part 1) In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1310-1364). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

"Matthew 26:1-5 Two Plans, One Divine Will: Introduction to the Passion Narrative." (pp. 1365-1372).
   Matthew 26:1 marks the transition from Matthew's fourth discourse (24:1-26:1) into his fifth discourse, the Passion Narrative, in 26:1-27:66 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1365). Gibbs particularly observes the slight change in the formula Matthew uses at the end of discourses. Here, "Jesus completed all these words," where previously the "all" was omitted (Gibbs 2018, p. 1368). From this point there is less speech. Rather, the attention centers on Jesus' action. Matthew deliberately juxtaposes Jesus' words to his disciples at this point with the plan made by the chief priests and elders. Both plans are laid out at the start of chapter 26 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1369). Gibbs observes that while the plan of the chief priests to arrest Jesus in secret, not during the festival, and to avoid a riot fails in all points. Jesus' plan is fulfilled (Gibbs 2018, p. 1370). This is a clear use of irony, as the plans are made and that of the organized leaders (the chief priests) fails because of people acting in ignorance. Those who respond to the plan of the leaders end up carrying out Jesus' plan (Gibbs 2018, p. 1371). Gibbs suggests the type of irony presented in Matthew's Gospel invites readers to understand the situations in ways which the chief priests did not (Gibbs 2018, p. 1372).

"Matthew 26:6-13 Jesus' Anointing in Bethany: An Enacted Passion Prediction." (pp. 1373-1383).
   Gibbs divides Matthew 26P6-13 into three portions: verses 6-7, 8-9, and 10-13. The passage shows "the disciples' obtuseness and Jesus' steadfast focus on the goal of his ministry (Gibbs 2018, p. 1375). The incident, in Bethany at the home of one "Simon the leper" focuses on the preparation for Jesus' death and burial, though not on the woman who anoints Jesus or on the local household (Gibbs 2018, p. 1376). While Gibbs observes that we know little of the motive behind the woman's action, we are told the root of the response of the disciples. They respond in an indignant way at what they perceive as waste on the part of the woman (Gibbs 2018, p. 1377). They act as if they have no concept whatsoever of Jesus' coming move to death and resurrection. Gibbs is plain that the passage has nothing to do with a comparison of helping the poor versus bringing honor to Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1378). Jesus makes this plain as he rebukes his disciples in verses 10-13. They are to stop troubling the woman, who has performed "a beautiful work" for him (26:10). They can give to the poor at any time, but for now they are to recognize the special nature of the time they have with Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1379). The disciples, however, have no clue of the situation. Gibbs observes that the very same lack of understanding will be an important feature throughout the period leading to Jesus' death (Gibbs 2018, p. 1380).
   Gibbs makes a brief discursus regarding the multiple accounts of Jesus' anointing by a woman, found in Matthew 26:6-13; Mark 14:3-9; Luke 7:36-50; and John 12:1-8 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1382). In Gibbs' model, the four accounts refer to two different events. He takes the incident in Luke 7 to be separate from the one reported in Matthew, Mark, and John. Though the language used is similar, there are enough different details in Luke's account to warrant consideration of it as a different event.

"Matthew 26:14-19 Two Times at the Same Time: Preparations for Betrayal and for Sacrifice." (pp. 1384-1392).
   After some brief grammatical analysis of Matthew 26:14-19, Gibbs observes that verses 14-16 could be treated as distinct from 17-19. However, they are brought together by Matthew, not only by the location in his narrative, but also by strong verbal parallels (Gibbs 2018, p. 1387). Both prepare the reader for the description of the Passion events. Judas, one of the Twelve, seeks out an agreement with the Pharisees to betray Jesus. Gibbs notes the strong irony of one of the Twelve betraying Jesus to his death at the time of the Passover (Gibbs 2018, p. 1388).
   While Judas makes his preparations, the other disciples make preparations for the Passover meal (Gibbs 2018, p. 1389). Gibbs observes that while the disciples are apparently unaware of the bigger picture, Jesus is the one who is actually in control of it, and orchestrates the events accordingly.
   The chronology of this passage is problematic. At issue is the relation of Maundy Thursday and Good Friday to the Passover and the Sabbath (Gibbs 2018, p. 1389). It is unclear whether 26:17, referring to "the first day of Unleavened Bread," refers to the actual Passover day or the day after, when the fasting actually begins. In part, this lack of clarity leads to questions about possible contradictions within the canonical Gospels. While the Synoptic Gospels lead to an expectation of a Passover meal followed by Jesus' arrest during Thursday night, John 18:28 shows the priests not entering Pilate's house on Friday in anticipation of a Passover meal to come (Gibbs 2018, p. 1390). Gibbs takes the account inJohn to refer to the priests' desire for ritual purity for additional events during the Passover season, and that the "preparation" referred to is preparation for the Sabbath, not for Passover proper (Gibbs 2018, p. 1391).

