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Two Natures in One Person - Still Difficult

8/19/2025

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Church History
8/19/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§143. The Monophysite Controversies." (pp. 2466-2472).
    While the council of Chalcedon was an attempt to bring a resolution to the Monophysite controversy, it was not immediately accepted, particularly in Palestine and Egypt (Schaff 2014, p. 2467). The concept of one nature in Christ was not easily overcome by orthodoxy. Though some would accept a composite nature of some sort, they would not accept two complete natures in the one person of Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 2468). The opponents of the confession of Chalcedon objected that the two natures would necessarily result in two separate persons. As a confessional reaction, the Monophysites were careful to confess that God was crucified for us. This confession was accepted by the Chalcedonian faction with the qualification that it was in the same sense that God was born of Mary.
    Citing recent research in his time, that of Giesler, Baur, and Dorner, Schaff describes a number of plots and intrigues which influenced the overall situation with Monophysitism (Schaff 2014, p. 2470). After the council of Chalcedon, the monophysite movement in the East proved schismatic, establishing separatist churches. The revolutionary group engaged in riots and armed conflicts for some thirty years. The monophysites fragmented further depending on how willing they were to admit some degree of a human nature in Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 2471).

"§144. The Three, Chapters, and the Fifth Ecumenical Council, A.D. 553." (pp. 2472-2476).
    Schaff describes a connection between the Monophysite controversy and emperor Justinian I (Schaff 2014, p. 2473). One of Justinian's hallmarks was to attempt to reconcile heretics and others who were separated from orthodoxy. Justinian's wife, who was a monophysite, attempted to obtain positions of authority for monophysite bishops. Meanwhile, Justinian's desire for reconciliation led him to issue statements and decrees which could be taken as accepting a variety of heretical views (Schaff 2014, p. 2474). Justinian's compromises included condemnation of some Antiochians who had been accepted as orthodox, a complaint about the followers of Cyril in Edessa, and a denial of the communicatio idiomatum (Schaff 2014, p. 2474). This became known as "the Three Chapters." Surrounded by this controversy, Justinian called an ecumenical council (the fifth), in 553, in Constantinople (Schaff 2014, p. 2475). Despite efforts to clarify doctrines, reconciliation was not complete. Schaff observes that the schismatic groups continued, though most gradually reconsidered their views or eventually died out. It was not until the time of Pope Gregory I that most bishops were again in agreement.

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Mary and the Saints

8/14/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
8/14/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 18: Mary and the Saints" (pp. 490-499). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    The patristic period saw the start of veneration of the saints and of Mary (Kelly 1978, p. 490). Kelly is clear that this is only a beginning, but the developments of the patristic period set the stage for later growth. From an observation of the saint's day and the preservation of relics, the veneration grew to seeking help in prayer. The appeals to saints were based on the understanding that they were physically but not spiritually dead, and would possibly have a more direct channel to God in prayer (Kelly 1978, p. 491).
    The devotion to Mary developed more slowly than that to the martyrs (Kelly 1978, p. 491). However, she was always seen as an important figure in the implementation of God's salvation. By the late first and early second centuries, legends began to emerge, in which Mary did not suffer in childbirth, showed no signs of ever having been pregnant, and had been born in a miraculous way herself (Kelly 1978, p. 492). These were not uniformly accepted. A more productive line of consideration of Mary, pioneered by Justin, was the fact that she served as the antithesis to Eve (Kelly 1978, p. 493).
    After the Nicene council, Mary was considered more than she was earlier. Discussion of her role as "mother of God" as well as her virginity and the identity of Jesus' "brothers" flourished (Kelly 1978, p. 494). By the fifth century, Mary's reputation had grown significantly in the West (Kelly 1978, p. 496). As some eventually exalted her to the extreme of treading her like a goddess, others firmly rejected such exaltation, arguing that there is only one God in three persons, of whom Mary is not one (Kelly 1978, p. 498).   

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Wittenberg Door All Event Invitation FS 2025

8/12/2025

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In case it's useful to anybody, here's a copy of the activity invitation flier we're using for this fall semester.
FS 2025 All Event Invitation
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Orthodoxy Emerging from a Firestorm

8/12/2025

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Church History
8/12/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§141. The Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451." (pp. 2451-2457).
    The events discussed previously, through the Robber Synod, resulted in Eastern Christianity being held by the Eutychians and monophysites (Schaff 2014, p. 2451). Pope Leo, who had been deposed by decree of the Robber Synod (though not in fact), responded by urging a synod in Italy, even as he circulated his Epistola Dogmatica, dealing with the matters of Christology which were taken as the cause of the Robber Synod. In the East, the death of Theodosius in 450 caused a political shift in favor of Leo and a desire for peace throughout the empire (Schaff 2014, p. 2452). Leo's original request for a council in Italy was replaced by a council at Nicaea scheduled for September of 451.
    The council which convened in Nicaea was shortly moved to Chalcedon due to "turbulent conduct" (Schaff 2014, p. 2453). In Chalcedon it was more possible for high government officials to attend and for disruptive conduct to be stopped. Approximately 500 or 600 bishops, almost all from the East attended. The group quickly sorted into those favorable to and those opposed to the Eutychians (Schaff 2014, p. 2453). Schaff notes that the discussion would not have been consistent with the forensic decorum accepted at his time (Schaff 2014, p. 2454). Dioscurus and the supporters of the Eutychians were rejected quickly (Schaff 2014, p. 2455). On October 22, a positive decree was passed, which is quoted by Schaff (Schaff 2014, p. 2455). The concept of the Son as one person but with two complete natures was central to the confession (Schaff 2014, p. 2456). Schaff notes that troubles with monophysitism would continue later (Schaff 2014, p. 2457).

"§142. The Orthodox Christology - Analyses and Criticism." (pp. 2457-2466).
    Schaff observes that while the first council at Nicaea dealt with the nature of the preexistent Christ, the fourth ecumenical council, at Chalcedon, dealt with the incarnate Logos and the relation of humanity and deity in Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 2457). The pseudo-Athanasian Creed likewise articulated the nature of the human and divine in Christ, and later, in the sixteenth century, became a confession held by all Protestants. The creed articulated at Chalcedon, as well as the pseudo-Athanasian creed, makes no effort at exhaustive explanation, but rather at specific description (Schaff 2014, p. 2458). In Schaff's view, the Chalcedonian creed strikes a mean between monophysitism and Nestorianism (Schaff 2014, p. 2459). He goes on to discuss the important points in turn.
    The second person of the Trinity was truly incarnate due to God's love, so as to redeem fallen humanity (Schaff 2014, p. 2459). In the incarnation, true man and true God exist in one person. The development of Christ in the womb of Mary remains a mysterious process which the creed does not explain (Schaff 2014, p. 2460).
    In the creed, nature and person are held to be separate from one another. "Nature of substance is the totality of powers and qualities which constitute a being; person is the Ego, the self-conscious, self- asserting, and acting subject" (Schaff 2014, p. 2460). There is one divine nature manifest in three persons in the Trinity. At the same time, there is one person of the Christ, but with both a human and a divine nature. Because Christ took on human nature, rather than assuming one particular human to himself, he was able to redeem human nature as a whole.
    Christ is, above all, one person, both divine and human (Schaff 2014, p. 2461). He remains one person, though having two natures. His self-consciousness is undivided, since he is just one person.
    The distinction of the human and divine natures in Christ is an important element in the Chalcedonian creed. The divine and human are not mixed or separated. Each remains what it is for eternity, never creating some third kind of nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2461).
    Christ, though having two natures, is one and only one person (Schaff 2014, p. 2462). His unity is no sort of illusion. There is no division in his person. In a similar way, we cannot divide a Christian into separate physical and spiritual persons.
    Because of this unity of persons, the works of Christ are not to be separated into those of his divinity and those of his humanity (Schaff 2014, p. 2463).
    To avoid any suggestion that, by taking on humanity in Christ, the Logos destroyed the trinity by bringing in a fourth person, the impersonality of the human nature in Christ is of importance. The second person of the Trinity remains the eternal Logos who had a personality and never lost it (Schaff 2014, p. 2463). In taking on humanity, he took on a nature, not a human person (Schaff 2014, p. 2464). The term used in this discussion is enhypostasia, a term which indicates that the human nature, with the divine nature, was never absent from the Logos.
    Schaff notes that criticisms of the Chalcedonian conception have risen over the years. However, "these imputations neutralize each other" (Schaff 2014, p. 2465). The creed is well balanced and serves to reconcile criticisms. At the same time, the creed leaves an open door for a broad range of studies.