"Matthew 26:20-25 The Darkness Grows: One of Them Will Hand Jesus Over." (pp. 1393-1398).
   Gibbs takes the meal shared as the Passover dinner (Gibbs 2018, p. 1395). It is in the context of this meal that Jesus makes it clear that one of his disciples who is with him will betray him, leading to his death. There are two specific predictions, each with a reaction by one or more disciples. Though the incident is introduced in verse 20, there is no clear conclusion in verse 25, which leaves the reader slightly off balance. In verses 21-22, Jesus makes it clear that one of his disciples will betray him. There is a general questioning of the ideas, along with a rejection of that action by Peter, with concurrence by the others (Gibbs 2018, p. 1396). In verses 23-25, Jesus makes it clear it will be someone who is eating with him at the present time. Judas is not particularly identified except by Matthew's recording of his particular question. Gibbs observes the irony in Judas' question, as he had possibly not responded to the first prediction, as he calls Jesus "Rabbi" rather than "Lord," and as Jesus responds to him alone (Gibbs 2018, p. 1397). Gibbs suggests the emphasis in this passage should be on the grace of Jesus who, knowing all that would happen to him, continues to care for his disciples, including Judas (Gibbs 2018, p. 1398).

"Matthew 26:26-29 A New Mal to Fulfill and Surpass the Old." (pp. 1399-1415).
   Gibbs notes that Matthew 26:26-29 could well be seen as a continuation of the narrative started in verse 20, as it is introduced with the same verbal formula (Gibbs 2018, p. 1399). In his textual notes he briefly discusses the context of the being verb and of the word for "covenant," but treats the issues in more detail later in the commentary section.
   The actual Passover ritual is not a matter which Matthew describes in detail. While an "intricate ritual" has developed over time, Gibbs notes that we are not entirely certain about the nature of the ritual at the time of this meal. At this time, the sacrificial system was still in operation. Yet many of the pieces of information we have about the meal practices come from after the end of the sacrificial system in A.D. 70 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1404). In general, Gibbs takes the practice to likely include the meal and three cups of wine accompanied by ritual words and actions. Matthew's account, however, makes no clear references to the particular stages of the meal (Gibbs 2018, p. 1405). Without a doubt, though, Jesus' statements about his body and blood would have created considerable discomfort (Gibbs 2018, p. 1406). In particular, a pouring out of blood was familiar, but drinking blood was unthinkable. Gibbs notes that there is no record of the disciples' response here, though there is to the events before and after this (Gibbs 2018, p. 1406). The emphasis is on Jesus, not on his disciples.
   A challenge in interpretation of Matthew 26:26 is the fact that, while the Passover was a meal focused on the death of an animal and eating meat, the language of breaking is not applied to meat. Rather, it is applied to bread, which is routinely borken for consumption (Gibbs 2018, p. 1408). Jesus explains the action with the cup in more detail.
   The concept of pouring the blood of a covenant out is an allusion to Exodus 24:5-8, where Moses puts blood on the altar of God and on the people of Israel (Gibbs 2018, p. 1408). Yet Gibbs observes that the Old Testament texts about the Passover do not treat the blood of the animal as something that forgives sins (Gibbs 2018, p. 1409). Jesus' association of the blood and forgiveness seems more like that found in the Day of Atonement. This draws the reader away from Passover toward sacrifices for sin (Gibbs 2018, p. 1410).
   Gibbs notes that the suffering of Jesus has also directed interpreters to Isaiah 52:13-53:12, detailing God's suffering Servant (Gibbs 2018, p. 1411). Though the connections are primarily conceptual, there are some verbal resemblances as well.
   By Matthew 26:29, it is clear that Jesus' intent is to give the Last Supper meal to the church, which will engage in the eating and drinking, but without his presence among the disciples as they have previously known it (Gibbs 2018, p. 1413). Gibbs is clear that this does not in any way deny the Lutheran view of Jesus' bodily presence in the bread and wine of the eucharist. However, unlike previous meals with Jesus present, he is feeding his disciples rather than dining with them (Gibbs 2018, p. 1414). Gibbs briefly considers that in the eucharist we receive both the forgiveness of sins, as in the Day of Atonement offerings, and the protective presence of God, as in the Passover offerings. If this is the case, the elements of the Supper are brought together in a comprehensive manner.

"Matthew 26:30-35 It Is God's Time to Strike and Scatter: Never, Lord! We Will Never Deny You!" (pp. 1416-1425).
   The concepts of "stumbling" and "denying" Jesus are central to understanding Matthew 26:30-35. Gibbs reviews the concepts briefly (Gibbs 2018, p. 1420). In general, Matthew uses language of stumbling to indicate a fall into unbelief. It is thus a very serious matter when anyone is made to stumble. Denial of Jesus is a similarly serious matter. The result of denying Jesus is to be denied by Jesus before God the Father (Gibbs 2018, p. 1421). Matthew presents stumbling into unbelief and denial of Jesus as absolutely possible, and horrific, moves. However, Jesus also promises restoration for his disciples.
   In Matthew 26:31, Jesus predicts the stumbling and denial of his disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1422). Jesus will be abandoned by his disciples and even by God the Father (Zech 13:7; Ps. 22). Gibbs observes that in verse 32, Jesus (again) specifically predicts his resurrection (Gibbs 2018, p. 1423). The disciples utterly reject Jesus' prediction. In Matthew 26:33, Peter specifically says he will not reject Jesus. In response, Jesus says clearly and forcefully that Peter will deny him. Peter again rejects this concept in 26:35 (Gibbs 2018, p. 1424). Verse 35 then adds the other disciples, as a chorus, pledging their faithfulness. As always, Gibbs notes, Jesus is right and his disciples are not. They will fall away (Gibbs 2018, p. 1425).

Eucharistic Celebrations East and West

3/4/2025

Church History
3/4/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter VII. Public Worship and Religious Customs and Ceremonies." In History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2124-2268). (Original work published 1889). Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 74-101).

"§97. The Celebration of the Eucharist." (pp. 2246-2151).
   Schaff identifies the Eucharist as the center of public worship. Liturgies in antiquity mainly consisted of the Eucharistic instructions (Schaff 2014, p. 2246). This stands in contrast to what Schaff refers to as "Evangelical" observances, which focus primarily on the sermon. Within the Catholic liturgies the eucharistic prayers tend to be very similar, and the Words of Institution are taken to make the eucharistic elements take on the true body and blood of Christ, creating a new sacrifice (Schaff 2014, p. 2247).
   After the introductory words of the anaphora, the prayer of thanksgiving recognizes God's gifts in creation, leading to the Trisagion ("Holy, Holy, holy") (Schaff 2014, p. 2247). The consecration follows, using the institution narrative, normally followed by an additional prayer of thanksgiving. Schaff provides a number of examples of these prayers (Schaff 2014, pp. 2248-2249). A Kyrie or Gloria normally follows. The celebrant(s) commune first, then the congregations.
   Frequent celebrations of the eucharist were normal, at least every Sunday, and sometimes daily (Schaff 2014, p. 2250). Infant communion was practiced in eastern and north African churches, but not commonly in the Latin church after the ninth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2251).
   Schaff briefly describes the movement for communion in only one kind (bread only0 as a development of the 12th or 13th century, guarding against spilling consecrated elements (Schaff 2014, p. 2251). Greek custom involves dipping the bread in the wine and receiving it from a spoon.

The Liturgy of Life Remains

2/25/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/25/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Appendix." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 346-359). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

In his appendix, Wegman briefly describes what he considers to be a period of stagnation in liturgy, consisting of the period from the 17th century through the first half of the 20th century (Wegman 1985, p. 346). Though Wegman sees many developments in philosophy and in theology, he finds very few substantive changes in liturgical ritual. He does note Enlightenment renewals in French and German practices, in which singing Christian songs and Psalms became more popular (Wegman 1985, pp. 348-349). At the same time, within Lutheran Pietism, liturgical ritual was minimized and sacramental practice decreased (Wegman 1985, p. 350).
The 20th century did see a liturgical movement in which renewal sprang mainly from Roman Catholic sources (Wegman 1985, p. 353). Some of the impetus was gained from scholarly study of the history of liturgy. Interest in liturgical history sparked a similar interest in practice, seen in parishes (Wegman 1985, p. 354). Wegman describes in some detail the slow pace of such renewal movements. They begin with scholarly consideration. This results in conferences which gather such scholars. Eventually the patterns are considered by high church authorities who have power to approve and implement changes, especially in seminaries, thus finally influencing parishes (Wegman 1985, pp. 355ff). Though this is a slow process, it involves numerous safeguards as well as a reliable means of implementation.