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The Christian's Eternal Hope

8/7/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
8/7/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 17: The Christian Hope." (pp. 459-489). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly observes that from the earliest time Christians had attempted to understand the claim that Christ had fulfilled Israel's hope but that there was some sort of final fulfillment yet to come (Kelly 1978, p. 459). He briefly visits the concept, often purported in the scholarly community, that the eschatological hope from the apostolic age was replaced by a view of God's enduring kingdom on earth. Though second century authors show an interest in the ongoing earthly life, they do not abandon the earlier hope (Kelly 1978, p. 460).
    As with many doctrinal concepts, Kelly finds that the earliest Christians had views which could fit into categories but which were not fully articulated or interconnected. "Four chief moments dominate the eschatological expectation of early Christian theology - the return of Christ, known as the Parousia, the resurrection, the judgment, and the catastrophic ending of the present world-order" (Kelly 1978, p. 462).
    After about the middle of the second century, Kelly finds that Christian apologists and theologians begin expanding on the basic eschatological themes mentioned earlier (Kelly 1978, p. 465). The teachers felt it necessary to lay out reasons for their confessions of faith. Christianity was not the same as pagan philosophy or Gnostic thought. The apologists sought to make this distinction clear. The importance of the flesh and the bodily resurrection is a frequent emphasis (Kelly 1978, p. 467-468).
    In an important way, the eschatological hope of the Christian includes receiving "deification" (Kelly 1978, p. 469, his word). Participation in God's nature and immortality is part of every Chrsitian's future. In Tatian's view, this is part of being restored to the original state of humanity (Kelly 1978, p. 470). Origen took the resurrection as the point of restoration for fallen man (Kelly 1978, p. 472). In the end of the world he looked for a final and definitive judgment which will include God's wrath on all evil. 
    The literal resurrection of the body remained central to eschatological hope among the later Latin and Greek Fathers (Kelly 1978, p. 474). Kelly does note a movement in opposition to Origen, critical of the "radical dualism" of the body and soul, and Origen's concept of the resurrection restoring "the 'bodily form', not the body as such" (Kelly 1978, p. 475). The difficulty which persisted through the period was that of 'form" versus the resurrection of the actual identical human body.
    The coming of the Lord for judgment, the parousia, precedes the resurrection. This was an important concept to the Church in the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 479). The literal interpretation of the Millennium tended to fall out of favor. A variety of allegorical explanations of the final events took the place of teaching a literal millennium. There was broad agreement that a literal judgment would eventually happen, but the timing of a millennial reign of Christ was not clear. The question of the soul's experience after death was a matter of uncertainty (Kelly 1978, p. 482). The time of judgment and the place of souls prior to the resurrection is unclear. The eternal punishment of the wicked was generally agreed upon. There was, however, a significant question as to whether the righteous suffer correction for their sins after death and before the final judgment (Kelly 1978, p. 484).
    The nature of the everlasting life in the world to come was a matter of some discussion. Origen saw it in terms of understanding mysteries and finally progressing to become pure reason (Kelly 1978, p. 485). The Cappadocial Fathers saw eternity in terms of blessed friendship with one another and God, contemplation of God, and a festal mood as we are perfected in the divine attributes (Kelly 1978, p. 486). Some, especially in the west, would discuss the "many mansions" of heaven as different rewards in accord with human merits (Kelly 1978, p. 487). 

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More Pendulum Swinging in the 5th Century

8/5/2025

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Church History
8/5/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§139. The Nestorians." (pp. 2442-2445).
    Schaff notes that, unlike most early heresies, those of Nestorianism and Monophysitism have continued (Schaff 2014, p. 2442). In his time, there were self-conscious groups of Nestorians who distinguished themselves from the Greek Orthodox. He outlines their characteristics in brief. Aside from distinctions in hierarchy, these groups particularly reject "the council of Ephesus . . . Mary as mother of God . . . use of images . . . purgatory . . . and transubstantiation" (Schaff 2014, p. 2443).
    The Nestorians descend from a group which gained asylum in Persia in the fifth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2443). These groups, Nestorian in belief, refer to themselves as Chaldean or Assyrian Christians. Schaff suggests that Mohammed's knowledge of Christianity may have come from contact with a Nestorian monk (Schaff 2014, p. 2444). In Schaff's time the sect was mostly resident in Kurdistan and Armenia. Another group, claiming descent from the work of the apostle Thomas, is in East India (Schaff 2014, p. 2445).

"§140. The Eutychian Controversy. The Council of Robbers, A.D. 449." (pp. 2445-2451).\
    The council at Ephesus, identified as the third ecumenical council, condemned Nestorianism but failed to articulate positive doctrinal stands (Schaff 2014, p. 2446). Peace was formed between Antioch (home of Nestorian thought) and Alexandria, but it was not a lasting peace. Alexandria moved in the opposite direction from Nestorian thought into "Eutychianism or Monophysitism, which urged the personal unity of Chrsit at the expense of the distinction of natures, and made the divine Logos absorb the human nature" (Schaff 2014, p. 2446). Here, while the Logos has human attributes, there is no human nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2447).
    In Schaff's opinion, the controversy was made more severe due to the successor to Cyril of Alexandria, Dioscurus, who sought supremacy for Alexandria (Schaff 2014, p. 2447). He worked with the monophysites to assail the Antiochians and gain greater power. The monophysite theologian Eutyches, whose name was attached to the heresy, stressed the divine nature in Christ as the object of worship, ultimately denying the remaining of the human nature in Christ after the incarnation. Theodoret, on the Antiochian side of the controversy, insisted on Christ having two natures in one person (Schaff 2014, p. 2448). In 448 Eutyches was deposed and banned by the church (Schaff 2014, p. 2449).
    The Synod of Ephesus in 449 assembled, presided over by Dioscurus, who appeared with monks and soldiers. Theodoret was excluded from the discussion (Schaff 2014, p. 2450). In this synod, Eutyches was affirmed, while all the Antiochians were rejected and hardly dared to speak. This synod, the second one in Ephesus, has typically been referred to as the "Council of Robbers."

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An Early Christian Concept of the Sacraments

7/31/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
7/31/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 16: The Later Doctrine of the Sacraments." (pp. 422-455). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    While the Christian sacraments, particularly of baptism and eucharist, have existed since the apostolic period, there were few attempts to systematize the theology by the fifth century (Kelly 1978, p. 422). They were understood as visible signs of an invisible grace. Yet the actual outworking of that grace was not described in substantial detail. There were, to add to the room for potential conflicts, additional actions which may or may not have been recognized as sacraments, such as confirmation and penance (Kelly 1978, p. 423). Augustine and others would confess that the efficacy of a sacrament was not related to the godliness of the person who administered it, but to the power of the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, pp. 424ff).
    Kelly observes that the concept of God's grace as the operative power in the sacrament, thus removing the one administering the sacrament from responsibility, could lead to the "so-called ex opere operata doctrine of sacraments, i.e., that they are signs which actually and automatically realize the grace they signify" (Kelly 1978, p. 427). In the East, the character of the one administering the sacraments could be considered to invalidate the sacrament, while this was a less likely opinion in the West.
    Kelly moves on to discuss baptism (Kelly 1978, pp. 428ff). Cyril of Jerusalem considered baptism as a regenerative bath in which past sins were washed away and the recipient is moved from sin to righteousness. This move to righteousness placed one on the path of sanctification, urging a change in life. This view was largely consistent with other Greek and Latin teachers during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 429). Among those who considered children to be without sin, it became common to assert that baptism could seal the recipient for a future christian life (Kelly 1978, p. 430). 
    The image of baptism as a seal of righteousness is common (Kelly 1978, pp. 430-431). Greek fathers by the fourth century spoke of the delivery of unity with God, including bearing the image and holiness of God (Kelly 1978, p. 432).
    The confirmation or chrismation, separated from baptism by the fourth and fifth centuries, receive Kelly's attention next. The rite was typically understood as a bestowal of the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 433). A difficulty inherent is the separation of baptism and chrismation, since both impute the Holy Spirit (Kelly 1978, p. 435).
    Though baptism was typically understood as forgiving prior sins, the sacrament of penance came to serve as a means for receiving forgiveness of sins committed after baptism (Kelly 1978, p. 436). The interpretation of sins to which penance could be applied was a matter of contention, as some groups would appear more rigorous than others (Kelly 1978, p. 437). Kelly considers it important to recognize that historically penance could only be applied once in a person's lifetime (Kelly 1978, p. 439). It was a very serious matter. Private confession and absolution was known, and rejected in 589 by the third council of Toledo. Despite the rejection of private confession, we find evidence that at least some sins could be considered resolved without the steps of penance.
    The presence of Christ in the eucharist was articulated in two basic ways during the fourth and fifth centuries (Kelly 1978, p. 440). The figurative view, stressing the difference between the elements and the body and blood, was recognized and had significant historical claims to validity (Kelly 1978, p. 440). A new view, emphasizing a change of bread and wine into body and blood, came to more prominence in the fourth and fifth centuries. At the heart of the difficulty is the concurrent use of language and symbolism, of reality, of bread and body, of wine and blood (Kelly 1978, p. 441). Kelly takes the symbolic language used to consistently point to a real presence. When bread and wine are called symbols, it is assumed that body and blood are also present (Kelly 1978, p. 442). Not surprisingly, attempts to explain how the body and blood of Christ are present in the bread and wine were common, intricate, and varied.
    Kelly notes that in this time, the eucharist was considered as a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 449). At the same time, it was seen as the way we are brought into union with Christ on a regular basis. The function of the "unbloody sacrifice" deserves evaluation. Cyril of Jerusalem and Chrysostom both spoke in terms of our participation in the sacrifice of Christ, who is present before us (Kelly 1978, p. 451). Kelly notes that Chrysostom (In Hebr. hom. 13,I; 14.I.) says, "We do not offer a different sacrifice, but always the same one, or rather we accomplish the memorial of it" (Kelly 1978, p. 452). It is slightly unclear, based on Kelly's report of Chrysostom and others, whether the sacrifice is being (still) offered by Christ or by the celebrant. However, the idea of a sacrifice on the altar is clear, both in the east and the West (Kelly 1978, pp. 452-453).  

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Nestorius and Nestorianism

7/29/2025

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Church History
7/29/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§137. The Nestorian Controversy, A.D. 428-431." (pp. 2427-2435).
    After providing numerous lightly annotated bibliographical references, Schaff reminds the reader of the nature of the Apollinarian heresy, which so emphasized the unity of person in Christ that the understanding of the human nature was jeopardized (Schaff 2014, p. 2428). In contrast, Antiochian theologians such as Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia held the natures apart to such a degree that Christ could seem to be two persons. This separation led to the teaching of Nestorius, from Antioch and then patriarch of Constantinople beginning in 428 (Schaff 2014, p. 2429). 
    Nestorius sought to collaborate with the emperor Theodosius II to rid the world of heretics (Schaff 2014, p. 2479). He was accepting of the Pelagian error. As a result, when Nestorianism was condemned, so was Pelagianism. The move against Nestorius took opportunity from his unapologetic use of the term "mother of God" for Mary (Schaff 2014, p. 2430). Nestorius' detractors interpreted him as saying that Mary was the one involved in the origination of the divine Logos (Schaff 2014, p. 2431). In an apparent attempt at conciliation, Nestorius began accepting Mary as "mother of Christ." 
    Schaff notes that Nestorius, as others in the Antiochian school of thought, was clear that God was never born, and that Christ had two natures in just one person (Schaff 2014, p. 2432). However, he did hold to some means by which the divine could assume the human nature and that the human could be indwelt by the divine. This unity is not "a personal unity, but only a moral unity" (Schaff 2014, p. 2432).
    Because of the assumption that Nestorius was teaching that the divine Logos was born of Mary, Nestorius was broadly attacked and condemned by 429 (Schaff 2014, p. 2433). The battle intensified with the move of Cyril of Alexandria to have Nestorius overthrown (Schaff 2014, p. 2434). Through a letter writing campaign, Cyril warned many, including Pope Celestine, of Nestorius, who was then condemned in 430 (Schaff 2014, p. 2435). Cyril wrote twelve anathemas against Nestorius, who responded in kind. The controversy resulted in an ecumenical council.

"§138. The Ecumenical Council of Ephesus, A.D. 431. The Compromise." (pp. 2435-2441).
    In response to the Nestorian controversy, Emperor Theodosius II called a council in Ephesus in 431 (Schaff 2014, p. 2436). In contrast to the first two ecumenical councils (325 and 381), this third one was passionate and resulted in only negative decisions, specifically, the condemnation of Nestorianism. Both Nestorius and the Alexandrian leaders, all with numerous supporters, were present. Because Nestorius refused to appear in public until all the bishops were assembled, the Alexandrian party anathematized Nestorius in the absence of his testimony (Schaff 2014, p. 2437). Arriving a few days later, supporters of Nestorius condemned and anathematized the statements of Cyril (Schaff 2014, p. 2438). The council of Ephesus was eventually dissolved late in 431, with the combatants set free with a command to return home (Schaff 2014, p. 2439). Two years later, a brief creedal statement composed by Theodoret was released, confessing the two natures in the one person of Christ (Schaff 2014, pp. 2439-2440). Nevertheless, Nestorian thought was condemned. He lived on until at least 439. Teachers who had influenced Nestorius were also broadly condemned (Schaff 2014, p. 2441). 

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The Body of Christ Metaphorically

7/24/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
7/24/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 15: Christ's Mystical Body." (pp. 401-421). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly briefly engages the question of the church in the East failing to mature in its theological statements after the Nicene council of 325 (Kelly 1978, p. 401). Kelly's analysis does find that in the East there is little or no discussion of hierarchy or of the relationship of the churchly society and individual Christian conviction (Kelly 1978, p. 402). However, Kelly considers the theology in the East to have been more complex and developed than the articulations of it would indicate. Expressions of ecclesiology were not of primary importance in the East (Kelly 1978, p. 403). The unity of Christians was of great importance, and was understood to be rooted in Christ. Kelly identifies the importance of this mystical union of Christians in Jesus in some depth.
    During the fourth and fifth centuries, the rise of "the great patriarchates" became more self-conscious (Kelly 1978, p. 406). The major cities rose to prominence as places of influence. As time went by, Kelly finds a greater comfort with an acceptance of the bishop of Rome serving as the primary bishop (Kelly 1978, p. 408).
    Kelly finds that in Western theology it was considered necessary to find points of unity which would gather Christians together (Kelly 1978, p. 409). The unity, as we saw in the East, is an incorporation with Christ's body (Kelly 1978, p. 410). The Donatist controversy, then, rose to a critical level of importance. Among the Donatists, there was suspicion or rejection of those who may have been considered unworthy. A reaction against the Donatists observed that even those who have wavered in their faith may have administered the Sacraments rightly, so their acts would be received (Kelly 1978, p. 411).
    Augustine developed the Western explanations of the Donatist situation in greater depth than Western thinkers before him (Kelly 1978, p. 412). he argued that the schismatics still had the sacraments, though they did not personally benefit from them. As Christ is the head of the body, the whole body of Christ is one unit (Kelly 1978, p. 413). The essence of the Donatist schism, in Augustine's opinion, was their departure from the love of God in Christ. They kept the forms of the sacraments and engaged in holy living but without Christian charity (Kelly 1978, p. 415). Augustine further postulated a distinction between an "essential Church, composed of those who genuinely belong to Christ, and the outward or empirical Church" (Kelly 1978, p. 415). To him, again, the sign of genuine Christian faith could be seen in charity.
    By the mid fifth century, the Roman church had effectively established its primacy in the West and asserted its primacy in the East (Kelly 1978, p. 417). Kelly sees this move activated by the history of Rome and the representative role of popes in doctrinal and political matters. The nature of authority which may have been inherited from Peter was less clear, but gradually came to be seen as normative (Kelly 1978, pp. 418-419). Doctrinal statements tended to follow after an acceptance of the de facto papal primacy (Kelly 1978, p. 420).

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Alexandria and Antioch - Two Natures in One Person

7/22/2025

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Church History
7/22/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§135. General View. Alexandrian and Antiochian Schools." (pp. 2418-2421).
Schaff acknowledges the connection of Christology and the doctrine of the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2418). The incarnation is the link between the two studies. It is impossible to reach a sound view of redemption in Christian thought without an understanding of the Christ, as he is the redeemer. I Schaff's estimation, there are four essential elements in "the orthodox doctrine concerning Christ: He is true God; he is true man; he is one person; and the divine and human in him, with all the personal union and harmony, remain distinct" (Schaff 2014, p. 2419). Rejection of any one of these elements was at the heart of all manner of controversy in early Christianity.
    In the conflict between the Alexandrian and Antiochian schools, the Alexandrian point of view held the divine and human in Christ so close that there was danger of the humanity being lost (Schaff 2014, p. 2420). The Antiochian point of view, on the other hand, was in danger of separation of the divine and human. The challenge was to reach a thoughtful assertion of "the personal unity and the distinction of the two natures in Christ with equal solicitude and precision" (Schaff 2014, p. 2420). The controversies and disputes took place over approximately 200 years. Schaff sees it progressing in five stages, each with a name (Schaff 2014, p. 2421). The Apollinarian, Nestorian, Eutychian, Monophysite, and Monothelite controversies, in that order, began after the council at Nicea in 325 and continued until the council of Constantinople in 680. He goes on in future segments to discuss them in detail.

"§136. The Apollinarian Heresy, A.D. 362-381." (pp. 2421-2427).
    Apollinaris was the bishop of Laodicea. In his attempt to deal with the soul or spirit of Christ, he provoked theological discussion which had never happened previously (Schaff 2014, p. 2422-2423). Athanasius considered Apollinaris highly, yet wrote forcefully against his error.
    Apollinaris, wishing to guard against considerations of Christ having a split personality, and holding to a view that humans consist of a body, a soul, and a spirit, "attributed to Christ a human body, and a human (animal) soul, but not a human spirit or reason; putting the divine Logos in the place of the human spirit" (Schaff 2014, p. 2423). This view denied the complete humanity of Christ. Apollinaris defended his view based on Scriptures which indicate the Word becoming flesh, not spirit. The view of Apollinaris was rejected by Gregory Nazianzen and by Epiphanius (Schaff 2014, p. 2424). The doctrine was rejected by a council at Alexandria in 362. From 375 until his death in 390, Apollinaris worked with a sect of his own, pursuing his view. Schaff notes that Apollinaris' writings are lost, except for fragments quoted by his opponents (Schaff 2014, p. 2424).
    Apollinaris, denying the possibility of two natures in one Christ, asserted that the spirit, as the place where sin resides, must have been divine, while the soul, which lacks a will, and the body, would be human (Schaff 2014, p. 2425). Apollinaris further considered the suffering of Christ in only his humanity to be inadequate to work salvation. Thus the divine spirit suffered. In response to this idea, Apollinaris' opponents accused him of making the deity die. In Schaff's view, the doctrines of Apollinaris were adequately complex to make his disciples teach a wide variety of views (Schaff 2014, p. 2425).
    The Church refused the views of Apollinaris, especially because they could lead to a partially Docetic view and ruin the humanity of Christ, an essential element in the doctrines of salvation. "Athanasius, the two Gregories, Basil, and Epiphanius combated the Apollinarian error, but with a certain embarrassment, attacking it rather from behind and from the flank, than in front, and unprepared to answer duly its main point, that two integral persons cannot form one person" (Schaff 2014, p. 2426). This was a development of later orthodoxy. The Apollinarians were condemned in councils in 377, 378, and 381, and by imperial decrees in 388, 397, and 428 (Schaff 2014, p. 2426). 