Liturgical Fragmentation in the 16th Century Reformation

2/18/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/18/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Six: Gain and Loss: Worship in the Writings of the Reformers and the Counter-Reformation." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 247-345). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)

   Wegman sees the time of the Reformation as a confluence of revolt against historic precedent and of cultural reliance on medieval practices (Wegman 1985, p. 298). The growth of humanism alternatively found literature, philosophy, and theological inquiry as its grounding, and exalted or derided the various disciplines. The papacy increasingly depended on diplomatic negotiations rather than papal decrees to accomplish desires (Wegman 1985, p. 299). Literary and philosophical scholarship grew in popularity and influence.
   In this context, the works of Erasmus show a conflict between humanistic philosophy and popular piety, as Wegman illustrates using a number of quotations from Erasmus (Wegman 1985, pp. 300-302).
   As the Middle Ages declined, the Renaissance, arising especially in Italy, began to dawn (Wegman 1985, p. 302). Wegman describes the times as overlapping, rather than finding a clear end of one and start of the other. The Renaissance is characterized by a view of human primacy in which events and concepts would be re-evaluated by human reason rather than by means of historic practice (Wegman 1985, p. 302-303). The current individual was considered as superior to past culture.
   Wegman considers the Renaissance to have ended in 1527, probably due to the work of Michelangelo, ushering in the Baroque period. At this time nationalist consciousness grew, by which Christianity could be distinguished in one nation as opposed to another (Wegman 1985, p. 303).
   The fervency of the Baroque period can be seen also in the Reformation, as elaborations and even cultural upheavals can be seen in liturgical forms and theological articulations which arise in different regions (Wegman 1985, p. 304). The traditional liturgical figures of Christianity, though they were retained in Roman and Orthodox piety, were largely absent elsewhere.
   Wegman notes that the reformers were initially more interested in reform of the church than in liturgical change (Wegman 1985, p. 306). The adjustments to liturgy reflected theological clarifications which were occurring. Luther attempted to retain traditional forms, as did Calvin, while Zwingli was more open to change. All three were committed to the centrality of preaching and aview of baptism and eucharist tied to biblical preaching.
   Wegman goes on to discuss the alterations which appear in baptismal rituals. It is particularly notable that in Luther's settings, though they are generally similar to the Roman ritual, the vernacular language is used, thus allowing for greater congregational involvement (Wegman 1985, pp. 306-308). Wegman takes much of other Reformational interpretation of baptismal rituals to be based on Luther's two settings. Some, such as Martin Bucer, rejected Luther's historic revisions and took baptism as an opportunity to publicly confess a feeling of faith (Wegman 1985, p. 309). Zwingli and Calvin took baptism as a sign of entry into a congreation and as an element of preaching (Wegman 1985, pp. 310-311).
   The work of the reformers, with its focus on renewing people to a right relationship with God, focused on preaching rather than on ritual liturgical changes (Wegman 1985, p. 311). Reading, teaching, and singing biblical texts and commentaries took pride of place in gatherings. Wegman observes that there had been developments in preaching as far back as the ninth century, with clergy urged to focus on the creed, Lord's prayer, and ten commandments (Wegman 1985, p. 313). Explanation of the faith, rather than a more formal emphasis on the sacramental rituals had tended to move the pulpit and the congregation closer together (Wegman 1985, p. 