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Concepts of Salvation in Early Christianity

7/17/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
7/17/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 14: Christ's Saving Work." (pp. 375-400). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly sees discussion of the nature of redemption to have been a battle-ground in the Church beginning in the 12th century. For this reason, the doctrines of soteriology were not clearly articulated in early Christianity (Kelly 1978, p. 375). However, three rather significant points of view do emerge. First, by the time of Irenaeus, we find a "physical" or "mystical" theory, in which the Incarnation by its very act transformed human nature (Kelly 1978, p. 375). Another theory suggested redemption as a ransom paid to the Devil. A third view, often called "realist," retained a focus on Christ's sufferings. Here the salient factor is Jesus' work to suffer for sins (Kelly 1978, p. 376). The three views can often be seen to complement one another As in other chapters, Kelly walks through a number of Fathers and regional schools to identify the presence of different teachings.
    Athanasius typically looks to the view that, by becoming man, Christ "restored the divine image in us, but blended with this is the conviction that His death was necessary to release us from the curse of sin, and that He offered Himself in sacrifice for us" (Kelly 1978, p. 377). Only Jesus can restore us to the image of God This work is often phrased in terms of deification (Kelly 1978, p. 378). Christ's death is sufficient to pay the penalty for all men's sin. It is this which releases us from the bondage of sin (Kelly 1978, p. 380). 
    The fourth century Greek fathers, particularly Gregory of Nyssa, articulated a physical theory of redemption (Kelly 1978, p. 380). In the Greek Fathers, it is clear that the incarnation is the root of redemption. Jesus takes us into himself, becoming the ground of our salvation (Kelly 1978, p. 381). Jesus' resurrection is the event which particularly serves as our resurrection as well. Gregory of Nyssa also considered fallen humanity to have been the possession, in some way, of the Devil. Jesus' death therefore broke the bonds of death in which the Devil held us (Kelly 1978, p. 382). His sacrifice therefore both satisfies God's justice and rescues us from death. This same view was held by Basil of Caesarea (Kelly 1978, p. 383). These points of view could be understood as saying that God needed to pay a ransom to the Devil. John Chrysostom built a case which was less open to this charge. In his teaching, the Devil's ability to hold mankind captive was the natural result of human sin. It was the work of the sinless Jesus which made the Devil's claims to dominion over humanity null and void (Kelly 1978, p. 384). Thus no ransom was paid to the Devil. Rather, his power was broken by the application of a redeemed condition to men. The sacrifice of Christ is offered to the Father on behalf of sinful humans. This substitutionary sacrifice is clear in Eusebius of Caesarea and Cyril of Jerusalem (Kelly 1978, p. 384). This view appears in numerous other Greek Fathers.
    Kelly finds that Western views of the fourth century are largely in accord with the Eastern views (Kelly 1978, p. 386). In many instances, this could be seen as a form of Platonic realism, as Jesus is the human form who recreates humanity in his own image. By his incarnation Jesus re-makes sinful humans (Kelly 1978, p. 387). He also broke the bondage to sin which involved the Devil as the one who kept sinful man imprisoned. Though Kelly finds a focus on the power of the Devil being broken by Jesus, there is also an acknowledgement tha Jesus' death served as the perfect sacrifice before God, thus releasing us from God's condemnation (Kelly 1978, p. 388). Ambrose particularly points out that the judgment against sin remained, but the one to be punished was changed from sinful man to the sinless Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 389).
    Augustine drew the various threads of doctrine together, setting the tone for medieval thought in the West (Kelly 1978, p. 390). He grounded his teaching on Christ as the mediator between God and man. In his view, that biblical concept was the starting point for our understanding of salvation in Christ. Jesus' role as mediator starts with the incarnation, by which he participates in our humanity and allows us to participate in his immortality (Kelly 1978, p. 391). The Devil who held sinful man in bondage, never really had rights over man. Jesus' death broke the bondage, which had been claimed illegitimately by the Devil (Kelly 1978, p. 392). The defeat of the Devil takes place because God's justice has been satisfied, therefore the Devil is unable to make any claim at all on redeemed humans.
    Kelly does not find any early fifth century figures in the East who compare with Augustine in the West (Kelly 1978, p. 395). The realist theories tend to come to prominence, in the writings, for example, of Theodore of Mopsuestia. The incarnation redeems man from sin, with the redemption being applied in the death of Christ as a ransom, both from and to God. The concept of satisfying the Devil's claim on sinful humanity fell into the background (Kelly 1978, p. 396). He was rather seen as a conquered usurper. The death of Christ, and particularly his resurrection, served to break the power of death (Kelly 1978, p. 398).  

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Controversy Surrounding Origen

7/15/2025

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Church History
7/15/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§133. The Origenistic Controversy in Palestine. Epiphanius, Rufinus, and Jerome, A.D. 394-399." (pp. 2411-2415).
    Schaff depicts the disputes which led to Origen's eventual condemnation as frequently petty and personal in nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2412). In Schaff's view, the move of a great mind, such as Origen's, often provokes further attempts to determine whether ideas are orthodox. An idea may appear unorthodox or even heretical at first glance. Further testing of the idea leads to acceptance or rejection.
    In the case of Origen, "independent followers of Origen drew from his writings much instruction and quickening, without committing themselves to his words, and, advancing with the demands of the time, attained a clearer knowledge of the specific doctrines of Christianity than Origen himself, without thereby losing esteem for his memory and his eminent services" (Schaff 2014, p. 2413). Others followed Origen but blindly, assuming he was right regardless of evidence which could be brought to the contrary. Similar in approach, but opposite in outlook, some opposed any idea articulated by Origen, and also condemned any discussion and debate about the ideas. Schaff finds the polemics from this perspective to be quite forceful (Schaff 2014, p. 2414). We note that these polemics, in large part, occurred after the death of Origen.

"§134. The Origenistic Controversy in Egypt and Constantinople. Theophilus and Chrysostom A.D. 399-407." (pp. 2415-2418).
    In Egypt, the bishop Theophilus of Alexandria, originally a supporter of Origen's views, after a dispute with other supporters of Origen, rejected Origen in forceful terms (Schaff 2014, p. 2415). This controversy eventually led to Chrysostom being drawn into the dispute, though he was not a philosophical theologian in any way. The dispute then came to be one between Theophilus and Chrysostom (Schaff 2014, p. 2416). Amid political intrigue, Chrysostom was banished and eventually was compared with John the Baptist in his death (Schaff 2014, p. 2417).
    After these controversies, Schaff finds theological inquiry and development in the Greek church to have come to a halt (Schaff 2014, p. 2418). The Christological controversies progressed no more in the East.

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Augustine and Pelagius: Grace and Free Will

7/10/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
7/10/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 13: Fallen Man and God's Grace." (pp. 344-374). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly views the Christian understanding of the fallen nature of man to have been fairly positive at the start of the Christian period. Especially in contrast to Manichaean fatalism and Gnostic views that matter is evil, Christianity held an optimistic point of view (Kelly 1978, p. 344). In reaction to Pelagius, however, the scale tipped toward a more negative view, especially in the writings of Augustine.
    Kelly describes the two important theories about the origin of the soul in the period leading up to Augustine. Most took the soul to be created individually when infused into the body. This "creationist" view was consistent with much Greek philosophy and was broadly accepted. Kelly mentions Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome, and Pelagius as adherents to creationism (Kelly 1978, p. 345). Augustine, however, found himself leaning toward "traducian" explanations, in which the soul comes into existence, generated from the parents, and is not separable from the body. This view is hinted at in Gregory of Nyssa, though it is more clear in Tertullian. Kelly does observe of Augustine, however, "despite his bias to traducianism, he could never make up his mind about the matter, and in his later writings frankly confessed that he was baffled" (Kelly 1978, p. 346).
    To introduce the Greek view of the human condition, Kelly reviews Athanasius' testimony, which "is a blend of Platonizing metaphysics and the Genesis story" (Kelly 1978, p. 346). As a creature, man has an ephemeral physicality. However, he is also given the generous favor of God. This makes him blessed and enables communion with God. The failure of Adam and Eve to keep their attention focused on God brought death and destruction (Kelly 1978, p. 347). Athanasius seems to have thought that humans could turn to God through their own volition, but that it would not seem natural to them.
    Athanasius' view strongly influenced the Greek fathers (Kelly 1978, p. 348). The Cappadocians viewed creation strongly in terms of the Platonic Forms, with the Edenic world as the world of Forms. Even after the fall, in which the humans had misused their free will, the nature is only badly defaced, and we are not guilty of sin transmitted to us by Adam's fall (Kelly 1978, p. 349). However, in some way, they still hold that sin is characteristic. it is the rule, rather than the exception (Kelly 1978, p. 351). To reverse the pattern of sin was generally seen as a cooperative work between the divine and human will.
    Kelly notes that we have little information from the West about the human nature prior to Augustine. The witness we do have is mainly from Ambrose and from Ambrosiaster (Kelly 1978, p. 353). They, in turn, may have drawn considerable inspiration from the Cappadocians. The sin of Adam received more attention in the West than in the East, as did the potential for a sinful nature to be transmitted to subsequent generations. hereditary sins are forgiven in baptism, while individual sins are forgiven in the washing of feet, according to Ambrose (Kelly 1978, p. 355, citing De myst. 32; enarr. in ps. 48.8). In Ambrosiaster, humans become guilty because they sin, rather than being born guilty (Kelly 1978, p. 356). 
    In Kelly's analysis, the existence side by side of a concept of the fallen nature and of human responsibility could be expected to lead to conflict due to the subtle nuance needed to reconcile their relationship (Kelly 1978, p. 347). The clash came about as Augustine, in 396, referred to mankind as a "lump of sin." At that time, Pelagius, teaching in Rome, taught a positive view of human nature. Against Augustine's emphasis on the need for God to give what we need so we can receive him, Pelagius emphasized unconditional free will and human responsibility. Pelagius' view was that God had given humans the ability to realize their state and to act with their free will to turn toward or away from God (Kelly 1978, p. 358). They did not have a predisposition in either direction. Grace is an offer God makes to all, especially through the external means of His Word (Kelly 1978, p. 360). The Christian life then becomes largely an effort of the will, which strives to follow God in Christ.
    Augustine had worked out his view of human nature before the rise of Pelagius' teaching (Kelly 1978, p. 361). From a created state of human perfection, Adam fell due to his own fault (Kelly 1978, p. 362). Augustine's understanding of the nature of sin and Adam's guilt depended on many passages of Scripture. He further understood the practice of infant baptism to acknowledge the sin inherent even in newborns (Kelly 1978, p. 363). Every human, in Augustine's view, was involved in Adam's sin, since all came from Adam (Kelly 1978, p. 364). Our inclination is always toward sin, although we have a terribly hindered spark of virtue in us due to our original creation in the image of God. We have further lost the liberty of doing good and avoiding evil which Adam had (Kelly 1978, p. 365). Kelly does note that Augustine still thought man had a free will, but that it was predisposed to choose evil.
    Augustine's view of human nature and sin, therefore, indicated that without an infusion of God's grace we would never attempt to do what is good (Kelly 1978, p. 366). Augustine saw several facets of God's grace. By "prevenient' grace God stirs our will up. By "cooperating" grace he moves our will which has been stirred up. There is "sufficient" grace which allows us to seek the good. Then there is "efficient" grace which enables us to do the good God expects (Kelly 1978, p. 367). Kelly observes that within Augustine's point of view, not all people receive the gift of sufficient or efficient grace, as not all are recipients of salvation (Kelly 1978, p. 369). The mystery of God having mercy on whom he wills and hardening whom he wills remains a genuine mystery.
    Pelagianism was officially rejected in the council of Carthage in 418 (Kelly 1978, p. 369). Essential to the rejection were the Pelagian stances that death was inherent in human nature, that sin was not inherited from Adam, and that an infusion of grace was not necessary to draw humans to salvation (Kelly 1978, p. 370). Those three elements of Pelagian thought separated it from orthodoxy. Kelly notes there were further discussions involving views which, since the 17th century, have been called semi-Pelagian. They would still insist that free will to choose to believe is inherent in all humans (Kelly 1978, p. 370). These views have continued to be opposed as they disputed the extent of the fall into sin and minimized the need for God's work in salvation (Kelly 1978, pp. 371-372).
    As Kelly describes it, the concept of the human nature and sin in the East developed rather along the lines of Augustine's view. Cyril of Alexandria saw Adam's sin as corrupting the human nature. While we are not responsible with Adam, we are ruined with Adam (Kelly 1978, p. 372). While Cyril saw a human free will, he did not believe it could recapture the perfection of Adam. The Antiochene school, illustrated by Theodore and Theodoret, is compatible with the Alexandrian view.  