313). The structure of a praching service came to be relatively stable, with Scripture read in Latin, the read and explained in the vernacular, followed by prayers including "the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the Ave Maria, and the decalogue was read" (Wegman 1985, p. 313). A blessing at the end, and a variety of additional prayers and singing were eventually added by the late Middle Ages. This was easily adapted to serve as the common preaching service in the Reformation (Wegman 1985, p. 314). Because of the focus on preaching, liturgical ritual and the emphasis on sacraments, and a Church calendar declined in the Reformation. Wegman particularly describes the conceptual change which downplayed the reality and centrality of a sacramental view of eucharist. The eucharist came to be recognized as "the Lord's Supper" with less expectation of God's presence and more of an emphasis on the congregation's remembering Jesus (Wegman 1985, p. 315). Sacrificial language disappeared, even in Lutehr's liturgical writings (Wegman 1985, p. 316).
   Wegman reviews Luther's mass settings, observing that Luther insisted on preaching being present in each church service. Sacrificial language was removed form the celebration of the mass (Wegman 1985, p. 317). Luther was more concerned with the content of the theology than with the particular ritual used to express the content. Wegman reviews a number of passages in Luther's works which emphasize this concept (Wegman 1985, pp. 318ff). He includes many specific quotations from liturgies attributed to others within the Lutheran tradition.
   Wegman continues with brief summaries of eucharistic practices within other streams of Reformational thought, centered in different communities (Wegman 1985, pp. 326ff).
   Webman concludes that "the reformers did not simply adapt the Roamn liturgy of their day. They fundamentally altered the service, but in various ways" (Wegman 1985, pp. 334-335). Lutherans retained much traditional material but centered their emphasis on preaching. The Reformed (i.e. Calvinist or Zwinglian focused groups) rejected the external displays and moved fundamentally away from sacramental theology and practice. Wegman sees this as a gain in terms of preaching and a loss in terms of sacramental memory (Wegman 1985, p. 335).
   Turning his attention to the Anglican Reformation, Wegman describes the central place in liturgical development played by the Book of Common Prayer (Wegman 1985, p. 337). The first edition of 1549 shows a strong Lutheran ifnluence from Cologne and Nuremberg, while the second edition of 1552 shows a strong Reformed influence. Editionso f 1559 and 1662 make a variety of compromises. The next revision, in 1928, was not approved by Parliament. A revised service book was released in 1980. Cranmer's emphasis in the sixteenth century was on preaching and teaching, while many rites were preserved in the liturgy. The rubrics generally allowed for services with a more austere, "Reformed" tone or a more elaborate "Catholic" tone (Wegman 1985, p. 338).
   Wegman describes baptism (Wegman 1985, p. 338) and communion (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-341), as well as rites of ordination and orders for daily prayer (Wegman 1985, pp. 341-342) in some detail. Of particular note is Cranmer's adaptation of the Roman Canon o thte Mass, breaking particularly from the Reformed tradition (Wegman 1985, pp. 339-340).
   The Reformation was characterized by a growth of hymnody and singing of Psalms (Wegman 1985, p. 342). This was considered an integral part of the work of teaching and preaching.
   The German Reformation was not without its detractors. Wegman observes that the Baroque emphasis of the Reformatino was countered by a renewed emphasis on the traditional liturgy within the Roman Catholic church (Wegman 1985, p. 343). In effect, Wegman describes a conflict in the Counter-Reformation between the apologetic emphasis of the Reformation and the liturgical culture of Rome (Wegman 1985, p. 344).

Matthew 25

2/13/2025

New Testament Studies
2/13/25

Gibbs, Jeffrey A. (2018). "Matthew 25" In Matthew 21:1-28:20. (pages 1310-1364). St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House. (Personal Library)

   Matthew 25:1-13, the parable of the ten virgins, contains more manuscript variants than normal. Gibbs reviews the variants, observing that only in verse nine is there one which has an impact on the interpretation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1311). In that verse, Gibbs finds four possible variant readings. Of the readings, two make little grammatical sense and one appears to be an attempt to smooth out a slightly difficult reading by avoiding a repeated word in a double negative (Gibbs 2018, p. 1313). At issue is whether the people, when asked to share their oil, reply "no" or whether they simply give the reason for their refusal, "lest it not suffice." Gibbs prefers the grammatically more challenging answer, "no, lest it not suffice" (Gibbs 2018, p. 1313).
   Gibbs observes that when reading parables about the kingdom of heaven in Matthew we should expect they will not appear entirely true to life (Gibbs 2018, p. 1314). There will normally be some elements which would break from typical human behavior. In the case of the parable of the ten virgins, there are enough elements of wedding customs that we don't know that we have to speculate about what would be unusual (Gibbs 2018, p. 1315). It may be possible to discern some of the intended meaning by means of an analysis of the details of the kingdom of heaven as described in Matthew (Gibbs 2018, p. 1316). Gibbs evaluates Jonathan Pennington's analysis of the kingdom of heaven at some length. Pennington considers that, at least in some way, there may be a spatial element (Gibbs 2018, p. 1318). Yet Gibbs considers the primary element of the kingdom in Matthew to be the deeds of God in Christ.
   Matthew 25:1-5 describes a gathering in which ten virgins are to be in attendance on a bridegroom as he arrives at a wedding feast (Gibbs 2018, p. 1319). The groom is apparently a person of some importance, as he is addressed in a respectful manner in verse eleven. Some sort of a lit procession is to occur. Those who have brought enough oil cannot share, for fear that all the lights would go out prematurely (Gibbs 2018, p. 1320). The groom delays, and the lamps have gone out by the time of his arrival. Some of the virgins were prepared, while others were not (Gibbs 2018, p. 1321).
   In verses 6-13, the important element is that those who were prepared could honor the groom when he arrived. Those who were not prepared were sent away and even when they returned later they were rejected (Gibbs 2018, p. 1321). It was essential that they should be alert and ready to honor the groom.
   Taking Jesus to be represented by the bridegroom, as in all parables which feature a groom, the clear meaning of the parable is to be prepared for Jesus' coming, though he may not come immediately (Gibbs 2018, p. 1322). The virgins, representing all Christians, demonstrate that some are ready and others are not. All should be ready to honor Jesus at his coming, though not all will be ready (Gibbs 2018, p. 1323). Gibbs considers the oil to represent whatever characteristics may be helpful to our ability to honor Jesus at his return.
   In a more extended parable, the "parable of the talents" (25:14-30), Jesus describes a master who entrusts money to three servants before departing on a journey. Gibbs emphasizes that this parable is not to be understood as speaking of three slaves, but about two kinds of slaves who respond to the trust they are given (Gibbs 2018, p. 1328). The narrative carefully ties the first two slaves together in their character and actions, then demonstrates the third is very different (Gibbs 2018, p. 1329). Of special note to Gibbs is the fact that the third slave's verbal interaction with the master is much more extensive than the first two. He uses thirty words, compared to the ten of the other two. The master's response is similarly much longer, at sixty-five (some manuscripts have eighty-two) words (Gibbs 2018, p. 1330).
   The departing master, in verses 14-15, is careful. He entrusts to each slave an amount according to his ability. Each slave is entrusted with a large amount of money. Gibbs observes that the one talent referenced was likely about twenty years' salary (Gibbs 2018, p. 1331). The master did not return unexpectedly, so surprise was not an issue in the story. The first two slaves work in accord with the master's trust. The third does not. Upon the master's return, the first two show identical results, use identical words, and receive identical commendations (Gibbs 2018, p. 1332). Gibbs notes that the third slave's answer shows his fear of his master, based on his understanding of the master's priorities (Gibbs 2018, p. 1333). The master's response rejects the slave, who failed to do even the reasonable action of investing the money for some interest. Gibbs observes that within this parable there are multiple signs that the third slave's assessment of the master is completely wrong. He was not a harsh master, he entrusted his possessions to others, and made no secret of his trust. Further, it would be clear to Matthew's readers that the master represents Jesus, not an evil master (Gibbs 2018, p. 1334). This should influence our interpretation of the parable.