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The Interrelationship of the Persons of the Godhead

7/8/2025

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Church History
7/8/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§131. The Post- Nicene Trinitarian Doctrine of Augustine." (pp. 240-2404).
    Schaff observes that the Greek church largely ended inquiry about the Trinity with the Nicene Creed. However, in the West, Augustine carried the work farther, pointing toward the development of the Athanasian Creed, which Schaff takes to be dated in the fifth century (Schaff 2014, p. 2400). Schaff summarizes Augustine's developments.
    First, Augustine demonstrated that consubstantiality rejected subordinationism. While God is of one substance in three persons, the essence is unified, so no person of the Trinity is inferior to another (Schaff 2014, p. 2400). The persons of the Trinity do not subsist individually, but as a whole.
    Augustine taught that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son, though primarily from the Father (Schaff 2014, p. 2401). He interpreted the Nicene Creed's statement of the Spirit proceeding from the Father as a polemical statement against those Pneumatomachi, who would make the  Spirit part of the created order. In general, Augustine's view of the role of the Son in sending the Holy Spirit was broadly accepted in the West and in many parts of the East. The controversy over the filioque arose in the ninth century, in the context of debate about its inclusion in the creed as an alteration (Schaff 2014, p. 2403). Schaff considers the root of the controversy not to be the actual doctrine. Rather, in his view, the issue is "the contrast between the conservative and stationary theology of the East . . . and the progressive and systematizing theology of the West" (Schaff 2014, p. 2403).

"§132. The Athanasian Creed." (pp. 2404-2411).
    Schaff provides a substantial bibliography for the Athanasian Creed. This creed is regularly considered the third of the ecumenical confessions, and signals the end of the orthodox development of description of the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2405). Schaff presents it both in Latin and English, also including "parallel passages from Augustine and other older writers" (Schaff 2014, p. 2405).
    The Athanasian Creed is not considered to be by Athanasius or even from his time period. Schaff finds no trace of it through the third or fourth centuries (Schaff 2014, p. 2408). In the Greek church it first appears in the eleventh or twelfth century. Tellingly, those manuscripts omit the concept of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son (Schaff 2014, p. 2409). Schaff dates the composition to the mid fifth century, no later than 570, and probably in Gaul (Schaff 2014, p. 2409).
    The brief articles of the Athanasian Creed sum up the relationship of the persons of the Trinity to one another in such a way as to answer the various Christological debates of the early church (Schaff 2014, p. 2410). The Trinity is one in substance but three in persons. Christ has the entirety of a divine and a human nature. Those who deny these tenets are condemned. It is necessary to believe in the real and living triune God who saves through the divine/human Jesus.
    Schaff closes the segment with a brief bibliography of works concerning the controversies about Origen (Schaff 2014, p. 2410-2411) He proceeds in section 133 to discuss that controversy from the end of the fourth century. 

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Mother of God or Mother of Christ?

7/3/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
7/3/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 12: The Christological Settlement." (pp. 310-343). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    Kelly considers the period of 428-451 as a critical time of Christological evaluation, as the start is marked by the beginning of Nestorianism and the end by the council of Chalcedon (Kelly 1978, p. 310). He has previously described the basic positions as "Word-flesh," in which the Word is of primary interest and the human soul in Christ is downplayed, and the "Word-man" position, in which the real and complete human nature in Christ may become of prime importance. The clash of theology, politics, and personalities was a pronounced factor in the discussion. The terms used in the debates were applied to Mary. Whether she was θεοτόκος (God-bearer) or χριστοτόκος (Christ-bearer) took on importance (Kelly 1978, p. 311). Nestorius, followed by Theodore of Mopsuestia, maintaining that God cannot have a mother, argued for χριστοτόκος. The other view, in his opinion, is Arian as it asserts the Son as a creature.  Cyril of Alexandria, on the other hand, maintained that Nestorius' position advocated adoptionism and divided the Christ into two persons (Kelly 1978, pp. 311-312). Later, Nestorius, in his Book of Heracleides, which was only re-discovered in the 20th century, endorses the view of Chalcedon, demonstrating that Nestorius was not a Nestorian (Kelly 1978, p. 312).
    Kelly finds that Nestorius considered the divine and human natures in Jesus each to be complete, unaltered, and distinct. At the same time, neither could be diminished and they could not be separated (Kelly 1978, p. 312). He was clear that Chrsit is one and only one person, but bearing two natures (Kelly 1978, p. 314). Kelly observes that Nestorius took a divergent view of the communication of attributes. Rather than maintaining that in Christ the divine took on some of the attributes of the human, Nestorius saw it as a moot point, as both the human and the divine were fully operational in the one person of Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 316).
    Cyril of Alexandria vigorously opposed Nestorius, taking him to create "a merely external association between the Word and an ordinary man" (Kelly 1978, p. 318, Kelly's words). This could lead to the idea that an ordinary man died on the cross and that there is no divine presence in the Eucharist. In Kelly's opinion, Cyril's understanding of Nestorius was strongly influenced by the fact that Cyril adhered to the "Word-flesh" view, rather than the "Word-man" view. Cyril's response to the Nestorian controversy was to forcefully emphasize the unity of Christ almost to the exclusion of the existence of two natures (Kelly 1978, p. 321). Kelly observes that with the passage of time, Cyril came to see a greater role of the fully human nature in his Christology than he had before, though he always guarded against any hint of separating the two natures (Kelly 1978, p. 323).
    Cyril and Nestorius both appealed to Pope Celestine, with a considerable volume of writing on the part of Cyril. On August 11, 430, Celestine condemned the teaching of Nestorius in writing, giving him ten days after receiving notification to repudiate his points of view (Kelly 1978, p. 324). Cyril was responsible for evaluating any change. He, accordingly, sent Nestorius a set of twelve anathemas for his agreement. This action, along with the wording of the anathemas, which were predictably offensive to Antiochene theologians, was problematic to Pope Celestine (Kelly 1978, p. 325). The conflict between the Antiochian and Alexandrian factions persisted. In June of 431, in Ephesus, Cyril held a council in which Nestorius was deposed and anathematized (Kelly 1978, p. 327). The Antiochian delegation, which had been delayed, four days later deposed Cyril and rejected his anathemas. When the papal delegation arrived two weeks later, they took the side of Cyril. Kelly goes on to describe the correspondence among the parties to the debate in some detail. Much of the dissent had died down by 433 (Kelly 1978, p. 330). However, in 448, a Christological controversy arose again.
    "Matters were brought to a head by the cause of Eutyches, the aged and muddle-headed archimandrite who, because of the favour and influence he enjoyed at court, found himself the rallying-point of all who disliked the accord of 433" (Kelly 1978, p. 331). In November of 448, he was condemned as teaching a form of monophysitism in which the humanity of Christ was absorbed by his divinity. Kelly describes Eutyches' views in some detail, citing a number of self-contradictory statements. Eutyches was reinstated in August of 449, though some of the erroneous formulations involved in the dispute were condemned (Kelly 1978, p. 334).
    In Western Christianity, Kelly sees little Christological development (Kelly 1978, p. 334). The theologians associated with Rome tended to describe the divine and human natures in Christ, but were hesitant to suggest any new formulation (Kelly 1978, pp. 335-336). Consistent with this pattern, Leo's Tome, written in response to the controversy over Eutyches, serves as a commentary on ideas already widely articulated (Kelly 1978, p. 337). This work did go a long way toward bridging the rift between Antioch and Alexandria (Kelly 1978, p. 338). 
    Kelly notes that, while the synod which rehabilitated Eutyches was an imperial synod, Leo's work with the Time was under papal control (Kelly 1978, p. 338). The conflict between emperor and pope was defused by the accidental death of the emperor in July of 450. The new emperor, Marcian, called a council in Chalcedon in 451 to resolve differences in faith (Kelly 1978, p. 339). The council, rather than creating a new Christological confession, drew from a number of previous works, creating a mosaic of orthodox explanations of Jesus (Kelly 1978, p. 341). The existence of a fully divine nature and a fully human nature in the one person of Christ was well established in the West (Kelly 1978, p. 342). The East, however, retained some monophysitic tendencies.

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The Importance of Accurate, Specific Terminology in Theological Discussions

7/1/2025

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Church History
7/1/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§129. The Nicene and Constantinopolitan Creed." (pp. 2388-2391).
    A comparison of the Nicene Creed and the Constantinopolitan Creed may serve as a useful summary of the theological debates of the fourth century. Schaff provides a parallel version, signifying differences by use of brackets and italic type (Schaff 2014, pp. 2388-9). The electronic version which I have in my library does not reflect the columns and has trouble with the Greek text, so is of rather little use at this point. After the Greek there is an English translation, which is easier to compare. Schaff considers the creed of Constantinople to be "a considerable improvement on the Nicene" (Schaff 2014, p. 2390). He particularly favors the expansion of the third article, which creates more symmetry. After the council of Chalcedon in 451 the Constantinopolitan version generally replaced the Nicene version (Schaff 2014, p. 2391). In the West, the addition of the filioque statement added in Toledo in 589 provoked disputes which endure to the present (Schaff 2014, p. 2391).