   The identification of the "talents" in the parable poses significant challenges to interpreters of Matthew 25:14-30. Interpreters suggest the trust delivered could be knowledge of God's heavenly realm, the gospel, or the great commission, among other things (Gibbs 2018, p. 1336). Other details of the parable are similarly challenging. Gibbs observes that there is an eschatological thrust in the reward of the first two slaves and in the penalty of the third. The timing, however, is not clear.
   Gibbs considers "the contrast between the two kinds of slaves" to be of great help in interpretation (Gibbs 2018, p. 1337). The first two were moved to faithful activity, while the other was unmoved and did nothing. The first two have an unexplained motive, but the other makes an explanation. His refusal to act was rooted in fear and distrust. By contrast, we recognize the first two understood and trusted the master. The exhortation of the parable is, then, to remember Jesus as the master and to act in concord with his character.
   Matthew 25 closes, in verses 31-46, with a description of the end of the age, in the separation of the sheep and the goats (Gibbs 2018, p. 1339). Gibbs' textual notes on the passage bring out the carefully balanced structure of the parable with its extensive parallelism. Gibbs notes that in the 20th and 21st century interpreters have largely taken the text to urge care for the needy, wherever they are (Gibbs 2018, p. 1343). However, Gibbs considers this interpretation to be inconsistent with Matthew's context. The social care interpretation, however, is so commonly made that Gibbs explains its implications in considerable detail. While the doctrinal outcome of the interpretation is perfectly orthodox, Gibbs takes it to be a poor fit for the context of the narrative in Matthew (Gibbs 2018, p. 1345). Jesus never refers to needy people in Matthew as his true family. He doesn't make care for the poor a central issue elsewhere in Matthew (Gibbs 2018, p. 1346). Christians are to care for others, but that is not the center of Christianity. Third, the groups in the passage are never said to be surprised, as in a pop quiz judgment. Followers of Jesus can be expected to be aware that their actions of service to others also are directed by Jesus (Gibbs 2018, p. 1347).
   The reading of Matthew 25:314-46 which Gibbs advocates recognizes that Jesus' 'brothers" are his disciples, those born to him by faith (Gibbs 2018, p. 1348). The nations to be gathered, as we can take from Matthew 28:19, are those his disciples have made into disciples until the end of the age. The sending of generation after generation results in nations of Jesus' brothers who will be gathered together (Gibbs 2018, p. 1349). Within this essential framework, all the mentions of the nations in Matthew's Gospel can be held together coherently. They involve both those who receive Jesus' gospel and those who don't, faithful and persecutors alike (Gibbs 2018, p. 1350). When the righteous and unrighteous are given their assignment to paradise or torment, Gibbs suggests the presence of Jesus' "brothers" from 25:40 as a separate group, those who were faithful or not in their ministry and care for others. Their work with the sheep or the goats is an element of their judgment (Gibbs 2018, p. 1352).
   Gibbs goes on to identify the people Jesus calls "brothers" in 25:40 as Jesus' disciples, Christians. This is consistent with Matthew's pattern of referring to the disciples in familial terms (Gibbs 2018, p. 1353). Jesus never refers to strangers as "brothers." In Matthew 28:10, Jesus refers very specifically to the disciples as his brothers. These are then the people Jesus commands to go and make more disciples (Gibbs 2018, p. 1353). This work, significantly, continues until the consummation of the age, the scene depicted in Matthew 25. While all Christians are to share the news of Jesus, his "brothers" are those who are specifically engaged in that task on a regular basis (Gibbs 2018, p. 1355). Further, Gibbs argues that throughout the New Testament, hospitality shown to a messenger implies reception of the message as well as the messenger (Gibbs 2018, p. 1356). Gibbs describes this as a well documented theme in the New Testament. In this passage, rejecting Jesus' messengers is tantamount to rejecting Jesus himself (Gibbs 2018, p. 1357).