"§130. The Nicene, Doctrine of the Trinity. The Trinitarian Terminology." (pp. 2391-2400).
    Because of the articulation of the full deity of the Holy Spirit, during the fourth century it became possible to move toward articulations of the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2391). Fourth century Fathers, such as Gregory of Nyssa, saw the doctrine of the Trinity as an effectual guard against polytheism and an unthinking or abstract monotheism such as might be seen in the Sabellians or the later Deists (Schaff 2014, p. 2392). In the end, the orthodox Christians confessed that while the Trinity could be described it evaded explanation.
    Schaff goes on by summarizing essential elements of the doctrine of the Trinity. First, "there is only one divine essence or substance" (Schaff 2014, p. 2393). God is not separable into different types of being. The three persons of the Godhead are also not three specific individuals as we observe among humans. They are still one God (Schaff 2014, p. 2394).
    Second, in the divine essence "there are three persons or, to use a better term, hypostases, that is, three different modes of subsistence of the one individual and indivisible whole" (Schaff 2014, p. 2394). Each person is fully divine and in agreement with each other person (Schaff 2014, p. 2395). This sets orthodox Christianity apart from both Sabellianism and from modalism. While analogies of the Trinity abound in creation, all fall short of describing the Trinity (Schaff 2014, p. 2396). 
    Another element of Trinitarian explanation (Schaff numbers this as fourth, though I find no third point) is that the persons interpenetrate one another (Schaff 2014, p. 2397). They do this constantly and without hindrance.
    Fifth, the Trinity may be seen in both of two ways. One is the constitution, what the persons are made of . The other is of manifestation, what the persons appear to be (Schaff 2014, p. 2397).
    Sixth, in some way there is a subordination among the persons of the Trinity. However, this is not a subordination of essence but only of hypostasis. It is functional rather than inherent in the divine nature (Schaff 2014, p. 2398). This distinction has historically been very challenging to make, as analogies are few and far between.

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June/July 2025 Newsletter

6/28/2025

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Get our June/July 2025 Newsletter now, while supplies last :)
June/July 2025 Newsletter
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Two Natures and One Person

6/26/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
6/26/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 11: Fourth Century Christology." (pp. 280-309). Harper: San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    In Kelly's view, the Nicene council did not deal comprehensively with the nature of Christ as incarnate (Kelly 1978, p. 280). The problem discussed was, rather, the divine nature of the Father and the Son. In this chapter Kelly discusses fourth century Christology as it developed in the East, a more fertile bed for theological pursuits than the West. At issue was primarily whether Christ had a human soul or whether he was the divine Logos but possessing human flesh (Kelly 1978, p. 281).
    In Arian thought, Christ was divine but possessed human flesh. However, his humanity was defective, as he did not have a fully human soul (Kelly 1978, p. 282). In contrast to this view were teachers from Antioch, particularly Eustathius, who sharply questioned the Arian commitment to Christ not having a human nature (Kelly 1978, p. 283). Athanasius, when involved in this discussion, pointed out that in the incarnation, Jesus still was transcendent and had sovereign power over all creation. Yet he was entirely human, having been born of a virgin and having taken on humanity, not merely physicality (Kelly 1978, p. 285). There is thus no dividing of God the Son into the one who is divine and the one who is human. It is the same God the Son who does miracles and who becomes hungry (Kelly 1978, p. 286). Yet Athanasius failed to confirm or deny the existence of a human soul in Jesus. He endorsed Jesus' mind, soul, and intelligence, but was not ready to separate these from the divine nature (Kelly 1978, p. 288).
    The work of Apollinarius of Laodicea pushed the Alexandrian logic about the person of Christ to its limit (Kelly 1978, p. 289). He accordingly rejected the idea of a human mind in Jesus. This was a natural outcome of the thought that the eternal Word of God merely took on flesh, rather than taking on humanity (Kelly 1978, p. 290). Kelly cites Gregory of Nazianzus as rejecting Apollinarianism as a heresy which separates God the Son into two different beings, one the Son of God and the other the son of Mary (Kelly 1978, p. 290). This would effectively mean that Jesus, merely as a man, would be unable to save humans from sin (Kelly 1978, p. 291). Apollinarius saw Jesus as gaining life as the Word of God, thus the divine element making him able to live as if he were human. Jesus' real humanity was thus denied (Kelly 1978, p. 292). 
    Kelly observes that, though Apollinarius had engaged in brilliant logical analysis, he faced a swift and forceful response from more orthodox voices. In particular, he had failed to recognize "that to achieve man's salvation, the Only-begotten must have assumed a complete manhood" (Kelly 1978, p. 295). Accordingly, Apollinarius was condemned by a council at Rome in 377, by a synod in Alexandria in 378, and in Antioch in 379, then by the council of Constantinople in 381 (Kelly 1978, p. 296). His view which forced a logical division of the divine and human natures in Christ and eventually denied the human nature rejected the picture given of Jesus in Scripture. Orthodoxy requires that God the Son be fully divine and fully human. While Gregory Nazianzen and Gregory of Nyssa differed in some of the outworking, they nonetheless took Jesus to be fully divine and fully human at the same time (Kelly 1978, p. 298).
    Despite the rejection of Apollinarius, Kelly notes the Alexandrian school retained a conceptual framework based on the Word taking on flesh, yet possibly not having an entirely normal human soul (Kelly 1978, p. 302). It was in the Antiochene school, toward the end of the fourth century and the start of the fifth century, that this was articulated. These thinkers insisted that the incarnate God had an entirely normal human spirit and mind. Kelly discusses this view as articulated by Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia (Kelly 1978, pp. 302ff). Both were accused of Nestorianism due to the difficulty of maintaining that the deity and humanity of Christ were unmixed though not separable (Kelly 1978, p. 303). Moreso than Diodore, Theodore argued that the human nature of Christ was necessary in order for him to suffer from the weaknesses common to humanity. If he did not have a normal human nature, he would never suffer from hunger, thirst, or fatigue (Kelly 1978, p. 304). It was within this human nature that he was able t purchase salvation. The paradigm described, then, is not God the Son as the Word and flesh, but as the Word and man (Kelly 1978, p. 304). The two natures are fully present and cannot be separated, though, in theory, it is possible to draw some descriptive distinctions.
    Theodore of Mopsuestia was roundly accused of holding the concepts of the later Nestorian heresy due to his willingness to accept, in theory, that the deity and humanity of Christ could be distinguished (Kelly 1978, p. 307). However, Kelly observes that much scholarly examination of his writings has shown that he was no kind of Nestorian. He was unwilling to accept any attempt to separate the two natures in Christ. God the Son, in the incarnation, remains one person, though with two natures (Kelly 1978, p. 308). 

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The Persons of the Trinity As Having One Substance

6/24/2025

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Church History
6/24/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§127. The Nicene Doctrine of the Consubstantiality of the Son with the Father." (pp. 2378-2384).
    Schaff, identifying Athanasius as the most powerful representative of the Nicean view of the nature of Christ, observes that this dispute was at the center of the dispute between Arians and orthodox teaching (Schaff 2014, p. 2378). At issue was the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son. In negative terms, orthodoxy denies that the Son is, by nature, part of the created order. In positive terms, the Nicene Creed asserts the full essential deity of Christ (Schaff 2014, p. 2379). The reality of the Father and the Son, of one substance, rejects the idea that Father and Son are indistinguishable (Sabellianism). God can be one God in three persons of the same nature. Each person of the Godhead remains fully God (Schaff 2014, p. 2380).
    The Nicene view requires that generation and creation be distinguished from one another. "Generation is an immanent, necessary, and perpetual process in the essence of God himself, the Father's eternal communication of essence or self to the Son; creation, on the contrary, is an outwardly directed, free, single act of the will of God, bringing forth a different temporal substance out of nothing" (Schaff 2014, p. 2381). Of special significance to our understanding of divine generation is that while human generation produces "a new essence of the same kind," in divine generation "the begotten is identical in essence with the begetter" (Schaff 2014, p. 2381). Further, implicit in the divine nature, both Father and Son are eternal (Schaff 2014, p. 2382).
    The nature of God as redemptive requires that rescue from sin be performed by God. Schaff summarizes that "[i]f Christ were a creature he could not redeem other creatures from sin and death" (Schaff 2014, p. 2383). Athanasius described the concept of the Father without the Son as self-contradictory. The Son cannot be separated from the Father. For this reason, the Son is worthy of worship, as he is entirely divine (Schaff 2014, p. 2384).

"§128. The Doctrine of the Holy Spirit." (pp. 2384-2388).
    In Schaff's estimation, the issue of the deity of the Holy Spirit is tied to that of the Son (Schaff 2014, p. 2384). Because the Arians took the Holy Spirit to be a creation of the Son and thus subordinate to the Son as the Son to the Father, they held a radically different view of the Trinity from that held in orthodox Christianity 2385). Schaff notes that there were also adherents to Nicene Christianity who viewed the Holy Spirit as "an impersonal power or attribute of God" (Schaff 2014, p. 2385). The difficulty may have been rooted in an inability to find biblical passages in which the Holy Spirit is called God in unambiguous terms (Schaff 2014, p. 2386). Yet the historic baptismal formula, benedictions, and doxologies affirmed a divine triad. Therefore, the fourth century theologians worked to demonstrate the equal divinity of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.
    To demonstrate the consubstantial essence of the Holy Spirit with the Father and Son, theologians observed the fact that the Holy Spirit is never considered as part of the created order (Schaff 2014, p. 2387). He is omnipresent, eternal, and omniscient. He does "the divine work of regeneration and sanctification" (Schaff 2014, p. 2387), and is treated in all ways as God, equal to the Father and the Son. As an attempt to defend against confusion that could suggest God has two sons, a distinction was made between the Son being begotten and the Spirit proceeding (Schaff 2014, p. 2387).  

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Articulating the Doctrine of the Trinity

6/19/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
6/19/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 10: The Doctrine of the Trinity." (pp. 252-279). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    As the fourth century progressed, the Nicene formulation regarding the full deity of the Son led to further evaluation of the nature of the Trinity (Kelly 1978, p. 252). The growing acceptance of the Nicene point of view that the Father and the Son were of the same substance led to a recognition of the Holy Spirit as equally divine. Kelly notes a further element in the discussion of doctrine in the reign of Julian the Apostate (361), who allowed extensive interaction among different factions, possibly hoping that the conflict would put an end to Christianity. In the long run, the debate was not so much about the terms used, but about the concepts underlying the terms (Kelly 1978, p. 254).
    With this matter more or less resolved, the nature of the Holy Spirit became a more central element for consideration (Kelly 1978, p. 256). He was easily recognized as a member of the Trinity. Yet the problem of discussing substance in the case of a spirit was significant. Athanasius, responding to some Egyptian Christians who understood the Holy Spirit as inferior and part of creation, described the Holy Spirit as "fully divine, consubstantial with the Father and the Son" (Kelly 1978, p. 257, Kelly's summary). The Holy Spirit is a person of the Godhead and not a part of the created order.
    The Cappadocian Fathers, though exercising caution, developed Athanasius' view of the Holy Spirit, describing his being given "from the Father through the Son" (Kelly 1978, p. 259). Their view was not universally embraced, as there remained those who would deny consubstantiality of the persons of the Godhead regardless. yet the Cappadocian Fathers' point of view did gradually become more broadly accepted (Kelly 1978, p. 260). Kelly observes that the remaining Arians complained of the Cappadocians that they held to the Father having two sons. This required articulating the different origin of the Son and the Spirit. The statement which proved definitive was that of Gregory of Nyssa, who taught that the Spirit "is out of God and is of Christ' He proceeds out of the Father and receives from the Son; He cannot be separated from the Word" (Kelly 1978, p. 262).
    Kelly observes that this discussion of the Holy Spirit formed the backdrop for the council of Constantinople in 381 (Kelly 1978, p. 263). There the Holy Spirit was formally described in an ecumenically endorsed statement as consubstantial with the Father and the Son. The three persons of the Godhead are seen as undivided, though existing in three persons (Kelly 1978, p. 264). The terms "Father," "Son," and "Holy Spirit" may essentially be understood to describe relation, while "God" describes essence (Kelly 1978, p. 266). The issue of divisibility persisted, as there is debate (as early as Aristotle) as to whether anything non-material is divisible. The solution reached by the Cappadocians was that though each Person of the Godhead is one, they cannot be added together, as there is only one unique nature involved (Kelly 1978, p. 268).
    The consideration of the nature of the Trinity in the East was paralleled in the West. By the time of Ambrose, theologians were articulating one God in three persons (Kelly 1978, p. 269). Kelly notes in particular the work of Victorinus. He considered that the living nature of God is, in effect, always moving, and thus capable of eternal generation without change, as the unchanging nature of a moving God is to do things (Kelly 1978, p. 270). The different persons of the Trinity are all equally God but typically perform different roles.
    Augustine was, in Kelly's opinion, the one who provided the definitive articulations of the Trinity in the West (Kelly 1978, p. 271). Kelly references Augustine's work De Trinitate, assembled at various times from 399 and 419. Augustine takes the fact of one God in three persons as a Scriptural given, then creates exposition based on that idea (Kelly 1978, p. 272). God is one, and each member of the Trinity is fully divine and of the same nature. Kelly sees Augustine's view as well described in the Athanasian Creed, which he dates later than Augustine (Kelly 1978, p. 273). Augustine was not satisfied with the term "persons," yet he accepted it as a matter of common use (Kelly 1978, p. 274). Yet, as opposed to the Arians, he rejected the idea that a "person" might imply a distinction of substance. As to the procession of the Spirit, Augustine took Him to be the Spirit of both the Father and the Son. he would therefore teach that the Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son (Kelly 1978, p. 275). Yet he definitively rejected the idea that the Father begot the Son and the Spirit, using the language of procession instead (Kelly 1978, p. 276).
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Bad Doctrine as a Reaction to Bad Doctrine

6/17/2025

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Church History
6/17/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§125. Semi-Arianism." (pp. 2374-2375).
    In the years following the Nicene council, Schaff observes that some tried to hold a moderating point of view between that of the orthodox and the Arians. These "simi-Arians" were, in Schaff's view, attempting to use tactics of political compromise to gain acceptance of their subordinationist teachings when couched in vague language (Schaff 2014, p. 2374). The teaching did reject the stark affirmation of Christ having a different nature than the Father (hetero-ousion), but it also makes no insistence on Christ having the same nature as the Father (homo-ousion). The term "similar" (homoi-ousion) is preferred. There is an assertion of the eternal generation of the Son, and that he is not a created being (Schaff 2014, p. 2375). The Athanasians rejected the Semi-Arian position as there is not a middle point in essence. Either the Son has the same essence as the Father or he does not.

"§126. Revived Sabellianism. Marcellus and Photinus." (pp. 2375-2378).
    In the course of the dispute with Arianism, another error arose. As is often the case, this one was used by the advocates of orthodoxy. Marcellus, from Ancyra, "so pushed the doctrine of the consubstantiality of Christ that he impaired the personal distinction of Father and Son, and, at least in phraseology, fell into a refined form of Sabellianism" (Schaff 2014, p. 2376). In effect, he held to such a unity of the Father and Son that they could be seen as one person until the incarnation. Marcellus therefore became a polarizing figure as he entered into error due to his strong stance against another error. Schaff describes the logical process which led to his error in some detail (Schaff 2014, p. 2377).

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What Was Arius Trying to Do?

6/12/2025

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Thursday Scholarly Notes
6/12/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 9: The Nicene Crisis." (pp. 223-251). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
Kelly takes the start of the fourth century to open a new phase of the development of Christian doctrine. In this period the question of the nature of the Godhead came to the fore, serving to spur attempts to articulate the doctrine of the Trinity (Kelly 1978, p. 223). At the opening of the fourth century, we have little information about a Western view of the place of the Word in the godhead. In the East, the emphasis had primarily been on divine unity (Kelly 1978, p. 224). The distinctions were held as mysterious and didn't receive much discussion.
    In the first third of the fourth century, Alexander of Alexandria, while affirming the unity of the Godhead, still asserted that the Word, while uncreated, served as a mediator between God and creation (Kelly 1978, p. 224). While the Son is co-eternal with the Father, and cannot be separated from the Father, he is, in some way, not completely identical to the Father (Kelly 1978, p. 225). In contrast to Alexander, Eusebius considers the Word to be God, yet he is hesitant to appeal to co-eternity (Kelly 1978, p. 226). Eusebius will affirm that the Father and Son share an identical glory.
    Arius, a presbyter from Alexandria, entered into this discussion in the decade before 324 (Kelly 1978, p. 226). He was clear that the Father was ingenerate, eternal, and without beginning. Because God is never changing, Arius considered it impossible that he could share in substance with any other being, as that would diminish him (Kelly 1978, p. 227). For this reason, Arius believed it necessary that the Son must be created. This resulted in a doctrine of the Son as not self-existent, not eternal, and differing from the Father in his essence (Kelly 1978, p. 228). In short, the Son is finite, while the Father is infinite. This subjects the Son to accusations of change and even sin (Kelly 1978, p. 229).
    Arius' teaching gained some traction for several years, though Kelly observes that it would not have been broadly acceptable in the East or West. Receiving notice from Constantine in 324, the move toward unity of doctrine resulted in the council of Nicea in 325 (Kelly 1978, p. 231). The creedal statement, which is essentially that which we use today, was to receive elaboration of the third article at a later date. It also included a statement anathematizing several specific statements of Arian thought (Kelly 1978, p. 232). Subsequently, Athanasius wrote a number of treatises to refute Arius' claims. Kelly notes that in many ways the Nicene Creed engages in negative teaching. The positive theological teachings intended are more difficult to articulate (Kelly 1978, p. 233). The statements about the substance of the Son, however, are clear. At issue, in Kelly's opinion, is the extent to which the Creed rejected Origen's understanding of the nature of οὐσία in the Son (Kelly 1978, p. 234). It was understood by later theologians that the Father and the Son have an identical nature. It is not entirely clear what Origen had intended in using that language.
    In the twenty years or so after the council of Nicea, Arianism continued to be a matter of serious debate (Kelly 1978, p. 237). Ariaans who had been exiled continued to teach, and to return into the empire. Some were able to depose and even exile supporters of the Nicene faith (Kelly 1978, p. 238). Eventually, however, the council of Constantinople in 381 reaffirmed the Nicean faith. Kelly describes the polemics in use during the period in some detail (Kelly 1978, p. 239).
    The Nicene party included radical and more moderate elements. Kelly describes the more radical element as leaning toward a Sabellian point of view in which the Logos cannot be distinguished from the Father in any meaningful way (Kelly 1978, p. 240). Athanasius strikes Kelly as a more moderate adherent to the nicene faith. His affirmation that the Son must be fully divine was not remotely Sabellian in nature. Rather, salvation is possible only if the Son is just as divine as the Father (Kelly 1978, p. 243). On this account, Athanasius would condemn Arian thought. Because the Father is eternal and uncreated, not limited by time, so the Son is eternal and uncreated (Kelly 1978, p. 244). The Son is distinct from the Father, but is of the same nature.
    In opposition to the Nicene party, Kelly identifies three parties (Kelly 1978, p. 247). One was conciliatory in tone but consistently left ways an Arian could remain in fellowship with orthodoxy. For example, the united will of the Godhead, or the fact that the Son was begotten outside of time would be emphasized (Kelly 1978, p. 248). Another party was specifically and unabashedly Arian, often manifest in "a neo-Platonic metaphysic of three hierarchically ordered, mutually exclusive οὐσίαι" (Kelly 1978, p. 249). Finally, there was a group sometimes (unfairly) described as Semi-Arian (Kelly 1978, p. 249). They preferred to take no definitive stand on the nature of the generation of the Son. These parties in opposition to Nicene piety generally dissipated toward the end of the fourth century (Kelly 1978, p. 251).  