Byzantine Liturgy after 610

2/11/2025

Tuesday Lectio
2/11/25

Wegman, Herman A.J. (1985). (Original Dutch, 1976). "Chapter Five: The Byzantine Synthesis: The Byzantine Liturgy after 610 A.D." In Christian Worship in East and West: A Study Guide to Liturgical History. (pp. 239-296). (Translated by Gordon W. Lathrop). New York: Pueblo Publishing Company. (Personal Library)
   The Byzantine liturgy by the seventh century stood at the forefront of orthodoxy and liturgical practice throughout the churches of the east (Wegman 1985, p. 239). Because of its association with the Byzantine empire, serving as the capitol of the east as Rome was of the west, the churchly developments in the area bear great importance (Wegman 1985, p. 240).
   Wegman essentially divides Byzantine christianity into three historical periods. From 610-711 the dynasty was focused on resisting Persian and Islamic incursions (Wegman 1985, p. 240). From 711 to 843 there was a significant iconoclastic dispute in which the defenders of use of images tended to be in positions of greater authority (Wegman 1985, p. 241). The church in east and west dealt with significant cultural differences as well. Wegman notes that the recognition of Ravenna and the crowning of Charlemagne as emperor placed strong barriers between the two cultures (Wegman 1985, pp. 241-242). From this time the Byzantine empire achieved substantial expansion even against the opposition of Islam and other more nationalist influences.
   The Byzantine rite, full of ceremony, is still a strong liturgical influence (Wegman 1985, p. 243). The authority of the patriarch of Constantinople and his role in defining and defending orthodoxy provided a bulwark against heretical challenges. It also emphasized the division between Constantinople and Rome, as the two seats of authority had less and less to do with one another (Wegman 1985, p. 244). Within the Byzantine culture, monks, rather than priests, came to positions of prominence and strength.
   Wegman describes Byzantine theological interpretation as "defensive and more or less static" in nature (Wegman 1985, p. 247). Theological appeals would be made to church fathers and tradition which had been settled for some time. Yet a mystical spirituality was also robust in Byzantine thought (Wegman 1985, p. 248). The liturgy expected some level of mystic spirituality and the spirituality presupposed a liturgical framework.
   Byzantine culture as a whole in this period was a blend of numerous different elements - Greek, Latin, and the various eastern cultures (Wegman 1985, p. 249).
   Based on this background understanding, Wegman attempts to describe the emergence of the Byzantine liturgy. In contrast to Roman liturgy, the Byzantine rite has a less clearly defined course of development (Wegman 1985, p. 252). Wegman further notes a hiatus in our source material, possibly caused by the conquest of Islam and iconoclastic movements. Though there may have been some development of liturgy, we have no documentation of it.
   When we do see liturgical texts, Wegman observes they have enough differences that a comparison is difficult at best (Wegman 1985, p. 253). The kingdom of heaven is typically visually depicted in terms much like the imperial realm (Wegman 1985, p. 254). Honor and reverence are notable characteristics. The cathedral and churchly rituals developed fixed patterns which involved repeated rituals and extensive use of music. The monastic rites developed their own patterns of more extensive use of the Psalter, shows of contrition, and daily reception of communion (Wegman 1985, p. 255). This led to some level of polarization within Byzantine Christianity. The monastic practices then arose to prominence. Gradually elements were synthesized. Additionally, the rituals of Jerusalem and Constantinople came to be more similar (Wegman 1985, p. 256).
   Wegman notes that not all the source material for Byzantine rites have become available (Wegman 1985, p. 257). There is no comparable book to a Roman missal or breviary. There are separate books intended for use by various officiants. Due to the nature of Byzantine ritual, all are geared toward communal use in liturgy which is normally sung (Wegman 1985, p. 258). There are a number of anthologies of hymnody and other liturgical materials. Yet the arrangement is such that the liturgist selects appropriate elements for use rather than following the one prescriptive liturgical order (Wegman 1985, p. 258). Wegman describes the various anthologies in some detail (Wegman 1985, pp. 259-264). He then provides a glossary of important terms used in the Byzantine rites (Wegman 1985, pp. 264-272). This glossary is relatively long due to the linguistic distance between Greek and English as compared with that between Latin and English.
   Wegman moves on to summarize the structure and content of the principal rites in Byzantine liturgy. He reminds readers that this material can serve as a continuation of material from chapter two (Wegman 1985, p. 272). Monastic hours occurred up to eight times per day. The number of daily gatherings increased over time, developing from a morning and an evening gathering. These normally consisted of psalms, hymns, and prayers. The Sunday worship was much more complex, including extensive use of Psalms, prayers, hymns, and other Scripture readings. The service, called orthros, follows an intricate order of events (Wegman 1985, pp. 273-275). A parallel to the evening service of the hours would be used on Saturday evening in preparation for Sunday's Iorthros. The Saturday service contains more Scriptures and a service of light, as the lamps are lit in anticipation of Sunday's worship (Wegman 1985, p. 276).
   The Byzantine rites, as did the Roman rite, observed a number of festivals throughout the year. As with other liturgical forms in the east, the seasons and festivals are associated with a variety of musical modes, and tend to have events arranged in series of eight (Wegman 1985, p. 277). Periods of fasting and other forms of penitence are strictly observed. Wegman notes particularly that some of the services begin at particular times in the night so as to prepare for upcoming daytime liturgy (Wegman 1985, p. 278). Of special note is the intricate nature of the service beginning on Good Friday and continuing through Easter Sunday (Wegman 1985, pp. 278-279). Wegman goes on to provide an English version of some of the prayer texts used in the lengthy service for Easter (Wegman 1985, pp. 280-281). He then lists in brief a number of feasts which occur on a fixed date. Following this are descriptions, still brief, of Christmas, Theophany, Transfiguration, and various memorials of saints (Wegman 1985, pp. 282-284). Wegman notes the elevated theological and philosophical nature of these feasts, lacking the picturesque sentimentalism which often occurs in the west.
   From a sacramental point of view, in Byzantine practice, baptism includes an anointing with oil, associated in the west with confirmation. The eastern practice sees baptism and anointing as one unit (Wegman 1985, p. 285). The newly baptized person receives the wine of the eucharist in the same service. The catechumens who are to be baptized receive an exorcism and are baptized on Easter. The divine liturgy, including the eucharist, is a highly intricate rite which particularly involves the preparation of the elements behind the iconostasis, prior to consecration (Wegman 1985, p. 289). Wegman provides substantial commentary, describing the liturgical actions in some detail. He finally discusses penance, ordination, and marriage in brief, as he did previously in his review of the western church (Wegman 1985, pp. 294-295).