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Community, Baptism, and Eucharist in the 3rd Century

6/5/2025

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Tuesday Scholarly Notes
6/5/25

Kelly, J.N.D. (1978). "Chapter 8: The Christian Community." (pp. 189-220). Harper San Francisco. (Personal Library)
    While we may be tempted to think of early Christianity in terms of independent local congregations, Kelly notes that Ignatius considered the churches as part of one larger body. The Smyrnans reported on Polycarp's martyrdom to multiple churches (Kelly 1978, p. 188). The concept of one larger, universal church is present from the earliest time. This concept can also be found in the second century apologists, who treated the Church as representing a universal body of beliefs (Kelly 1978, p. 189). Kelly notes, however, that counter to many 20th century assumptions, the early Christians did not think in terms of a "visible" and "invisible" church. In their view, the Church was always something with a visible manifestation (Kelly 1978, p. 191). The concept of an invisible church was a fruit of Gnostic thought. It was therefore opposed by the orthodox thinkers (Kelly 1978, p. 192).
    Sacraments, in this period, were understood as "external rites, more precisely signs, which Christians believe convey, by Christ's appointment, an unseen sanctifying grace" (Kelly 1978, p. 193). Kelly considers baptism, eucharist, and penance, as he finds evidence for these practices as early as the second century. The technical terms μυστήριον or sacramentum were not in clear use before the time of the Alexandrian fathers and Tertullian.
    Baptism, from this time period, was seen as the entry into the church (Kelly 1978, p. 194). It was seen as effective in cleansing from sin and imparting the holy Spirit, and thus, life. A literal anointing with oil may or may not have been practiced. However, Kelly maintains that the symbolic view of an anointing of the Holy Spirit was recognized and was distinguished from the various Gnostic anointings (Kelly 1978, p. 195).
    The eucharist, which was not received by those who were not baptized, was fairly quickly recognized as some form of a sacrifice (Kelly 1978, p. 196). The actual nature of this sacrifice was less clearly defined. Kelly finds it related to prayer as well as serving as a "memorial." In general, he sees the understood motion as an offering made to God, though it is also clear that it is related to jesus' offering himself for humans (Kelly 1978, p. 197).
    Kelly notes that, though there is evidence for a sacrament of penance, it is "bafflingly meagre" (Kelly 1978, p. 198). The purpose is to deal with sins in the life after baptism. In the second century, Kelly finds it common to maintain that sins committed purposely could not be remitted. Yet, in practice, it would seem most took a more lenient approach (Kelly 1978, p. 199).
    From a doctrinal standpoint, Kelly does not see many developments during the second century (Kelly 1978, p. 200). The Church was one body throughout the world, and was that which unified all the individual congregations. Toward the end of the second century, some forms of rigorist thought, which we might consider akin to Pietism, arose. The particular acts of righteousness which were expected of Christians became more clearly codified, along with penitential practices (Kelly 1978, p. 201). The Church, in some cases, was viewed more as a training ground for sinners than as a gathering of the righteous. Kelly describes at some length, however, the views of Clement and others in Alexandria who emphasized the church as the gathering of the righteous, often in terms of a pure heart rooted in γνῶσις (Kelly 1978, p. 202-203). In contrast to the eastern view of Alexandria, Cyprian of Carthage emphasized a "practical and even legalistic" orientation (Kelly 1978, p. 204). This view was to dominate the West until the time of Augustine. Unity is to be found in the agreement of the various bishops as they seek out a unified understanding of the Christian faith (Kelly 1978, p. 205). Schismatics could not be tolerated in the Church. Therefore, belief and practice needed to be clearly defined (Kelly 1978, p. 206).
    In the course of the third century, Kelly notes that schismatic controversies and the rapid growth of the church had an influence on baptismal practices and understandings (Kelly 1978, p. 207). Baptism came to be understood more in terms of forgiveness of sins but less in terms of an impartation of the Holy Spirit. This shift moved the expected reception of the Holy Spirit to coincide with a laying on of hands or chrismation (Kelly 1978, p. 208). In this process, the effect of water baptism was downplayed. In some authors, the laying on of hands by the bishop, thus imparting the Holy Spirit, was understood as the critical need (Kelly 1978, p. 210).
    Eucharistic doctrine did not undergo much development in the third century, though Kelly does find the emphasis to shift slightly more toward that of a eucharistic sacrifice. The concept of the presence of the body and blood of Christ feeding the soul remained fairly consistent (Kelly 1978, p. 211). Kelly does particularly observe a difference in language used regarding the Eucharist. Tertullian, among others, affirms that the bread "represents" the body of Christ. However, in the idiom of the time, the word meant that the bread made Jesus' body present again (Kelly 1978, p. 212). It was not understood as we would now consider a symbol. Kelly illustrates this in some detail. He finds that Cyprian of Carthage articulated the concept of a eucharistic sacrifice, by describing the Eucharist in terms of doing exactly what Jesus did, including, in some way, making a pleasing offering of the passion of Christ (Kelly 1978, p. 215).
    By the start of the third century Kelly finds at least an outline of a penitential discipline recognized (Kelly 1978, p. 216). It appeared to be a public observation, rather than the private confession and absolution with which we are more familiar. Public penance was very serious and could only be undertaken once in a lifetime, after baptism. It was reserved for sins we would consider very serious, such as idolatry, adultery, or homicide (Kelly 1978, p. 217). Less notorious sins were to be cared for by individual repentance, and were not particularly mediated by the Church. During the third century a tendency for the more notorious sins to be dealt with by the bishops without public ceremony grew up (Kelly 1978, p. 218).

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What Makes Arianism So Poisonous?

6/3/2025

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Church History
6/3/25

Schaff, Philip. (2014). "Chapter IX. Theological Controversies, and Development of the Ecumenical Orthodoxy." In  History of the Christian Church. (The Complete Eight Volumes in One). Volume 3, Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity A.D. 311-600, from Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great. (pp. 2327-2561). (Original work published 1889).  Amazon Kindle Edition. (Personal Library). (sections 117-160).

"§123. The Theological Principles Involved: Import of the Controversy." (pp. 2367-2369).
    Schaff here begins to review the theological challenges, rather than political and personal issues involved in the conflict between Arian and orthodox thought (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). Though the dispute in Nicea seemed to center around a difference made by an iota in a word, the philosophical implications of the dispute are enormous. At issue was the relationship of the Father and the Son, which is central to the understanding of the very nature of Christianity. In the orthodox understanding, particularly as described by Athanasius, if God the Son is not absolutely the very God, he is relegated to a role in the created order and is not able to restore fallen man to God (Schaff 2014, p. 2367). The Arian concept further separates man from God. Schaff considers Arian thought to be governed by human reason, political intrigue, and not by divine revelation (Schaff 2014, p. 2369). This may well explain the Arian operation in the political world, as opposed to being primarily a biblical discussion.

"§124. Arianism." (pp. 2370-2374).
    After cataloging a number of names used of Arians, tied to leaders or specific content of particular doctrines, Schaff summarizes the doctrine (Schaff 2014, p. 2370). At issue is the contention that the Father is the only true God and that the Son is in some way a contingent being, though the creator of the world. He was created out of nothing, and as a created being he does not share the essence of God. It is important, in Schaff's estimation, to affirm Arianism as far superior to a number of older heresies as well as to deism or rationalism. The Son is personal and exists before all worlds. Yet he is still part of creation, so not God (Schaff 2014, p. 2370).
    Arius limited God the Son in "his duration, his power, and his knowledge, and expressly asserted that the Son does not perfectly know the Father" (Schaff 2014, p. 2371). As Arian thought was developed, its advocates brought further inconsistencies into theology. Rationalism was applied to the Arian doctrine, but was unable to resolve the central difficulty, that of a Son who was not entirely God (Schaff 2014, p. 2372). Schaff finds that the Arian arguments are based on Scriptures which indicate Christ doing things such as growing, not knowing some things, becoming weary, or being sorrowful (Schaff 2014, p. 2372). Athanasius, in his opposition to Arius, has a tendency to assign all these characteristics to Jesus' human nature. He then responds to Arius with texts attributing divinity to Jesus (Schaff 2014, p. 2373). The Arians primarily argued by denial of orthodox affirmations. The orthodox normally laid out a positive case for their point of view.

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Eight

5/29/2025

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Matthew's Gospel - Chapter Twenty-Eight

Keep working on learning where to look for different things in Matthew's Gospel. In chapter Twenty-Seven Jesus is executed.

Write down at least three questions you hope will be answered.

Read Albrecht's commentary on Matthew, pages 434-444.

See if you have any more questions or answers.

Questions for Study and Discussion:

Recall that at the death of Jesus in chapter 27 there was an earthquake. In 28:2 there is one accompanying the resurrection as well. Matthew's account here suggests that the angel came at the same time as the women, and that Jesus was gone when the tomb was opened. What does this tell us about the nature of Jesus' body in the resurrection?

In verse 11 the guards tell the chief priests what happened. In the verses that follow, the chief priests engage in what they see as damage control. What do their actions signify?

We are told in other passages, notably in Luke/Acts, John, and 1 Cor. 15 of other post-resurrection events until Jesus ascended 40 days after the resurrection. Matthew jumps directly to the 40th day in verse 16.

Analyze the implications of verses 16-20 in detail. How do they anticipate what Christians still think and do?

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